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fy^/ 0O(, 











FOR THE YEAR 1860-61. 





JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. VJ>.SJl. Director. 











WILLLA3i JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A. Secretary. 


The CouNGn* of the Camden Socistt desire it to be under- 
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa- 
tions that mAy appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors 
of the several works being alone responsible for the same. 





Foxe's Acts and Monuments ix 

His Manuscript Collections xii 

The Works of Strype xvi 

The character of Foxe and of his great work .... xxii 

I. The Reminiscences of John Louth, Archdeacon of Nottingham , 

written in the year 1579. 

Biographical Memoir of the Writer ..... 1 
Introductory letter addressed to John Foxe . . • .15 

The examination of the blind boy of Gloucester ... 18 
The strange and hasty death of doctor Williams, chancellor of 

Gloucester . 20 

The tragical life and end of a right Catholic priest in London . 23 
Of an ancient Protestant called Mr. John Petit, burgess for the 

City of London in Parliament 25 

Visits of John Frith to Mr. Petit' 27 

The history of Mr. William Ford, usher in Wyckham college 

at Winchester 29 

The story of Richard Wever of Bristol 31 

Of Mr. Anthony Quynby of Oxford 32 

Of the shameful murdering of Mr. Edmund Louthe, of Sawtrey 

More of Mrs. Anne Askew 39 

More of Mr. John Pliilpot, archdeacon of Winchester • . 47 
Of Cooke, the registrar of Winchester, and persecutor of Mr. 

Philpot, and God's vengeance upon him .... 49 
The first occasion of the Cardinal's overthrow by good Queen 

Anne .52 

The death of Mr. Zouch of Codnor castle .... 57 

Postscripty addressed to Foxe • 59 



II. The imprisonment of John Davis, a Boy of Worcester, written 

by himself in after-life . . r . . • . 60 

ni. The Marttkdom of Edward Horns, at Newent, in 1558 . . 69 

IV. Autobiographical Narrative of Thomas Hancock, Minbter of 

His suspension under the Six Articles . . . . . 71 
Preaching at Christchurch and Salisbury in Edward's reign . 72 
Interview with the Dvike of Somerset at Syan. • . .76 

His ministry at Poole 77 

Second interview with the Duke of Somerset • • • .79 

The Mass restored at Poole 81 

Hancock goes into exile 84 

V. The Defence of Thomas Thagkham, Minister at Reading, in 

regard to his conduct towards JuuNS Palmer ... 15 
Letter of Thomas Purye to Foxe 87 

YI. Autobiographical Anecdotes of Edward Underbill, esquire, 

one of the Band of Gkntlemen Pensioners • . .132 
His arrest at Limehouse, for a balled he made against the 

papists, upon the proclamation of Queen Mary • .134 
Digression 1. His controversy with sir Edward Hastings at 
Calais concerning the natural presence of Christ in tne 

sacrament of the altar 136 

His examination before the council at the Tower . .138 

Digression 2. His preserving Lord Russell from drowning in 

the Thames . . 140 

His altercation with secretary Bourne, and allusions to that 

statesman's history ib. 

His delivery to the charge of the sheriff of Middlesex . .145 

His committal to Newgate 146 

Digreanon 8. His services at Landreci and Boulogne . .147 
Digression 4. God*s mercy to his servants during the great 

persecution in Queen Mary's time 149 

Underhill*8 illness in Newgate 150 



VI. Underhill*s Autobiographical Anecdotes — continued, 

Digeeasion 5. Christening of his son Guilford, queen Jane 
being Godmother, and the lady Throckmorton her deputy : 
the latter, on her return to the Tower, finds her mistresses 
royalty terminated 152 

His release from Newgate, and return to Limehurst . .153 

Rides on horseback to see queen Mary*s coronation procession 

pass St. Paul*s • 154 

Digression 6. His prosecution before archbishop Cranmer of 

the vicar of Stepney, quondam abbot of Tower-hill . .157 
Digression 7. His prosecution of certain notorious gamblers, 
and of the ballad he pu#forth against them, and a bill he 
wrote in defence of bishop Hooper 158 

■^Digression 8. His contest at Stratford on the Bow, on taking 

the pyx from the altar ....... 160 

His removal from Stepney parish for fear of religious persecu- 
tion, and lodging in Wood Street . • . .161 

His anecdotes of Wyat^s rebellion ib* 

Serves with the band of pensioners at the queen's marriage at 
Winchester, having withstood and overcome the scruples of 
bishop Gardyner and mr. Norris 168 

His religious books are walled up in his chamber by Henry 

Daunce, the preaching bricklayer of Whitechapel . .171 

Removes to a house near Coventry ..... tJ. 

Digression 9. Notices of master Luke of Coleman Street, 
physician, the author of John Bon and Mast Parson, and 
anecdotes of the publication of that book • . .173 
Digression 10. Underhiirs arrest of Allen the prophesy er, 
who had circulated a false report that King Edward was 
dead • . ... . • . . . , tb, 

A prayer composed by Edward Underbill, out of the Psalms of 

David 175 

His verses on Christian Charity . . . . . .176 



VII. The Troubles of Thomas Mowntayne, Rector of St. Michael, 

Tower-Ryal, in the reign of Queen Mary: written by 
himself ......... 177 

The Communion at St. MichaeFs Tower-Ryall . • .178 
Interview with bishop Grardyner . . . . . .179 

Good works in the days of King Henry and King Edward . 182 
~ Jmprisonment in the Marshalsea . . . . .184 

Wyat's offer to the prisoners . . . . . .185 

Libel against King Philip ........ 187 

Racking of Thomas Stoning in the Tower . . . .188 

Mowntayne is sent to Cambridge Castle 190 

Entertained by the sheriff of Huntiigdonshire . .194 

Pacifies the keeper of Cambridge castle . . . . .199 

Arraigned at the sessions ....... 205 

Discharged upon sureties ... • . . . . 208 

Royal procession through Cheapside ..... 209 

Mowntayne escapes to Southwark, and to Colchester . . 210 
Sails from Gravesend to Dunkirk • . . • .212 

Teaches school at Antwerp . . • . . . .216 

Returns home afler the death of Queen Mary . . ' . , ib. 

VIII. The Lyfe and Death of Thomas Cranmer, late Abche- 

BUSHOPE OF Canterbury. 
His birth and education . . . . . • .218 
His judgment on the King's divorce . . . • .219 
Embassies to France, to the Emperor, and the Pope . • 220 
Made Archbishop . . . . . • . .221 

His Collections of Law, and on the Sacraments, and from 

the Holy Scripture and the Holy Fathei*8 . . 221, 388 
His arguments against the Pope's supi*emacy ... . . 222 
Preparation of the Bishops' Book or " The Institution of a 

Christian Man" 223 

His conduct in King Edward's settlement of the Crown . 225 

His letter on the mass being re-established at Canterbury . 227 

His disputation at Oxford . * 228 

His dying declaration 229 




IX. Anecdotes and Character of Archbishop Cranmer : by Ralph 

Morice, his Secretary ....... 234 

Notices of Ralph Morice, and his Various contributions to John 

Foxe 235,341,342 

. 238 

. 240 

. 241 

. 243 


. 244 


. 246 

. 248 

. 250 

justices of 

. 251, 252, 342 
. 251, 253 

of the popish members of privy council 251, 254 

Saves the lady Mary from imprisonment in the Tower, and dis- 
closes the behaviour of queen Katharine Howard . .259 
Manner and order of his hospitality and housekeeping . .260 
His maintenance of the temporalities of his see . . . 263 
Behaviour towai'ds his family . . . . . .268 

The " infamy " that he had been an osteler . . . .269 

Birth and education of Cranmer 

His first marriage at Cambridge . 

Arguments on the Bang's divorce . 

His embassies to the Pope and Emperor 

His second marriage in Germany . 

Made Archbishop 

Qualities wherewith he was specially endowed 

His lenity and kindness towards the Papists 

His opposition to the Six Articles . 

His coat of arms ..... 

Parries the attacks of the prebendaries and 


of Sir John Gostwyck 

X. Cranjier and Canterbury School: by Ralph Morice 


XL The Answers of Mr. Thomas Lawney : by the same. 

Concerning priests* wives . . . . . .276 

Concerning Bishop Stokesley and his portion of the New 

Testament translation . . . . . . .277 

Xn. Chronicle of the Years 1532 — 1537, written by a Monk of 

St. Augustine's, Canterbury . . . . . .279 

Xin. Summary of Ecclesiastical Events in 1554 

CAMD. 80C. b 




Appendix of Additional Notes and Documents. 

To the Reminiscences of John J^outhe . 
The first Protestants at Oxford 
Bearing a fagot . . . • . . 
John Petit, citizen for London in Parliament 
The Murder of Robert Packington in 1536 
The Racking of Anne Askew .... 

Protestant Ladies of the Court of Henry VIII. . 
Anne Hartipole and the Countess of Sussex 
To the Imprisonment of John Davis 
To the Autobiographical Narrative of Thomas Hancock 

Extracts from Bale's ** Expostidacion," <&c. 
To the Defence of Thomas Thackham . 

Letters patent for the Mastership of Reading School 
To the Autobiography of Edward Underhill . 
The Band of Gentlemen Pensioners . 
Eling Edward the Sixth and Saint George 
Doctor Luke Shepherd, the author of John Bon and 

Person . . . 

Allen the Prophesyer and his charms 
Examination of William Wicherley, conjurex . 
To the Autobiography of Thomas Mowntayne 
George Eagles, or Trudge-over-the-world . 
To the Life and Death of Archbishop Cranmer 

The Literary History of Cranmer's Collections from the 

Holy Scriptures and the Fathers 

To Morice's Anecdotes, &c. of Cranmer . 

Further Additional Notes. — Mary of Henawde and Queen 

Philippa, and the families of Beaumys and Le Moyne 
The Cruel Treatment of William Maldon when a Boy, at 
Chelmsford, by his Father ...... 

(ilossarial Index .......... 

General Index 













These Narratives are derived, for the most part, from documents ' 
which have great literary as well as historical importance, in rela- 
tion to the works of the two most. voluminous authors upon the 
Ecclesiastical History of this country. They were the stores once 
laid up in the study of John Foxe — the reliquiae or *' remaines '^ 
of the AcTES AND Monuments op the Church. On the other 
hand, they were the very materials which first encouraged John 
Strype to embark on those researches that occupied nearly forty 
years of his laborious life. But since they passed from the hands of 
Strype they have not received all the attention that is due to their 
interest and importance. 

Notwithstanding the suspicions upon the veracity of John Foxe 
which have been sedulously suggested by his enemies, and, in part, 
too readily admitted by many who ought to have stood his Mends, 
there has been little attempt to test his statements by contemporary 
documents. Indeed, such was the mass to which his work had 
grown, that it would seem rather to have been the ordinary effort 
of its successive editors to compress or abridge, than in any way to 
add to its information, or authenticate and illustrate its statements.* 
Even in the last edition, professedly ** complete," prepared by the 

* The work has always had inattentive editors, among whom we must 
include even John Foxe himself. A remarkable instance of this is pointed out 
in p. 290 of the present volume. An important erratum committed in the first 
edition, discovered before its publication, and there acknowleged, was never 
rectified in the text until the printing of the last edition hy Mr. Cattley. 



Rev. Stephen Reed Cattley, this was the last thing thought of. That 
gentleman contented himself with comparing the old printed 
editions and forming a text from them ; and it was not until the 
great deficiencies and inaccuracies of his book, in every respect, had 
been exposed by the repeated criticisms of the Rev. Dr. Maitland, 
that an attempt was made to supply, in some measure, what was so 
manifestly wanting, by the means of supplementary notes and 
I appendices. Recourse was then at last had to Foxe's Manuscript 
Collections, preserved in the British Museum — ^partly in the Har- 
leian and partly in the Lansdowne collections* — and a very few pieces 
resembling those which form the present volume were transcribed 
and printed.! At the same time copies of Foxe's letters were placed 

* Dr. Bliss, in his edition of the Athenss Oxonlenses, erroneously stated 
that " all Foxe*8 original collections were purchased for Lord Oxford, and are 
now in the Ilarleian Collection." But some that had been in Strype^s hands 
were not Included in that purchase, but found their way into the Lansdowne 
Collection. Dr. Bliss made a still more unfortunate assertion when he 
remarked that it was perfectly unnecessary to enlarge on the biography of 
John Foxe, because it had been written so often and so well. In no case 
could such an encomium have been so undeservedly paid. Mr. Townsend and 
Dr. Maitland are agreed upon that point, if not on any other. The former 
laments ** that the memoir of Foxe by his son, is written without any attention 
to dates," and that "it is impossible to reconcile its discrepancies." The 
latter maintains that it was not written by Foxe^s son at all, and is of no 
authority. Yet upon that life the several biographers of Foxe have hitherto 
relied. One of the most important points upon which Dr. Maitland considers 
that the life in question is not to be believed, aifd which, if so, goes far to 
condemn it, is its assertion that Foxe was expelled from his fellowship at 
Magdalene College. I should state that I was not aware of this circumstance 
when I printed the note in p. 59. 

I John and Roger Hall to John Foxe : [their] information of one Day, a 
priest, curate of Maydston. In Mr. Townsend*s Life, 1841, p. 149; 1843, 
p. 94 ; from MS. Harl. 416, fol. 123. 

Morice*8 paper concerning the communication of Latimer with Baynehnni 

• • • 


in the hands of Mr. Canon Townsend, who had undertaken to write 
the Martyrologist's life; and in that composition, which is prefixed 
to Mr. Cattley's work, some fifty of these letters were printed, in 
many instances very incorrectly. Besides these, Grindal's corre- 
spondence with Foxe has been edited by the Parker Society in their 
" Remains of Archbishop Grindal." 

Such is the inadequate attention that has in modem times been 
paid to these important records. It is true that Strype in most of 
his works had made very considerable use of them : but it should 
not be supposed that he had exhausted all their stores of information, 
nor that in every case he has employed them to the best advantage, 
or even always viewed their contents in their true light. Neither 
has he edited them with that exactitude which is now generally 
required and bestowed. Some he has printed entire, but in the or- 
thography of his own day; of others he has given a part here and a 
part there, or stated their substance in his own language; and of 
others he has employed the information without referring to its 

Strype did not introduce into his published works so much of 
Foxe's personal history as he might have done, because he contem- 
plated the Life of Foxe as a distinct book. This appears from a 
letter of the Rev. Dr. Samuel Knight (author of the Life of Erasmus) 
to the Rev. Dr. Zachary Grey, written after visiting the venerable 
historian when " turned ninety, yet very brisk, and with only a 
decay of sight and memory,'' — in the following passage : — 

Mr. Strype told inc that he had great materials towards the Life of the old 
Lord Burghley and Mr. Foxe the martyrologist, which he wished he could 
have finished, but most of his papers are in characters ; his grandson is learning 
to decypher them. • 

when in Newgate. In vol. iv. p. 770, of the 1843—49 edition ; but not in that 
of 1841, as I have incorrectly stated in p. 237 hereafter. 

These are all, or nearly so. 

• Nicholses Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century, vol. v. p. 360. 


Strypc is an author to whom very frequent reference has been, 
and must continue to be, made by all writers who follow him in the 
field of the Ecclesiastical History of this country. His compila- 
tions, however imperfect in many respects, are, from their great 
scope and extent, not likely to be readily superseded; and even if 
they were so, by the production of some very superior work, they 
would still continue to be cited, both for the dociunents which they 
contain, and for the various passages in which their statements are 
now interwoven with our subsequent literature, both historical and 
controversial. . But it is not ungratefrd towards an industrious and 
honest, buj; not very judicious author, to assert that it has been too 
much the practice for modem writers to adopt the statements of 
Strypc upon events in the sixteenth century, as if they came with 
the authority of a contemporary, a deference to which they certainly 
are not entitled. Every earnest searcher after truth will, on the 
contrary, be desirous to ascertain upon what evidence the statements 
of Strjrpe are founded; and in this view alone the " Foxii MSS." 
from which he derived so much, must be esteemed as of especial 

The earliest of Strype's historical works was his ** Memorials of 
Cranmer," published in the year 1693, in the preface to which he 
made the following acknowledgment: — 

I hare been conTersant in what remaineth of the papers of John Fox, 
communicated to me by the favour of mj good fHend William Willys, of 
Hackney, esquire, among which there is a MS. Life of Cranmer * ; Annals 
writ by an Augustine Monk of Canterbury, from the year 1532 to 1538 f ; 
many letters of Fox, and other learned men to him, relating to the affairs or 
afflictions of the Church in those times ; and abundance more, too long here to 
be inserted. 

Again, in the preface to his Ecclesiastical Menaorials, written 
nearly thirty years later, Strype says — 

* That printed in pp. 218—233 of the present Tolume. 
t Printed in pp. 279—286. 

1 hftvfl had nlao the uae of nunicrouR MSB. of euctuaiuticBl affsirs, sometime 
Imlonging to the fumous MArtyrologiet, Jotio t'ox ; a!i<l that bj the kiodncgs 
of a geolileman thnt vrim executor to tbe said Fox's laat desoeadaut deceased. 

By "Fox'b last descendant" Stryix: appeare to have meant Sir 
Thomas Fox WiDys, Bart. w)io died lu 1701 a lunatic; aud by the 
latter's "executor," his cousin William Wiilya, esiiwire,* before named 
in the preface to the Memorials of Crantner. The jnother of Sir 
Thomas Fox Willys was Alice, daughter and sole heir of Thomas 
Pox, M.D. of Wultliam Abbey, who wob the sod of Samuel Fox, 
and grandson of John Foxe, the Martyrologist. 

The manuscripts, it would seem, were either eventually given to 
Strype, or allowed 1« remain in his hands until his death, at a very 
advanced age, in 1737. Tlie greater part of them were then pur- 
chased by the Earl of Oxford, whose agent Humphrey Wanlcy had ^^ 
long kept his eye upon them. These now form the volumes 416 to ["^ 
426 inclusive of the Harlcian collection;! besides which, some of 
Foxe'fl papers arc bound in a volume of larger dimensions, numbered 

• Sir Thoiuaa WiUys and Sir Richard Wiilya, two brothers, were both 
created Baronets by Charles thi! First, the former in 1641 ami the Utter in 
1ti46- Sir Eichard married Alice, daughter and solu hcU of Tbomai Fox, 
MS), who had issue an only son. Sir Thomoa Fox Willys, oa nboau death the 
haiouutcy conferred on hia father became extinct in 1701 . Of the other family 
there were aix Baroneta, the laat of whom died in 1732. William Willys, 
Mqoire, of Hackney, to whom Strype was indebted for the use of Foxe's 
Dttnuicripts, was a Hamburgh uierchant, a younger son of Sir Thomas, the 
lint Baronet of Feu Dittou, cu. (JaniLridge, and coDsequently cousin to Sir 
liliouiaB Fox Willy». He died in 1726. (Courthope's Extinct Baronetage, 
Bto. 1S35, p.21G.) 

■f They are described at couiiderable length in the Cataloaue of th e Harlei an .j7~ 
^OQSQDVlA KolJ._£P;S36 — 2£0. Their urrangcmenl, however, both as 
I napecte subjects and dote*, is oa confused as it could possibly be : nu trouble 
Rirhatever, in that rcspuct, bod been taken whea Uiey wero bound. 




590.* A few, however, were separated from the rest; but, having 
found their way into the collection of the Marquess of Lansdowne, 
are now, like the others, in our national museum. These are now 
interspersed in the Lansdowne collection (Nos. 335, 388, 389, 819, 
1045, and possibly others, for others of the Lansdowne MSS. 
belonged to Strype). 

A learned and judicious gentleman, already named, well known 
for the attention which he has for many years bestowed upon eccle- 
siastical history, as well as for the peculiar advantages which he has 
enjoyed of access to some of its most important sources, has not long 
since circulated among his friends a few pages bearing the title of 
Notes upon Strype;! repeating the arguments which he had 
written some ten or twelve years before, in recommendation of a new 
edition of Strype's works, at the request of a London publisher. 

It will (Dr. Maitland remarks) be admitted by all who are in any degree 
acquainted with it, that there is no period of our history which is more 
interesting than that of the Reformation. And this, not merely considered in 
an ecclesiastical, but in a political and philosophical point of view ; and as 
bearing on our constitution, our laws, habits, modes of thought and action, — 
on the whole history of our country since that time, and our own state and 
circumstances at the present day. Neither will it be denied, that for anything 
like familiar acquaintance with this period, we are incomparably more indebted 
to Strype, than to any other man. The industry and integrity with which, 
during a long course of years, he devoted himself to the collection of materials 

* It is in this volume that the narrative of William Maldon occurs, which, 
having been observed too late for the text of this volume, is placed at the end 
of the Appendix. There is a remarkable passage at its commencement, showing 
Foxe*s habits in soliciting materials for his work. In the same volume is also 
preserved a contemporary narrative (but imperfect) of the murder of the 
Hartgills by Charles Lord Stourton : this is introduced by Strype, but with 
several errors, in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii. and is reprinted by Sir 
R. C. Hoare in his Modern Wiltshire, Hundred of Mere, p. 153. 

I Octavo, pp. 15, dated Gloucester, Feb, 22, 1858. 

for the hiitorj of those times, eDtitle him to our WHrmest gratitude ; tind tbe 
treuure of facta ami docuiucnta which he collecteil, whether contidered in 
respect ofitEi bulk, or of ita interest and importance, is altogether uariTalled. 

After bestowing upon Strypc thia well-merited eulogy, Dr. Mail- 
land proceeds to lament that tlie works of that laborioua compiler 
are less fumiliar than tliey ought to be to English readers; that they 
are presented in a very uncomfortable, unreadable state, or kept from 
circulation by their costly price; that, whether in the old unwieldy 
folios, or in the twenty-five octavo volumes reprinted by the Clarendon 
Press, thc-y are individually unfurnished with indexes; and though, 
in the latter respect, there is a general index to the whole series, yet 
it is unreasonable and absurd to require the purchaser of any one of 
the works to buy an index to the whole, itself forming two thick 
volumes; whilst the total cost of the scries is an expense which few 
etudenta will be disposed to incur at one time.* 

Such are some of Dr. Maitland'a objections agwnst the works of 
Strype in their present state: but the more important charge which 
he biiiigs against them is, that they are full of en-ors of transcription 
and the press, of which he exhibits many examples tliat very mate- 
rially affect the meaning of the documents and quotations introduced. 

On these grounds Dr. Mailland recommends that the labours of iv 
careful revision should be bestowed upon the woi-ks of Strype, and 
that they sliould be again issued in an amended statef 

" The price of the Oxford edition, in 27 vols, (including the General Index) 
ia now reduced from lU. to 71. I3(. 

-\ There have been two modern attempts to republish Strjpe, the Memorials 
of Cranmer having been edited ononjmouslf for the Ecclesiastical Ilietory 
Society in 1848, and by Philip Edward Barnes, esq. B.A. for Mr. lloul- 
ledge, in 1853. On both occoaiona it was proposed that Strype'a other works 
should follow, but no more made their appearance. Indeed, tbe Ecclesiastical 
History Society broke down after having published only two volumes out of 

CAMD. 80C, C 

xviii PBEFAOB. 

On the other side of the question it might be alleged, and perhaps 
with equal truth, that not any one of Strype's wotks is in itself 
complete as respects any particular period or transaction ; that most 
subjects of which he treats are discussed in more than one of his 
books,* and that therefore a General Index is the best, and indeed 
the only satisfactory, key to them ; and consequently, in order to 
make them really what could be wished, the whole should be reoast 
into a chronological narrative, or at least the disjecta membra of 
certain important transactions should be brought together, and 
properly connected. 

On the whole, the more the subject is considered, the more evident 
it appears that it is not merely revision^ but a remoulding and 
rewriting, that the works of Strype require. Whilst on the one 
hand his documents undoubtedly ought to be collated, and should 
never be again reprinted without collation, because they are imper* 
feet and incorrect ;t so, on the other, his narrative ought to be 
remodelled, not because it is often prejudiced or intentionally unfair, 
but because it is frequently confused in arrangement, imperfect in 
information, and now obsolete in style. 

In many places where Strjrpe has reported, in his own termd, a 
story of the sixteenth century, his language is now really more 
old-fashioned and unlike our own, than the plain but effective 

* The history of Foxe*s Actes and Monuments affords an example, among 
scores of others. That work, and the various editions of it which appeared 
during the reign of Elizabeth, form a subject which is treated of by Strype in 
some half-dozen different places. 

t " I do not mean to reflect on Strype, whose integrity and good faith are 
beyond all doubt : but to the question whether the documents and extracts, as 
they stand in his works, are in fact accurate copies of their originals, only one 
answer can be given. They are not In many cases, — and some- 
times in documents of great importance, whereof one would desire to have 
correct copies, — ^there is, as the words now stand, nothing but obvious non- 
sense." (Notes on Strype, by the Bev. S. R. Maitland, D.D. p. 6.) 


phraseology of his original. Of this circumatance the present 
volume will afford frequent proofs. 

Whether Strype will yet obtain an editor so patient and so 
devoted aa Dr. Maitland has imagined, may now be doubted; but it 
must be generally admitted that it would be only a well-deserved 
testimony to the past labours and merits of the industrious historian 
in question, as to his more eminent predecessors, that any future 
Ecclesiastical History of England, on a large and comprehensive 
scale, whether accomplished by university, society, or individuals, 
should acknowlege upon its title-page that it was ** founded on the 
works of Foxe, Burnet, Strype," &c. !><'^ 

By printing " The Diary of Henry M ach yn " in its integrity the 
Camden Society has already made public one of the most curious 
sources of Strype's information, and the present volume may be 
regarded as a further instalment towards a critical edition of the 
dooiunents employed by StryjKJ. There are few historical students 
who will not prefer to read the ipsissima verba of the actors and 
sufferers in the perilous days of the Reformation rather than any 
modem version of their histories; and, though most of the writers 
in the present volume are shockingly astray from any recognised 
standard of orthography, yet it is well that at least one edition of 
their narratives should be printed as they themselves penned them. 

If the assertion of Doctor Johnson, that '* those relations are com- 
monly of most value in which the writer tells his own story," be 
admitted to be just, and one of general acceptation, then the amount 
of auto\)iography contained in the present volume will be greatly in 
its fityour. 

Archdeacon Louthe,* the writer of the first paper, relates his 

* Among the letters transcribed in Foxe's copy-book, which is now bound 
up in the Harl. MS. 417, at fol. 102 v. is the following, which is attributed to 
John Aylmer, bishop of London, in a side-note written by Strype ; but I think 
it much more probable that it was written by our friend John Louthe, the 
archdeacon of Nottingham : — 


anecdotes as of matters in which he had a personal concern, and of 
which he might say with the poet, Quorum pars magna fui. The 
narratives of John Davis, Thomas Hancock, Edward Underhill, 
Thomas Mowntayne, and William Maldon were all written by 
themselves; and the justification of the conduct of Thomas Thack- 
ham towards Julins Palmer also proceeded from his own pen. 

In several instances the accuracy of Foxe's book is brought into 
question. Archdeacon Louthe offers a determined defence of the 
martjnrologist upon that point, and it is on that account that I have 
placed his papers foremost in the present collection. 

He attributes the outcry that had been raised against Foxe's work 
entirely to the malice of the mortified papists, and alludes especially 
to the attack which had proceeded firom Louvaine, under the name 
of Alan Cope, but really written, as was supposed, by Nicholas 

^'Salutem in Christo. Accepimus Reginam Scotorum paralysi graviter 
laborare, vel ad desperationem, et aliis nonnullis torqueri morbifl. Rex 
ipse, optimse spei adolescens, parliamenti autoritate decrevit de unft religione 
confirmand& et papisticft e finibus suis exterminandft, ita ut quisque missam 
auditurus prlmo moneatur, sccundo bona ipsius fisco a(\judicentur, si tertio 
peccaverit solum vertere cogatur. Hsec ad te scripsi, turn ut hujus boni 
participemfaciam; turn ut a te preces cam lacbrjrmis Christo nostro fundantur, 
et nos beare, et suum evangel ium propagate pergat. Quse concedat optimus 
Jhesus noster, quem non minus tibi familiarem existimo qukm est amicus 
quisque amico. Ora, ora, mi frater, nam plurimum apud Christum tuas 
valere preces non dubito. 

*' Tui amantiss. Johanubs Loivd.** 

Strype has introduced this letter in his Life of Bishop Ajlmer, p. 43, 
(Oxford edition, p. 24,) and assigned it to about the year 1578. If the bishop 
of London addressed the martyrologist in these terms, they are certainly very 
extraordinary proof of the high estimation in which he was held by a prelate 
in so eminent a position ; but I am inclined rather to think that they came from 
the enthusiastic and highly intolerant John Louthe — ^who yet did not choose 
to appear exactly in propria penond, but signed Johankes Loub, not Lonb. 
as printed by Strype, and as it had been before by Foxe (see p. 14). 

But Louthe'e own anecdotes fumbh Bome proofs of the 
inexact reports to which Foxe was unavoidably subject, particularly 
when the remimacenccs of years long past were revived. 

The third article, that relating to Edward Home, was purposely 
written to correct some impeifect information in " the Booke of 
Martyrs," and yet it seems never to have been brought into its 
proper place. 

The " Defence of Thomas Thackham " is a dii'ect expostulation 
with Foxe in regard to some statements respecting Julins Pahuct in 
which Thackham's natnc had been introduced. His protestations, 
however, appear to have obtained httle credit with Foxe's original 
informants, in consequence of the opinion they had formed of tia 
insincerity. Though Thackham's argiuncnta are excessively prolix, 
and too tedious to be desirable as a whole, the portions I have 
extracted will be found* to contain some remarkable passages, and 
Bome very curioaa examples of Elizabethan phraseology, 

Foxe, though a very laborious, was never a carefid author. He 
admits this himself in the reply which he mnde to Alan Cope with 
respect to the stoi-y of Sir John Oldcastle lord Cobham: " 1 hearo 
what you will snie, 1 should have taken more leisure, and done it 
better, i graunt and confesse my fault; such is my vice, I cannot 
sit all the dale (M. Cope,) fining and mlnsing my letters, and 
combing my head, and smoothing myself all the daie at the glasse of 
Cicero. Yet notwithstanding, doing what I can, and doing my 
good will, me tliinkcs I should not be reprehended." 

The contents of the present volume certainly prove that Foxe, 
though always busy, was not fond of revising his writings. Several 
of the papers preserved among his Manuscripts were, like that of 
Home, communicated to hiin for the express ptii'pose of correcting 
bis great work, were pi-cservcil by him for that purpose, and yet 
were never brought to their destined use. 

I deem it perfectly unnecessary, liowevcr, to attempt any lormal 


defence of Foxe's honesty and veracity. I believe him to have 
been truth-seeking,* l)ut liable to mistakes in an age of difficult 
communication, and perhaps occasionally subjected to intentional 
mi3inforrnation.t The violence of his invective too often overshoots 
its object, and the coarseness of his abuse is necessarily offensive in 
the ears of a more reiined age. In that respect he too much re- 
sembles his friend and associate Bale, who may very probably have 
been the author of some of the comments, particularly in the side- 
note9, of the Book of Martyrs, that are so much in his stylo. It must 
also be admitted that in his remarks on the conduct and sufferings 
of those from whom he differed in matters of faith and discipline, 
Foxe too constantly discovers a merciless and unsympathising spirit, 
aa well as a jocularity towards holy things which is both ill-timed 
and profane. 

The Bev. Dr. Maitland, in his various essays J on Foxe's great 
work, has not only taken just exception to the tone and spirit in 
which its author wrote, but has shown some instances of vrbat must 

* 8ee in p. 17, note, his own admission, ** Although I deny not,** &c. 

f I am not myself aware of any proyed instance of this ; hut it is thus 
stated, and judiciously commented upon, by Granger, in his Biographical 
History of England : *' The same has been said of Foxe which was afterwards 
said of Burnet ; that several persons furnished him with accounts of pretended 
facts, with a view of ruining the credit of his whole performance. But the 
author does not stand in need of this apology ; as it was impossible in human 
nature to avoid many errors in so vduminous a work, a great part of which 
consists of anecdotes.** 

^ A Beview of Fox*8 History of the Waldenses* 1837. Syo. 

Six IfCtters on Fox*s Actes and Monuments. 1837. 

Six more Letters. 1841. 

Notes on the contributions of the Rev. Oeorge Townsend to the new edition 
of Fox*s Martyrology : Part 1. On the memoir of Fox ascribed to his Son ; 
Part 2. Puritan Thaumaturgy ; Part 3. Historical authority of Fox. 1842. 8vo. 

Essays on subjects connected with the Reformation in £ngl{U)d. Heprinted, 
frith additlqns, from the British Magazine. 1849. 8vo. 



be condemned as culpable carelessness in the treatment of historical 
^vidence^ and imperfect skill in learning and scholarsliip. All this 
Dr. Maitland has demonstrated with such minuteness and perse- 
verance as might have been deemed imnecessary, or excessive, had 
not the advocates of the martyrologist, in a spirit of blind and 
injudicious partisanship, assumed undue weight for his historical 
authority. The proposition of the Convocation of 1571, that '*the 
Monuments of the Martyrs" should be placed for public perusal in 
the houses of bishops, deans, and dignitaries, and in cathedral 
chuifches— which last expression has been grossly elcaggerated into 
*' all parish churches^" — ^in company with the Holy Bible and other 
like books pertaining to religion, seems to have exalted the Actes 
and Monuments of John Foxe, in the estimation of his over-zealous 
admirers, to a rank scarcely inferior to that of the Acts of the 

It can now no longer be disputed that as a general history of the 
Church, in its earlier ages, Foxe's work has been shown to be partial 
and prejudiced in spirit, imperfect and inaccurate in execution; 
but it is when approaching his own times— if allowance be still 
made for the prejudices and partiality which of course continue—* 
that the book becomes most valuable as a record of the doings and 
sufferings, a mirror of the opinions, passions, and manners of the 
people of England. For the early annals of the Church there are 
other authors to be preferred, both of antecedent and of subsequent 
date; but for familiar pictures of public and private struggles for 
conscience sake, it is probably unequalled in any coimtry or 
language. It is the Chronicle of the days of the Reformation, the 
Book of Mabtyrs upon which the intense interest of their own 
and many subsequent generations was concentrated. 

John Foxe had set himself the task of writing a History of the 
Church in Latin, and he thought it derogatory to his character as a 

scholar to appear in any other language." It was the demand of 
the English public — or, if there was then mi literary public in 
England, of John Day his London publisher, Bupported, no doubt, 
by Bishop Grindal and other influential pcrsone, — that, even against 
the author's will, produced the English edition, and it was the zeal 
and enthuaiasm of a Protestant people that made it so euccessful. 
Foxe had given his work in its original language the title of 
Com7ne}itarii, and in its English fonn that of "The Actes and 
Monuments of the Church ; " f it was the English people themselves 
that called it The Book of Martijrs. This popular title in itself 
* ThU appears in tiia dedication addrcaaeJ to Queen Elizabeth, in which he 
apologises that ■' the tiory being trritten in the popular tongue serveth not bo 
greatly for your own peculiar reading, nor for sucli as bo learned ;" and again 
in his letter sent with a copy of tbe first edition to the President and FcUowb 
of Mngdalcu College, Oxford : — " Hoc unum dolet, Lnlinb non esse scriptum 
opus, quo vel ad plures enionare Iructus hJatoria, val vobia jucundior ejus 
pOBset lectio. Atquc eqnidem hoc multo maluiasem, scd Luc me adegit com- 
muuis patris nc muUitudinis cedificandai respcctus, cui et tos ipsos id idem 
redonare icquum est." We have also Foxe's own statement that the transla- 
tion of Lis Latin boolc into English was not mode by himself, but executed by 
others whilst he wan occupied in further researches into episcopal registers. 

i- The title ai'^ AeteMaml MmaaacnU" appears to have been borrowed from 
the book entitled Aotionet el Monimenia Marlyrum, printed hy Jean Crespin, 
at Geneva, in 1560. Grindal, to whom Foxe was chiefly indebted for the 
materials relating to the Marian perseoutiuu, fipcaJcs in his letter to Foxe 
dated Strasburgh, 19 Dec. 13fl», of their projected work as Ifiitoria Martynan. 
It is therefore contrary to what might Lave been expected that tbe word 
Martyrs did not bppear on the English tille-pnge. But, although it did not, 
there ore many proofs that the work woa from a very early time recognised aa 
The Book of Marlyrt. It is ao called by ThocbJiam at p. 93 of the present 
volume, nnd by Deighton tn p. 69. Archdeacon Louthe, in p. IS, styles it 
"the booke of Actes and Monumentes of Manyres." AVhcn directed to be 
placed in cathedral churches, &c. in 1S71, it waa called " Uoaum^ta 
Marty mm." 


shows that the portions of the work which really fastened theins(»lves 
upon the public mind, were not its early historical details, whether 
{aithfully or partially related, but its heart-stirring narratives of 
events of more recent occurrence, which came home to the sympa- 
thies and the passions of those who had shared or Avitnessed tlieir 
transaction and their effects.* 

For a similar reason the autograph Narratives of some of the 
su£fercr8 still appeal to us with a more than ordinary degree of 
interest. Nor are they altogether merely the details of private 
doings and sufferings. They are connected, indirectly, with many 
of the most important national events, as will at once be perceived 
on turning over the leaves of this volume, or by looking down its 
Table of Contents. 

In order to render its illustrative notes more complete, I have 
trespassed on the time and attention of many of my friends. 

To the Rev. James Raine,t of York, I am indebted for a copy of 

* Foxe himself looked forward to this sort of personal Interest that would 
be taken in his work — ** Neque non juvabit et illud nostronim fortasse anlmoi^* 
quum multi in his bistorisB monumentis suos rcperient, alii parentes, alii ftlios, 
nonnuUi uxores, pars maritos, quidam cognatos aut affines, plurinii vicinos aut 
amicos : de qutbus hie legere aliquid, velutique loquentcs audiro, pro 8Uo 
quisque affectu avebit." (Dedication of the Commentarii to the Duke of 
Norfolk, dated at Basle, September 1, 1559.) And yet he seems to have 
expected that all his readers should understand Latin. 

t In how different a position, unfortunately for literary and biographical 
research, are the records of the two archicpiscopal courts at present placed ! 
While those of the province of York have been liberally thrown open, and to 
a certain extent made public by the aid of the Surtces Society, those of the 
province of Canterbury, by the arrangements of the new Courts of Probate and 
Divorce, have become more rigidly closed than ever. No other copies or notes 
are permitted than those which are made by the official scribes, and are officially 
authenticated. Above a certain dale, when the handwriting becomes especially 



the will of Archdeacon Louthe. The Rev. W. H. Gunner and the 
Kev. Mackenzie Walcott have both assisted me in illustrating 
l^outhe's biographical anecdotes by extracts from the records of 
Winchester College. The Eight Hon. Lord Monson has obliged 
me with many valuable suggestions in my endeavours to trace the 
domestic history of Anne Askew, but which have been rewarded 
with less success than I was willing to anticipate. 

To William Hobbs, F.S.A. of Reading, I owe some information 
i-especting Thomas Thackham, and particularly the patent for the 
mastership of Reading school which is printed in the Appendix. 

But the most important contribution I have received is that of 
Morice's Anecdotes of Archbishop Cranmer, commimicated by the 
Rev. J. E. B. Mayor, and which led me to introduce the preceding 
paper, entitled ** The Life and Death of Archbishop Cranmer.** 
Both of these articles I fully expect will be regarded as adding 
materially to the value and interest of the present volume, as they 

plain and legible, and free from the pothooks and hangers of modern legal pen- 
manship, the fees for transcription are unreasonably doubled, as if in especial 
despite to historical inquiry. It will scarcely be credited that the brief will of 
John Petit, which occupies fourteen lines of the present volume, cost, with the 
formal record of probate (for we must take the husk with the kernel), the sum 
of five shillings. 

At the recent change of the Ecclesiastical Courts a great opportunity for the 

propagation of historic&l knowledge was suffered to pass by. The proper 

course would have been to have relieved the Will Office by removing its 

records of a date anterior to the year 1700, to the Public Record Office, or to 

* the British Museum. 

Can it not still be arranged that literary inquirers should be allowed to take 
urunUherUicated copies or extracts, when furnished for that purpose with a 
certificate from II. M. Keeper of Public Records ? Some such concession may, 
perhaps, yet be made, when the new buildings of the Prerogative Office are 


show the principal sources of one of the most important portions of 
Foxe's work.* 

llie Rev. W. D. Macray, of Oxford, has examined for me the 
Ashmolean MS. 861, and has ascertained that it contains extracts 
from the same Journal, kept by Anthony Anthony, which was 
quoted by Bishop Burnet with respect to Queen Anne Boleyne, as 
mentioned in the note in p. 305 ; and also in regard to the racking 
of Anne Askew. Though the passages relating to the latter subject 
have not been recovered, yet the Ashmolean extracts are sufficient 
to prove that the document which (as I have remarked) was ignored 
by Mr. Jardineonce existed, if it is not now to be found, and that it 
proceeded from a contemporary writer whose testimony is entitled to 
some respect and consideration. 

By the use of the unpublished sheets of the ** Athenae Canta- 
brigienses," with which I have been favoured by their authors, 
Charles Henry Cooper, Esq. F.S.A., and his son, Mr. Thompson 
Cooper, I have had the gratification to be the first of a long line of 
editors that will have to acknowledge their continual obligations to 
a work which is as elaborate and careful in its execution as it is 
important and comprehensive in its design. 

It was my intention to have included in this preface some account 
of the origin, formation, and literary history of Foxe's great work ; 
but, in pursuing this intention, 1 have found the materials grow 
upon my hands to an extent exceeding the limits to which it is 

* Morice*8 paper was communicated by archbishop Parker to Foxe before 
the preparation of his second edition in 1570, (not 1576, as misdated in p. 284,) 
in the Index to which the reader^s particular attention is directed to it by the 
following singular entry : — 

** Thomas Cranmer made Archbyshop of Canterbury 1200. His storye is 
worthe the reading, and begynneth 2082.** 

It lasts from that page to p. 2072. 


necessary that I should here confine myself. I must therefore defer 
*' The Literary History of the Book of Martyrs " to some other 
occasion. I have only further to apologise for' a slight error that 
has been more than once repeated in the present volume. There 
were nine standard editions of the AcTES and Monuments, which 
were published in the years 1563, 1570, 1576, 1583, 1596-7, 
1610, 1631-2, 1641, and 1684. All of them, except the last, are 
now more or less scarce books; and two, those of 1570 and 1583, 
are not at present in the library of the British Museum. It arose 
from this circumstance that I have in several places termed the 
edition of 1576 the second edition instead of the third. By the 
kindness of Mr. George Ofifor I have since seen a copy of the edition 
of 1570. 








John Locdb, Louthe, or Lowth, aa tLe name was more commonly written, 
claimed descent from several families of importance. His grandfather Thomas 
Louthe esquire was of Castle Hedingham in Essex, Cretingham in Suffolk, and 
Sawtrej Beaumys in the county of Huntingdon, and had married Anne^ 
daughter and heir of Thomas Mulso * of Cretingham ; Lionel Louthe,^ father 
of Thomas, had married Katharine Dudley, of the family of Sutton alias 
Dudley, barons of parliament and knights of the Garter ; and Roger Louthj,e 
father of Lionel, is said (by John Loude) to have married ** Mary of Ilenawd,** 
a cousin of Lionel earl of Ulster, and duke of Clarence, son of king Edward 
the Third. Queen Philippa, the mother of that prince, was a princess of 
Hainault ; but who ** Mary of Henawd** may have been it would perhaps be 

, I, I , ■ — ■ — ^^ . — _^ 

* Called sir Edmund Mulao by John Loude, but see the note, p. 4. 

^ Lionel Louthe died Nov. 30, 1471, leaving his widow Katharine possewed of the 
manor of Bealmes in Sawtrey : see an abstract of his inquisition post mortem in the 
Appendix. His name occurs as a feoffee in 22 Hen. VL in Collectanea Topogr. et 
Ueneal. iv. 136. 

^ Roger LoiKth was one of the gentry of the county of Huntingdon returned by tk« 
commissioners in 12 Hen. VI. List printed in Fuller^s Wortbiea of England 

CAMD. see. B 


vain to inquire.* Posaibl]' this part of the Loude geaeaiogy partakes of 
imaginiLtion, auggested by the Christian name Lionel. The other ullianccs, 
however, are confirmed "i by tlie eoals of arms which were found in the manor- 
huusc of Sswtrey when Nicholas Charles made his Yisitatioa of Huntingdon- 
shire in the year 1613. From that book (already printed for the Camden 
Society) the following ia an extract, with the names of some of the coats of 
arms supplied ; — 

In LAurencfl Fvron's hou'sfl at Sawtrey in the liuU wyndov^. 
ThoK 3 in the Donh wyndawe of Ibe hall. 

TheM 6 eicocheoiu itand in the Huth wjndawes of the hill ato 






!, hovuver, some further remulu in the AppeodU. 

e anna ot E<lward lord Dudley, K.G., were evidently nt up u lh»e of ■ kini. 
wboai tlio fauilly of Luulbc nu proud. Fram > limikr rewoD, or u a mark of 


[Li>nih<~Henswrl ?] [Loathe-*! 

In aantre; Chuirh 9 Augtiiti 1SI3. 
__^ r'^ Upon 

a the Mutb lide of the cbuicell : 

[Uayn*,] [Uojn*— Sanuyiie?] 

feudal rapeet, ibe; wen aceompuiied b; those ol the eul of Oxford, upon whom tbo 
bmil; wen doubtleea depeadeiit at Ceitle HediDghom. Tbc rout of Louthe or Lowtb i* 
bUioned thai : Sable, a wolf salient argent and in deiler chief a creiceat of tfae lecond. 
The Bnt impaleroent appear* to bare beeo intended for Slnketej, the wife of Edmnnd 
Lonllis (p. 4) : it wa> properlj Argent, on a feea sable three mullet* of the Held (aa on 
the nioaument, p. 6). The fourth coat Menu to partake of the like error, in huTing two 
bare inatead of a feu. The fifth impalement is the same as that impaled on tha monument 
of Hojne below : with a bordare nebula instead of engrailed it ii assigned b; Gtlover to 
the name ofSomajne. See the bluon of Hojne in p. 6. 


Thomas Louthe became possessed of the manor of Kettlebers in Cretingham, 
Suffolk, eitner from his wife or his mother the heiress of Mulso.* He died on 
the 26th Oct. 1533, having survived his son Edmund and grandson Lionel, 
whereupon Margaret his great-granddaughter, being then of the age of four 
years and more, was by inquisition found to be his heir. 

Edmund Louthe had died in 1522, of wounds received in an affiraj with 
two of his neighbours, the circumstances of which are related at length in the 
following pages ^ by his son John, who represents the occurrence as a shame- 
ful and deliberate murder. Its perpetrators were tenants of the abbey of 
Sawtrey, and the son plainly asserts that this atrocity was instigated by 
the monks. He adds that the widow, who was Edith daughter of John 
Stukeley, lord of Stukeley near Huntingdon, sued an appeal of murder, but 
that, through ecclesiastical influence, her suit was unavailing, her late husband 
being regardeil as a heretic. 

Lionel Louthe, the son of Edmund, died in 1532^ (the year before his 
grandfather,) having married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of sir Thomas Blener- 
hasset of Frenze in Suflblk ; who was remarried to Francis Clopton esquire of 
Melford park in the same county.^ 

Margaret Lowth, the heiress, carried the representntion of the family into 
that of Ck)mwa]lis. Sir John Cornwallis, of Brome in Suflblk, the lineal 
ancestor of the earls and marquesses Cornwallis, and who died steward of the 

■ In the note from the Inqnisition on his death, (Inq. 26 Hen. VIII.) ** Pro terris in 
Sawtre, Bealmes man\ [et] Stilton/* given in the Visitation 1613, p. 11, his wife is 
named Tbomasine. John Londe (in his Reminiscences hereafter) states that she was 
Anne, daughter of sir Edmund Mulso. A pencil note in MS. Coll. Arm. Vincent 125, 
f. 40, makes Anne, daughter and coheir of Thomas Mulso of Newton, the mother of 
I'homas Louthe. Mr. A. Page, in his ** Supplement to the Suffolk Traveller,*' 1844, 8vo. 
p. 91, states that the heiress of Mulso was Anne, only daughter of William Mulso the son 
of Thomas. Mr. Davy^s Suffolk Collections do not clear these discrepancies, but the 
following notes in them show that the manor of Kettlebers descended fh>m Thomas 
Mulso to Thomas Lowth : — 

** Rentale manerii de Kessingland, fact ibidem 16 Edw. IV. Imprimis, heredes Thomae 
Mttlsoe armigeri tenent manerium de Kettlebers, et alia terr. et ten. in Cretingham et 
Ashf)eld, et reddunt per ann. de libero redd. lij*. vj<i. 

(At another date.) ** De Thoma Lowth pro manerio voo. Ketylburgh haule, lij". vj**.*^ 
(MS. Addit. 19,096, f. 180.) 

* See pp. 35—39. 

c Monument at Cretingham, described hereafter. 

* Compare pedigree of Blenerhasset in Harvey*s Visitation of Suffolk, 1561, and Davy*s 
Suffolk Collections, MS. Addit. 19,118, f. 853. 


llODseLold [□ prince Edward (at^rwardn Edward ttie Sixth) in 1S44, bj his 
will, mode a, Tew dajs before lijs dccense, letl " To my [third] ton Kii;bard lay 
ward Margaret Lowthe, whitli I bought of wy lord of Norfolk, to ronrry her 
liinuelf if they both will be bo contented, but if not that he should have the 
wardship tind marriage of hur, with all advantages and profits." The lady is 
deaeribed in the Comwallis pedigree as Margaret, daughter and heir of 
Lionel Lowth, of Sawtrey-Ueaumys in tlie county of Huntingdon, esquire. 
She was married * to Richard Cornwallia esquire, and had issue six children, 
of whom the eldest was John, and the second sir Thomas Cornwallis, groom- 
porter* to Queen Elizabeth and King James, knighted in 1603, to whom 
there it a remarkable monument, with his efiigy, in the church of Porchester 
in Hampshire. 

Kichord Comwallis esquire had resided at Okenbill boll, and was buried at 
Shotley, in Suffolk.' His widow resided at Badingham, and having reached on 
advanced age, she died on the 4th Sept. 1603, and wa« buried at Cretingham. 
A few years before she had erected in the church of that place, where her 
family had inherited the manor of Kettlebers, a grand monument to tlie heraldic 
glories of her race, and nominally to her father, who had died sixty -four years 
before. It is thus described by Mr. Davy ; * 

" Against the north wall of the chancel a large mural moniuuent of stone, 
painted, and under the arch thereof, adorned with Attic pilasters, the figure of 
a man in armour, with his head bare, a ru9' about his occk, kneeling to the 
front on a cushion, his hands joined and erect, his helmet and sword lying by 
his side. On the architrave above is the following inscription : 

Hunc tumulum charo vult Margarita parent! 

De Sawtrj aotiqua Louthorum stirpe crcato. 

Cui pater Edmundus, Thomas avus, hie LconcIIus, 

Ha-c hcres es osse fuit, conjunxq. Bichardi 

Cornwaleys, parlli pjetate et stemmate claro. 

Hoc viduata viro, qucni sexta prole beavit, 

■ Jubn Blenerliuset. or Binbaia in SuITulh 
Lionel Loulh, married Elitalietli dtughler of >ii 
other ■lliancoi betirven tlio twa bmilio, 

' The otEcB of groom-porter remnined long in the Comwallis hmilj' ; the unclM 
uf^r Thomu, Edvrard and Pranou, having bcsn BacccBiTolj groom' portore Id queen 

' The date of liii dtwth iloea not occur, but it w 
hit wift, u la staled in hiT epilsph. 

4 Suffolk Colloclioni. MS. Adtlil. 19,036, fol. If 

tbim Torlj yean before llut of 


Nunc annosa suis memoranda nepotibus ofibrt. 
Jure sepulturte cineres venenata paternos.** 

On the pediment above, a large shield of five coats, three and two: 1. Louth, 
y^ Sa. a wolf salient arg. ; 2. Mulso, Erm. on a bend sa. three goat*s heads erased 

arg. armed or ; 3. Mojne, Arg. two bars sa., in chief three mullets of the 
second ; 4. Milverton,' Arg. on a cross az. five garbs or ; 5. Louth. Crest, on 
a knight*s helmet and torse a demi-man full-faced, clothed sa., his right hand 
elevated, his left across his breast. On the dexter side of the arch a shield, 
quarterly : 1 and 4. Louth ; 2. Mojne ; 3. [Beaumejs] ; impaling Mulso. Be- 
neath this shield is written ** Tho. Lovth — and Mulso.** On the sinister side, 
another shield of five coats, as the large one above ; impaling Stukelej, Arg. 
on a fess sa. three mullets of the field. Below this is written, ** Ed. Louth— 
Stewcley.** On the base of the monument : ** Leonellus obiit A*' D*ni BiDXXxn. 
Margarita posuit bu>xcvi.** And in the middle of this inscription, Louth of 
five coats as before, impaling Blenerhajset, Gules, a chevron between three 
dolphins embowed sa., on the chevron a trefoil argent within an annulet or. 
Beneath this shield is written : ** Leo. Louth — Blen*hajset.** 

The heires8*s own monument stands in the same church, at the south-east 
angle of the chancel, facing westwards, inlaid with English marble, and inscribed 
on the cornice : In memoriam Margaritie relictSB Richard i Cornwaleis armigeri 
hoc posuit Johannes filius. 

On a black tablet these verses : 

Shotleia busta viri, sed conjugis ossa sacellum 

Hoc tenet : unanimes corpore, morte duo. 
Farturiit, fovit geniali foedere sola 

Tergeminam prolem ; junxit, adauxit opes. 
Namq. lares coluit vidnas labentibus octo 

Lustris, et nono mortua viva jacet. 
Et tu nate tuse priscos venerate Fenateis 

Matris, qua vivis, vivere morte jubes. 
Obiit 4o die Septemb. 1603°. 

On the summit of the monument, Comwallis of nine coats: 1. Comwallis 
2. Buckton, 3. Braham, 4. Tye, 5. Tyrrell, 6. Samford, 7. Butler, 8. Mepersall, 

^ This ooAt was not Milverton, but Beaumeys, as borne by the ancient family which 
gave its name to one of the manors of Sawtrey. (Visitation of Huntingdonshire, 1613, 
p. 16.) The Louths appear to have assumed the quarterings of Moyne and Beaumeys, 
and the crest of Moyne, whether by any right of blood may be doubted : but see some 
farther remarks on this point in the Appendii. 


9. Cornwallis; impaling Louth of five coats, 1. and 5. Louth, 2. Mulso, 
3. MojDe, 4. [Beaumeys]. Crests of Louth and Corowallifl, but both broken. 
Od the upper fiii'ie, between festoons of fruit, are tvro shields, Cornwallis of 
six coats, impaling lilenerhasset ; and the like impaling Molineux of nine 
coats; on the lower frieze four shields, Ucariog, Bacon, DaJe, and Putter, 
eaoh impaling CorniralliB ijuarterly of six (as more fully bkxotied by Mr. 
Davy in his descriptions). 

- By ft deed of 34Eliz. 16th Jan. Margaret Cornwallis of Badingbam, widow, 
late wife of Richard Cornwallis esquire deceased, with John Cornwallis her 
eldest son, &c., reciCee a settlement on John 23 Dec. 30th Eliz. of the manor of 
Sawtryein Huntingdonshire,— to the usenf Margaret for life; to John for life; 
to such wife aa John may leave him surviving during her life; to Philip son of 
said John, and bis heirs male ; to Thoiuas son of said Julm, in tail male ; to 
Francii, &c. ; to the heirs male of John ; to Thomas son of Margaret, and his 
heirs mule ; to the heirs of Margaret xu fee.* 

The manor of Kettlebers in Cretingham descended in the family of Corn- 
wallis until the close of the aevuntetnth century, when Mary Cornwallis, the 
heiress of this branch, having married John [iabett gent, he held his first court 
in the year 170L The Rev, Reginald Rabett was lord of the manor in 1810, 
Uid in that family is still vested the representation of the family of Loulh at 

We return to the member of the family whose Reminiscences have led us 
into these genealogical researches. 

John Loutub, the writer of the following pages, was the youngest son of 
Edmund Loutbe, and bom in the summer of 1519. Ho tells us that on the 
day when his father received his mortal wound he was a child of three years 
old, and carried in bis father's arms. The circumstances of his father's fate 
appear to have imbued him with a thorough detestation of monks and priests, 
■ud yet eventually be was himself ordained and amply beneficed. 

He received his education in the colleges of William of Wykebam at Win- 
chester and Oxford, to the former of which he was admitted at the age of 
fourteen,'' and had for his fellow -student and friend John PhUpot, afterwards 
archdeacon of Winchester, and a distinguished Protestant martyr, of whom he 
relates various anecdotes. And at Winchester he received bis first impressions 
of Protestantism from a perusal of Frith's " Disputacion of Purgatory." 

• MS. Addit.l»,099, f. 180. 

* " 1G31. Johaunei Lowthe de Sowt 

s BaptiiM.) Line. Dioo. /n narji 
■r Colltge. 

1 festa Nal. (sc. 8j 
liegist«r of Ailn 


Ue became a fvllow of New college on the 24th Jaly, 1540, and bo continueil 
until 1543; and nas admitted to the degree of bachelor of latTB.* 

Ilarlng been taken into the service of air Kicbord Southwell, a privy 
councillor, (master of the ordnance, and one of [fae executore of Ilcnrj VIII.) 
he accompanied the eldest Bon of that geutlemaa to Bcuc't college, Cambridge, 
where bis name occurs as "mr. Lovrtb" in fellows' commons in the year 
1545,* and afterwards to Lincoln's- inn, in which latter quarter he describes 
himself ns narrowly escaping from detection and conseijuent imprisonment as 
a heretic. 

Afler the accession of Elizabeth, Louthe received several eccleaiaitical pre- 
ferments. On the 20th of April, ISGO, he was installed prebendary of Letceater 
St. Margaret's in the cathedral church of Lincoln''; on the 22nd July, 1561, 
prebendary of Gaia Minor in the church of Lichfield.' In 1SS2 he become 
chancellor of Gloucester, which office be retained until I5T0. In the same 
year (1562) he was proctor of the church of Gloucester at the convocation, but 
diij not appear when the votes were taken on the changes in the articles and 
common pntyer." In 1565 he was collated by Thomas Young archbishop of 
York to the nrcbdeacoory of Nottingham r; and on the 7th October, 15G7, he 

' See note -^ below. 

<• Huun, HMoi? of Corpns Christl or Beoet College, 1T49, 4to. p. 342. A hiogra- 
phiral notice of Louthe u there given, deriied entinljr from 8ti7pe, whose sole aBtbaritj 
was Loutlio's can nirrslive, which ia now before nt. Slrype, however, fell into more 
than one mimpprebeosioD. He ilated (Memoriuli!, to), i. p. 36S,) 1. Tlint " be wot a 
metubi'r of Bene't College, and titer remoied thence lo the inns of court ;" but Louthe 
Joe* not (ell lU that he wu himseir either ■ member of Beae't college or of Llncoln's-inn, 
bDt merely that be taoght mr. Southwell at both placet. 2. 8lrn>D rtale* that bis pupil 
wu " afterwards air Richard Southwell, a privy coonsillar," &c. but it will be (band that 
Lontbe distinct]; doKTibes his pupil u the son of sir Richard. Stry|>B erroneously nudcea 
bim tutor both to hth«- and ion. Though unnoticed by Anthony i Wood, Loutho 
ccrtaiol; went from Winchester to Now college, Oxbrd, and completed bis own education 
nt that university. Mitlcd by Strype, Muten has fiinher (at p. 873) cluDwd sir 
Riebard Southwell as a member of his college, ai»d given a memoir of him nc- 

' Ria name iaprintclas "John Londs, LL.B." in Le Neve'iFssL Eccleslie Anglicans, 
edit, Hsrdy, 18S1, ii. 109. The next prebendary mentioned wai luatalled ISSl. 

^ "John Loundo, Lanne, or Lownde,"Uanly'BLD Neve, 1. 000. The next prebendary 
cutUted 1GT8. 

' Strypc, Annali, i. 339. 

( Willi). Catbednlt, i. 107. He wai. bistalled on the 30lh June. ISCS. 


was institated to the rectory of Gotham, which he held until his death. 
On the 2nd March, 1568-9, he was instituted to the vicarage of St. Mary's in 
Nottingham, which he resigned in 1572. In 1570 he became prebendary of 
Dyndre in the church of Wells.* On the 7th August, 1574, he was insti- 
tuted to the rectory of Hawton near Newark, which he resigned in October 

In the year 1572 he contributed to the work of a physician, who resided 
near Nottingham, »> and wrote in praise of the medical waters of Bath and 
Buxton, the following commendatory lines : — 

Jokannii Ludi Arcliidiaconi NoUinghumientis Ttrfiti%x»ffrix»^ *» laudem ei utum 

Thermarum nostrarum. 

Balnea sunt variis calefacta salubria morbis, 

Ad multosque usus tg ir^Xvxni^'ra valent. 
Non externa valent curare pathemata tantum, 

Ast interna etiam tollere posse seio. 
Si bene quis novit thermis cautlssimus uti, 

Proderit ille sibi : sin male, damna ferent. 
Ni prius evacues, pletorica corpora Isedunt, 

Nee minus et succis corpora facta malis. 
Gens sua quseque solet plenis extollere buccis, 

Anglica sed cunctis sunt meliora duo. 
Altera rex Bladud nobis, comes altera *^ Salopsa 

Exomata dedit sumptibus ipse suis. 
Tot bona (lector) habes magno tibi parta labore, 

Prseter sudorem nil tuus Author habet. 

The archdeacon of Nottingham died in the year 1590, having shortly before 
made his will, in which he mentions his son John Louthe, then in his minority : 
the son of Mary Louthe alias Babington his wife. To that son he Icfl his 
house at Keyworth in Nottinghamshire, in which he then resided ; and for 
want of heirs of the said John the house was entailed to the heirs male of the 
testator's daughter Thomasine the wife of mr. Zachary Babington of Lichfield ; 
and, such failing, to the heirs male of Humfrey Louthe of Sutton in Ashfield, 
CO. Nottingham, gentleman, — to the heirs male of William Louthe of Maldon 
in Essex, gentleman, — to those of Robert Louthe of the Queen's majesty's 

• Le Neve's Fasti Eccl. Angl. (edit. Hardy,) i. 193. 

>> '* The Bathes of Bathes Ayde : compendiously compiled by John Jones, Phisition, 
anno Salutis 1572, at Asple hall besydes Nottingam.** 

^ t.€. Buxton. This alludes to the second part of doctor Jones's work, which sets 
forth ** The Benefit of the aunoient Bathes of Buckstones.** 



court, — to those of Peter Louthe late of Nottingham ; so that there were 
several junior branches of the family, though the main stock in Huntingdon- 
shire had terminated in a female heir. The archdeacon^s widow was to occupy 
the house during his son*s minority ; but in the case of her re-marriage she was 
to vacate it in favour of her brother mr. Francis Babington clerk, who was 
made one of the supervisors of the will, together with the archdeacon 
of Nottingham for the time being, Henry Pierpont esquire, Launcelot 
Rolston gentleman, mr. Richard Symney, mr. John Parker, and mr. Humfrey 
Louthe the testator*s cousin; the widow being executrix. He desires his 
body to be buried in the north side of the choir of St. Mary*s at Nottingham, 
and a small monument of brass to be nailed upon a stone in the wall to his 
memory ; but no such memorial is mentioned by the historians of Nottingham 
as having existed in recent times. He also contemplates that funeral sermons 
might be preached by his ** scholars and friends,** which seems to intimate that 
he continued a schoolmaster afler he was well preferred in the church. 

Will of John Louthe, Abchdeacon of Nottingham. 

(From the Original in the Registry at York.) 

In the name of God, Amen. The xxixth daye of July, anno Domini 1590, 
I John Louthe, archdeacon of the archdeaconry e of Not*, whole of bodie and 
mynde, thanked be God, doe make this my last will and testament in maner 
and forme foUowinge. 

First, I give and bequethe my soule into the handes of Allmightie God my 
heavenly Father, who hath from the begininge of the world ordayned his 
Sonne Jesus Chryst to be a Saviour and Redeemer to me and to all other 
sinners that bcleve to be saved by the deathe and passion of Chryst, in whom 
only I hope and surely trust in my harte to be redeemed from all my sinnes 
and by non other meanes. 

And as touchinge the disposinge of my transitorie goodes I doe give and 
bequeth to my daughter Thomazine Babington the wyfie of mr. Zacharie 
Babington of Litchfeld the some of xx" poundes of good and lawfiill money 
of England, to be payd her for her chyldes parte, besydes those thinges which 
she and her husband mr. Zacharie Babington have allreadie taken and 
receaved at my handes to their owne use : which some of xx^ poundes my 
mynde and will is shalbe payd to her at two severall dayes of payment next 
after my decease, viz. the one hallf therof within three monethes next after my 
decease, and the other half to be payd her within foilVe monethes next after that. 

Item I doe give to my sonne John Louthe the sonne of Marye Louthe alias 
Babington my wyfie my mansion house with all other houses and buildinges 
therunto belonginge, scituate, lyinge, and beinge in Kayworthe within the 


countie of Nottingbara, wherin I nowe dwell, with nil anil slnguler tbe ftp- 
purlnsnees appertnyninge unto yl, and all other landes, paatiiron, medowea, 
feedjnges, commons, royalties, and comodities whatsoever which tn aiiie wyae 
appertayne unto the same bouse find landes ; to have aud to hold the same 
house with all landes and commoditiids appertayninge to yt as aforesayd to tbe 
sayd John Louthe my sonue the sonne of the suyd Marye duringe his naturall 
lyffe, and after his decease to the heyres of his hodie lawfully begotten for 
BTer, provyded notwithstandioge that cluringe the minoritie of the sayd John 
Louthe my sonne T give and bequeth unto the said Mary Louth my wySe (lo 
ioDge as she kcepeth her self widowe) the use, occupyinge, and poBsessiuRe of 
tbe sayd house and landes, with all and singuler the appurtenancee aforesayd; 
and by this my last will and testament doe ordayne an<l appoyntc that she 
■hall and may peaceably and quyetly without anie maner of lett, interruption, 
or contradiction of anie person or persons whatsoever, have, hold, use, occupie, 
possesse and enjoye to her owne proper use and uses all that my sayd tnansion 
house and landes with all and singuler their appurtnanccs as aforesayd, so that 
yearly, ond from yeare to yeare durirge the minoritie aforesayd, she doe well 
and trulye paye, satisfye, and content, or cause to be payd, satisfyed, and 
contented, unto tbo sayd John Louthe my sonne fur and tonardes bis mayn- 
tenaunce and bringingc up in good leaminge ten poundes of good and lawfull 
Englisbe money at the feaates of the Agnunciacion of Marie and St. Alicbaell 
th'srcbangell by eqnall porc'ous : and allso so that duringe her sayd widowheade 
and tbe sayd minoritie she doe mayutayne and uphold the sayd mansione house 
with all other the buyldinges thereunto appertayninge in good and sufficient 
TCparacions : and yf it fortune that Marye my sayd wyfie doc marrye dtiringe 
the minoritie of my aayd sonne, tben my last will and niynde is that from and 
after the daye of her sayd marriage she shall have notbinge to doe with my 
sayd house and landes, neyther that she shall occupie, possesse, or enjoye anie 
part« or parcell iheruf, but thai forthwith she shall leave and departe from the 
■ame : and from and after the daye of her sayd marriage, by this my last will 
and testament I doe ordayne and appoynte that my brother in lave mr. 
Francis Bahington shall duringe Uie minoritie of my sayd sonne peaceably and 
quyetly occupye and enjoye my sayd mansion house and landes in suche maner 
and Borte and not otberwayes as my sayd wyS'e shold have donne yf she had 
kepte her self widowe. And for want of heyres of the bodie of the sayd John 
Louthe my sonne lawfully by him to he begotten I doe give the same house 
and landes with all and singuler the commodities and appurtnanccs appertayn- 
inge unto yt as aforesayd to the heyres males of my daughter ThomHEJrie 
Babinglou lawl^illy begotten of her bodie for ever. And for wante of sucbe 
faeyrua mates lawfidly begotten of the bodie of the sayd Tbomaiine Babrugtoo 



I doe give the same house and landes with all and singuler the commodities 
and appurtnani:eg a|)pGrtBi/ninge anta jt aa aforesaid to the heyres mules of 
Hiimfrej Louthe of Sutton in Ashiield in the eountie of Nott. genl. lanfuUj 
begotten of his faodie far ever. And for wante of suche heyrea males of his 
bodie lawfully begotten I doe give the same bouse, landos, and coinmodltics 
with th'appurtnancea as aforesayd to the bejres males of William Louthe of 
Maldon in Essex geot. lawfully begotten of his bodie for ever. And for wante 
of sQche hejrcs males of his bodie lawfully begotten I doe give the same house 
and Inndes and commodities pertayninge to jt aa aforesayd to the lieyres 
males of Robert Louthe of the queenes ma''" cour(« lawfully begotten for 
ever. And for wante of suehc heyres males of the same Robert Louthe to 
the heyrea moles of the bo<lie of Peter Louthe late of Nottingham lawfully 
begotten for ever. And for wante of suche heyres males of the bodie of the 
sayd Peter Louthe to remayne to the crowne of England for ever. 

The residewe of all my worldly goodes not herin given nor bequethed I doe 
give and bcquethe the aamc wholly and fully to Murye Louthe my aayd wyffe 
and to John Louthe my »ayd sonuc equally to be devyded betwyjtt them 
imediatly after that my funerata are fully discharged, my ilebtes clearly payd, 
and legacies sett outt : after whiche devision equally made my last will and 
mynde is that all that whole part and porcion which ahiUl fall out to be due 
and belongrnge unto my sayd aonne John Louthe shalbc delyvered into the 
handes of my layd brother in lawe Frances Babjngton by him to be used and 
letten forthc for the benefyte, conunoditie, and good mayntenaunce in learningc 
of my sayd sonne, ao that the aayd Frances Bubington doe with one or two 
snflicient suertiea enter into aufficient bonde unto Alaric my aayd wyffe to 
repaye all that aayd parte and porcion unto the sayd John Louthe my sonne 
at his full age of xxi"" yearea or when otherwyae he ahal! lawfully demaunde 
the tame : and !n the meane tyme duringe his sayd minoritie, to paye unto my 
aayd Sonne yearly for and towardes his sayd mayntenaunce in good Icaniinge 
all the increase and prolfitt that shall rcdounde by bis aayd parte and porcion. 
And for the bodie of my aayd sonne duringe his minoritie I make Mary my 
wyfle and Frances Babingtoo my aayd brother in lawe tutors and ganlians. 

And of this my last will and testament I make Alorye uiy sayd wyffe my full 
and sole executrix, revokinge hcrby all former wills and testnmentes. And I 
doe ordayne and make the aupervyaors herof my good brothers In Chryst the 
archdeacons of Nottingham my succesaors for the tyme beinge, the right 
worshipfull mr. Henry Perpoynte eaquyar, Lancelot Rolaton gent., mr. Richard 
Bymney, mr. John Parker, mr. Frances fiabington my welhcloved brother, 
and mr. Humfrey Louthe my coaine. And my mynde and will ia that my 



executrix docbeatowe xx a. in gloves and beatowe them uppon my supervisors, 
Tiz., to everje one accurdinge to bis irallingc and di^ee, to see to tbe fuU< 
Gllinge of nij will, and tbe educac'on of my Sonne in true religion in the 
universities and tlie innes of the courts, untill be came to the age of sziiii"* 
jenres as I have sett downc in my whyte written booke. 

And as for my bodye I commBunde my executrix and will my supervjaars 
to see jt buryed in the north side in the quyer in St. Maries in Nottingham 
without aiue pompe or soleninitie, savinge only a sermon to be made U> teachc 
the people to ilje well : and a small monument of brasac to be made with my 
name, to be nayled uppon a stonne in the wall. I leave it to the diaerec'on and 
devoc'on of my executrix, what sermons sbalbe made by my scoilars and 
frendea, and what money shalbe delt to the poore. 

In witnease wherof unto this my last will and testament I the sayd <Tobn 
liOUthebavesubscrybedmy hande the day, moneth, and yeare first above written. 

Further I the sayd John I.outlie the testator, conceminge the hestowinge 
of John Loutbe uy aonne in marriage, I referre it to mr. Henry Perpoyntc 
eaquyer, Frances Babington clarke my brother, and Launcelot Rolatcm gent., 
or to two of them. In witnesse whereof hereunto I have putt my honde and 
Mall the daye and yeare above sayd. John Loctdb, Arehd. Nott. 

These being witnesses, 

(jur.) (juT.) (jur.) 

Fkahces BAninoTOH, Kicuaed Siukgt, William Bibkeb. 

And further my wilt is, and by this ray last will and testament I doe 
ordajne and sppoynte, that yf yt shall please God to take awayc the lySe 
of my sayd aonne John Louthe duringc his minorltie, that then Mary my 
Mjd wyfie shall duringe her naturall lyffe hold, occupie, possesse, and enjoye 
(notwithstandinge her marriage yf hereafter she ahall marryc) all that my 
house and landes aforeaayd with all and singuler the appurtnances whatsoever 
aa aforeaayd to her the sayd Murye and her oasygnes, yeldioge and payinge 
therefore yearly duringe her aayd lyffe unto William Habington aonne of 
Zacbary Babington of Litchfeld aforeaayd fyve ponndes of good and lawfiill 
Englishe money at tbe feastes of the Agnunciucion of Morye and St. Michaell 
th*archangell by equall porcions. In witnease wherof hereunto allao I have 
•ubscrjbed my name the daye and yeare aforesayd. 

Joij!< LouTUB, Arch. Nott. 

Wi to eases herof. 

(jur. J 
FaANCBS Bauingtor, UlC 



The death of the archdeacon shortly after the making of his will is shown 
bj its being proved at York on the 12th September following its date. 

What became of his son John has not been ascertained. His son-in-law 
Zacharj Babington, M.A., was chancellor of the diocese of Lichfield in 1581* 
was made prebendary of Curford in that church Feb. 19, 1583-4, and installed 
precentor July 10, 1589. He afterwards proceeded doctor of laws at Oxford 
in 1599.> 

The ensuing anecdotes, which exist in Louthe*s own handwriting among the 
papers of Foxe the martyrologist, directed on their back ** To Mr. John Foxe* 
p*chere, at mr. Jo. Dayes, printere," are dated in the year 1579. Very small 
portions of them were published by Foxe i** but various others were worked up 
by Strype in different places of his Memorials and Annals, and Life of 
Cranmer. They were disregarded ^ by the editors of the last edition of the 
Actes and Monuments. 

The writer wished his name to be kept secret, and it was evidently on that 
account that he somewhat disguised it by writing Loude instead of Louthe, 
for in the MS. he continually wrote Louthe habitually, and altered it to Loude. 
Foxe effectually, though apparently by accident, fulfilled that object by 
printing the name Lond. In the Catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts it is 
perverted into Lodon. 

* Wood^ Futi Oxon. His successor as precentor was appointed in 1608, and his 
Buocessor as chancellor in 1618. The epitaph of his grandson Zachary Babington esquire, 
at Whittington near Lichfield, is printed in Shawns Staffordshire, I 878. 

t> See pp. 19, 20. 

^ Elxcept in the following brief notice, wherein the writer's name is mistaken, and a 
Lansdowne MS. is quoted instead of the original in the Harleian collection : " A little 
before this he received one from Mr. John Lond, containing several new materials for 
his Mar^rrology, and insisting more especially on the miserable end of divers Romish 
priests, as of Dr. Wyllyams, the priest of St Margaret's Eastchepe, &c. Lansdowne MS. 
982, fol. 103.'' Life of John Foxe, by the Rev. Geoi^ Townsend, M.A. p. 208. 

reminiscences of john louthe, 15 

John Loude to John Foxb. 

[MS. Harl. 425, f. 134.] 

Salutem in Christo Jhesu. 

The love that I beare to the churche of Chryste constraynjthe me 
to gyve yow thankes for the happy and dayly paynes yow take in set- 
tynge forthe the worthy actes of those late martyres of Chryste in 
Englande. That worke servythe to the glory of Chryste, the com- 
forte of his members lyryng, and godly memory of them which are 
departed ; to the overthrow of Antichryste and eternall shame of all 
antichrysteanes ; and I doghte not but that booke wyll brynge to 
repentance the rable of the reste bloody butcheres yet lyvynge, so 
many at lest as are not gyvyne up into a reprochfull mynde, who 
have shutt up theyre eyes that thei may not see, &c. Of these sorte 
are they that cry dayly, ** Lyes, lyes ! more lies founde in the booke 
of Actes and Monumentcs of Martyres !" Wherwith yow owght not 
to be discowraged (as I truste yow are not), but rather encowraged to 
go forwarde in the same. Tu soltis hanc Spartam nactus eSy hanc 
adoma. Rejoyce that yow are lyke to them same martyres that so 
were rayled apon, yea lyke to Jeremy, crying: Curfecisti me virum 
rixce ? hominem oljurgiorum ! When ye reade of these Eomyshe 
raylynges, ye may have greate joye and cawse to thanke God that in 
this poynte ye are resembled to his owne sonne the lorde Jhesus 
Chryste. The dyvyles cryed against hym ; but they most rored when 
thei sawe thei muste come forth of the man, and lose theyre kyng- 
dome and power. Therfore wryght styll, cease not, seyng the booke 
dothe so muche good in Chrystes churche, yt wyll doe more good 
after your dethe then lyff. The memory of mr. John Philpott, * ons 
my compaygnion in Wynthone,** Oxforde, and London, wyll never 
dye. The same may be sayd of the other sanctes and martyres, and 
god a mercy '^ to yow, and your booke. God wyll not forgett your 
labores and paynes, that hathe cawsed his sainctes, his servantes, and 

* Archdeacon of Winchester : of whom Loude gives some aneodotes hereafter. 
^ At Winchester College. ** Above the line is written gra mercy. 



his enymies to be in perpetuall memory. Yt ys he that gy^ytli yow 
the wytt, the leruyiig, the wyll, the philopony, and int'rangyble 
diligens. Els your hehhe wolde be a lett, these peynes wold weary 
yow, these tawntes wold diBmay yow, wych dayly come forthe of 
those lyyng lyppa that crye, " Lyes, lyes ; so many lynca so many 
lies !" Yet they perceave not that are of that religyone, how that the 
father of lies and murder hathe dcvysed by thcr heipe to deface the 
heavenly doctryne of our Savioure Jheeus Chryste, by whomc com- 
ythe all trewth and grace, beynge hymselfe the lyght to lyghten the 
gentyles, and to be the glory of hys people Israel. You are weak and 
to weake of yourself to doo this noble acte; but he hathe enabled 
yow therto, that aayd to Pawle, Virtue mea in infirmitate perfidtur. 

Admitte that a I.ovanyone luske," lyinge longe in wayght with 
so many felowB, hath fownd in yowr great volume some smalle nn- 
throths (untjuths), miist« he therfor cry owt lyke adyvylle agaynst the 
whole booke, for a letter, a syllable, a man's name, a towne, or suche 
tryfle ? In muUia peccavimus omnet. The poettes can suifer theyr 
good Homcre sometyme to slomber and slcepe, and the papistcs Uieyr 

■ "A /lUJv, lawt,lurilen, a lubberly Bloven," &a. Colgrmm. See also Nam and IIsl. 
liwetl. The " Lovsnj'one lusko" iDlonded b; Loulbc wu probablj AUnus Capiu, 
who wu ■ real peraon (see Wood's AtbenK Oxonieniee, edit. Bli«*, i. 4^6,) bat onder 
whose name the more celebriLLed Nieholfu H&rpafiuld (nn^hdeat^oD of Canterbory, 
and bUbop elect of Winchester,) published hii Dialogi Hs coatrs Sumiui Potiliflotui, 
Monutics Tite, Suiet«rum, ucrarum Imaginum Oppugaatore* et I'teurlo-MBrQTet. 
AatterpJK, ISSfl. The liitb dialogue wu especiallj directed againit Foxe'i worfa, and 
Foie hinuelf amtwered It at coiuiderable lanftth in the matter of lir John Oldoutle lard 
Cobham. To the charge of haTiog uttered "lie*" he thus eun»lt; replied : "Thi> 
Alaaui Copiu Anglm eantendeth and ehsfeth againil my former edition, la proito me 
in my Uiatorie to be a Iyer, forger, impudent, a misreporter of trulli, a depnver ft 
■toriet, a aedaeer of the world, and what eli not ? wliwe rimlenl woiirdM and contumo- 
lioui lermes, liiiw well they become bin popish peraon, I knowe not. Certet, for my 
pari, 1 never deserved tijiiat hla hand* wittingly, tlul I do know. MaiMvr Cope is a man 
whom yet I nerer saw, and lene oncndod, nor ever heard of hym bafore. ••••■• 
And therefore Hriotuly to say nnlo yon (U. Cope) in this tnatlcr. where you charge 
my History of Aotei and Monuments so cmetly, to be full of UDtrathee, fttlse lira, 
impudeut tofgaiet, depravalionn, fnudDlunt corruptions, and feyned fablra ; hriefly and 
in one word to answere you, not as the Laconc* answered to Uio lolton of thur 


erthly God the Pope; they can full smothly solve in horryble 
sores of lyife, doctrine, relygione, and conscience. An historiogra- 
pher ys excusable, not when he maketh a lye, but when he of an 
other's informatione setteth down an untrothe. Then wee and the 
papistes must neades alow the commun rule : Sit fides penes auct/iorem : 
imo ait culpa penes eundum. In some thynges that yow wryght. I 
can shew that yow have not putt in wrytyng very muche that wolde 
dawn te the adversares, honor God, com forte his churche, and sett owt 
the mighty power of God. As here folowing I wyll doo yow under- 

Now to yow pestilent papistes : I myght more justcly falle owt with 
my brother John Foxe then yow, I (aye), for that [he] hathe not 
wrytten these thynges so necessary as ys declared. But he hathe 
one answere for us bothe: ** The fawlte was not in me, but in the 
informatione gyven, or not gyven; truly gyven, or not truly gyven.'* 
But this I say, yf mr. Foxe wer as swhyfte a scrybe as Esras, yet he 
shoulde not be able to wryght all your abhominable lyfFes and doc- 
trines, yowT cruell tormentyng and manaclyng of Ghrystes saynctes in 
this lyff, and (lyke divyles) ye labore so muche as any fynde of 
hell can do to bereave them, by yowr doctrine, of lyff everlastyng. 
Then what lye can he or any man wryght of yow, but yt shalbe 
fownde trew, ether in your detestable crueltee, fylthy sodomy, or 
divyllyshe doctrine: he as muche offendythe that thus termythe 
yow, as he that should call yowr father the divill knave, by whose 
suggesyons yow fuUfyllc the measure of your fathers in all manner 
of crueltee and butchery of godly men. Theyr blood with Abel's cry 
owt for vengans agaynst yow. Yowr forfathers could not murder all 
God*s chyldren, for some escaped theyr handcs, and some were not 

adTersarie, with n, but with o #t, Would God ( M. Copo) that in all the whole booko 
of Actes and Monuments, from the beginning to the latter end of the same, were never a 
true Btorie, but that all were false, all were lies, and all were fables ! Would God the 
crueltle of your catholikes had suffred all them to live of whose death ye say now that I 
do lie. Although I deny not but that in that booke of Actes and Monuments, containing 
such diversitie of matter, some thing might overscapo me, yet have I bestowed my pooro 
diligence. My intent was to profit all men, to hurt none/^ Edition 1579, p. 550. 



then borne as yet to fulfyll the number of their bretheren by martyr- 
dome; but those that to yow were left by them, how butcherly have 
yow slayne ! Ye are the chyldren of your murdryng fathers, havyng 
the same hate that they to Gode [and] godlynes, the same tyranny, all 
laws caste behynde yow, the same doctrine, the same syar the 
devyll, and therfor the same murderyng hartes as perteynyth to 
suche a race, to make havoke (0 cruell wolves !) of Chrystes flocke. 
God forgive yow; God open yowr eyes; God, thorow repentance, 
make yow meeke Pawles, wych have ben so ragyng Sawles, thret- 
nyng blasphemously wrath and slawghter to innocent lambes of 
Chrystes flocke ! 

Now, mr. Foxe, thoghe your booke ys paste the prynte, yet I 
wyll sett downe truly here (God ys wytnes) what I have creably 
herd of some of the martyres more then yowr booke reportyth, in the 
wych I beleeve I shall nether make lye, nor tell lye. The aucthorcs 
therof ar so lawfuU, I myght saye au then ty eke. Of whom I may 
say with the poett: Quorum pars magna fuere, I know not whyther 
ye may be occasyoned to use any of these additionall historyes wych 
I have sent yow, as a taste of many more I have wrytten, a Mar^ 
tyrio Jo. Frythi, I pray yow encreace yowr booke, for I hope it wyll 
be adbrydged,* and also enlarged, when yow shalbe gon to Chryste. 

Nam tuus hic genium fertur habere liber. 

Oportet imperatorem stantem et militem Christi pugnantem mori. 

Cogita quae dico, inquit S^"" Paulus. 

The examynatyone of a blynde boy called the blynde boy 
of Gloucester^ afore doctor Wylliams the judge. And 
of the myserable ende of the same judge. , 

Thys boy called blynde Tome was browght afore the sayd doctor 

* This anticipation, which has since been so repeatedly falAIled, was accomplished 
shortly after Loathe wrote. The first Abridgement of Foxe*s work, by Timothe Bright 
doctor of phisicke, was printed at London, 1589, in 4to. 

•> This blind boy had already figured in Foxe's narrative of the last days of bishop Hooper. 
When the bishop was brought to Gloucester on the 8th of February, 1555-6, the day 


Wyllyams the chawncelor,* and John Barkere alias Taylore the 
register, ^ in the consistory by the south dore in the nether ende of 
the churche. The offycers in whose custody the boy remeyned, by 
commandment of the chawncelor, presented the poore boy at the 
barre before the judge. Then doctor Wyllyams examined hym 
apon sondry articles magistrall and usuall emonge the tormentors at 
that tjrme, as ye may fynd folio {blank) in mr. Foxc. ® And namely 
he urged the article of Transubstantiatyone. 

Wyllyams. Doest yow not beleeve that after the wordes of con- 
secratione of the preeste that ther remaynyth the veery body of 
Chryste? Tome. No, that I doo not. Wyllyams, Then yow arte 
an heretyke, and shalte be bumte. Who tawght thee thys heresy ? 
Tome. Yow, mr. Chawncelor. W. Where, I pray thee ? Tome, 
When in yonder place (poynting with his hande and lokyng^ as it 
were towerde the pulpytt, standynge apon the north syde of the 

belbre his suffering at the stake : '* The same day, in the after ooone, a blinde boy, after 
long intercession made to the guard, obtained licence to be brought unto master Hooper's 
speech. The same boy not long afore had suffered imprisonment at Gloucester for confess- 
ing the truth. Master Hooper, after he had examined him of his faith, and the cause of his 
imprisonment, beheld him stedfastly, and (the water appearing in his eyes) said unto him: 
Ah, poore boy ! God hath taken from thee thine outward sight, for what consideration he 
best knoweth : but he hath given thee another sight much more precious, for he hath in- 
dued thy soule with the eye of knowledge and faith. God give thee grace continually to 
pray unto him that thou lose not that sight, for then shouldeat thou be blind both in body 
and soule.^* (Folio edition 1641, iii. 153). Subsequently, at p. 702 of the same volume, 
we read that the blind boy^s name was Thomas Drowrie, and that he was finally burned at 
Gloucester, aboatthe fifth of May 1.556, together with Thomas Croker a bricklayer. Foxe 
has on that occasion introduced the conversation given in the text, " Ex testimo. lo. 
Lond.^^ as our author^s name is there misprinted. 

• See p. 20. 

i> "John Tayler, alias Barker, occurs soon after the foundation of the bishopric, and 
August the 31st, 1569.*" (Rudder, Hist, of Gloucestershire, p. 170.) In 1552, the sum 
of forty marks was settled to be paid yearly to John Tayler, alias Baker, {tic) gent, for 
keeping the register of the bishop of Gloucester. Strype's Memorials, ii. 357. 

c — '* such usuall articles as are accustomed in such cases, and are sundry times men- 
tioned in this book.** Foxe, vhi supra, 

<* Above the word *' loking'* is written " turning,** and so Foxe has printed. 


churche). W, When dyd I so teache thee? Tome. When yow 
preched there (namyng the day) a sermone to all men as well as to 
me, apon the sacrament Yow sayd the sacrament was to be receaved 
spiritually by fayth, and not carnally and really as the papistes have 
hertofore tawght. W. Then do as I have done, and yow shalt lyve 
as I do, and escape burnynge. Tome. Thoghe yow can so easly 
dyspcnse with yowr selfe, and mocke with God, the world, and yowr 
conscyence, I wyll not so doo. Wyllyama. Then God have mercy 
apon thee, for I wyll reade thy condemnatory sentense. Tom£. 
Godes wyll be fulfylled ! 

Here the register stoode up and sayd to the chawncelor, Fye for 
shame, man ! Wyll ye reade the sentense, and condemne yowr 
selfe? Away, away! and substitute another to gyve sentense and 
judgement. Wyllyama, Mr. registere, I wyll obbey the la we, and 
gyve sentense me selfe acordynge to myn offyce. And so he 
redd the sentense with an unhappy tounge, and more unhappy 

Ex testim^nio John Taylore alias Barker, Registrarij Glouc*, 
olim ex cenobio Oxon, quod vocatur Omnium Sanctorum, 

The strawnge and hasty » dcthe of the same doctor Wyllyams.** 

Wlien God, of hys inestimable mercy havyng pytye of us, and 
pardonyng ovvr synnes for hys sonnes sake Chryste Jhesus, hadd now 
taken from us that blooddy prynces and sent us thys Jewell of joye 
the queues majestic that now raygnyth (and long myght she 

• The word '• hasty " is altered into " fearful " by Foxe, who (edition 1641, iii. 962) 
appended this anecdote to his series recounting '* God*8 punishment upon persecutors, 
and contemners of the Gospel." He docs not there give the authority of John Loude, nor 
of Loudens informant the dean of Gloucester. 

^ John Williams, LL.D. He had been first appointed chancellor of Gloucester jointly 
with Richard Brown, LL.B. 28 Nov. 1541. «» This Williams, in king Henry's reign, ap- 
pears very zealous in the execution of the six articles. In the next reign he was a sudden 
convert to protestantism, and he began queen Mary's with depriving several clergymen of 
their livings for marriage. In 1555 he condemned Henry Hicks, a carpenter or joiner in 
this city, to carry a faggot in Berkeley church and in this cathedral. He was some time 


raygnel) over us, and that the commissyoners for restitutione of 
religione were commyng towarde Gloucester, and the same day doc- 
tor Wyllyams the chawncelor dyned with W. Jenynges* the deane 
of Gloucester, who with all his men were booted and ready at one of 
the clocke to set forwarde towerd Ghyppyng Norton, abowte xv. 
myles from Gloucester, to meete the commissyoners, wych wer at 
Ghyppyng Norton, and sayd to hym, Ghawncelor, are not thy boots 
on? Chavmc. Whye should I putt them one? To go with me 
(quoth the Deane) to meete these commyssioners.** Chavmc. I wyll 
nether meete them nor see them, Deane. Thow muste needes see 
them, for now it ys paste twelfe, and they wylbe here afore three of 
the clocke, and therfor, yf thow be wyse, onne with thy bootes and 
lett us go togyther, and all shalbe well. Chaumc. Go yowr wayes, 
mr. deane; I wyll never see them. 

As I seyd, W. Jenynges the deane satt forwarde with hys com- 
pany towarde the commissyoners; and by and by commyth one upon 

incumbent of the Holy Trinity in Gloucester, of Rockhampton, Beveratone, Painswick, Sid- 
dington StMary, Coin St.Dennis, and Walford, and a prebendary of Gloucester/* After 
dr. Williams *8 death, his office was performed by the vicar- general of the province of Can* 
terbury, during the vacancy of the see, after which John Louth, the writer of these pages, 
succeeded to it. Rudder, Hbtory of Gloucestershire, p. 163. 

* William Jennings, B.D. chaplain to the king, became in 1541 the first dean of 
Gloucester, having been previously a monk of St. Peter*s and prior of St. Oswald's in that 
city. He must have been a person very accommodating to the changes of the times, as he 
held the deanery until his death in 1565, when his body was buried before the door of the 
choir. See his other preferments and epitaph in Willises Cathedrals, ii. 729, and Rud- 
der's History of Gloucestershire, p. 161. Bishop Hooper's dedication of his Annotations on 
the Thirteenth Chapter to the Romans, commences ** To my very loving and dear-beloved 
fellow labourers in the word of God, and brethren in Christ, William Jenins dean of the 
cathedral church in Gloucester, John Williams doctor of the law and chancellor, and to 
the rest of all the church appointed there," &c. Hooper's Works, printed for the Parker 
Society, il. 95. 

l> This commission for visiting the dioceses of Salisbury, Bristol, Exeter, Bath and Wells, 
and Gloucester, was dated July 19, 1559, and addressed to William earl of Pem- 
broke, John Jewel, S.Th.P., Henry Parry, licentiate in laws, and William Lovelace, 
lawyer. Strype's Annals, i. 167. Sir John Cheyne was apparently substituted for the 
earl of Pembroke, as shown by one of their reports : see the life of Jewel prefixed to his 
Works printed for the Parker Society, pp. xiv. xv. 


horsebacke to the deane, saying, ** Mr. chawncelor lyethe at the mercy 
of God, and ys speechlesse." At that worde the deane with his 
company prycked forwarde to the commissyoners and told them the 
whole matter and communicacion betwene them two as above ; and 
they sente orfe of theyr men, with the beste woordes they cowlde 
devise, to comforte hym, with many promises. But to be shorte, 
albeyt the commissyoners were nowe nearer Gloucester then the 
deane and his company thoght, makyng veary greate haste, espe- 
cyally after they hadd receaved these newes, yett dr. Wyllyams, 
thoghe false of religione, yet trew of his promyse, kepte his ungra- 
cious coven ante with the deane, for he was dedd er they came to the 
cyty, and so never sawe them in dede. 

Hoc mihi narravit dictus decantis Glouc, cum ego Jo: 
Loude apud eum una cum multia aliis cen&remus, 

Hys woman or howsekeper (for suche wold bee with owt wyves, 
but not with owt women) told hur fryndes many tymes, that hur 
master kylled hym selfe with eatyng of rew. Jo. AovBe. A lerned 
man may hereby gathere that the doctore havyng an evyll con- 
science, and no good opinione of the commissyoners' curtesy, poy- 
soned hymself, more Romano^ but, as it semeth by conjecture, re- 
ceavyng suche a chearefuU message by poste from the commissyoners, 
wold have recovered hym selfe by medicyne, to late taken ; for nuttes, 
rew, and fygges, ys a good antidotary preservative agaynst poysone, 

being taken in tyme. Otherwyse, acordyng to the verse, 

sero medicina paratur 

Cum mala per longas invaluere moras. 

The Commissyoners were these : mr. Jewell, * mr. Alley, ^ mr. 

Parray, ® mr. Lovelase,^ mr. Dalabare, ® &c. 

* John Jewel, afterwards bishop of Salisbury 1559. 

^ William Alley, bishop of Exeter 1560. 

c Henry Parry, afterwards an exile at Frankfort. Zurich Letters, iii. 763. 

<* William Lovelace, Serjeant at law 1567. In 1572 he was recommended by Lord 
Burghley to be steward of archbishop Parker^ liberties. Correspondence of Parker, 
Works, (Parker Society,) p. 405. See also the Index to Strype^s Works. 

« Anthony Dalaber, of St. Alban's hall, Oxford, brother to the parson of Stalbridge in 


The tragicall lyff and ende of a ryght Catholyke preeste 
at London. 

Ther ys a lytle paryshe (I thynke called St. Margaret*) in the ende 
of Estcheape, in the wych served a curate of as good religione as 
lyvyng, for bothe were sterke nowght, as any man by that wych 
folowyth may judge, si homo ex fructibus. To be shorte, and as 
clenly as I can devise in suche bawdy men's matters. A commande- 
ment was gyven that all curattes (what so ever) should not be at ser- 
mones nor servyce longer than ix. of the clocke, that then the cu- 
rattes with the paryshes myght come to Poles crosse and heare the 
prechers. To this sayd this good curatt, ** I wyll (quod he) make 
an ende of service at the proscribed hower gladly, seing I muste 
needes so doo. But so longe as any of these heretykes preche at the 
Crosse as no we adayes thei do, I wyll never here them, for I wyll 
not come there. I will rather hange." He was not so well occu- 
pied, as ye may conjecture, by the proces of the matter. This curatte 
tooke an howse-ende or a chamber in the paryshe wheare he served. 
Yt chawnced the rente to be behynde. The rentegatherer was 
angry, and axed wheare he was. ** Belyke (sayd the neyghbores) he 
ys gonne by Erythe bote into Kente, to some good wyves labore, as 
he usythe every munday or sonday at night to doo." The rent- 
gatherer takyng these wordes for a jeste, sayd in a great fume, 
** Telle hym, and understand yow also his neyghbores, that yf the 
rente be not payd me at suche a tyme, &c. I wyll breake apon the 
chamber dore and distrayne." The day and tyme came, and the 
rente-gatherer was there with a smyth and brake apon the dore. At 

Dorsetshire. He was the author of a long and very remarkable narrative respecting 
the persecutions of those who entertained the new doctrines in Oxford, inserted by Foxe 
in his Actes and Monuments (commencing at vol. v. p. 421 of Townsend and Cattley*s 
edition), respecting which see Dr. S. R. Maitland^s Blssays on subjects connected with the 
Reformation in England, 1849. 8vo. pp. 13 et seq., and the Rev. J. A. Froude*s History 
of England, 1856, ii. pp. 45 et seq. 

* Possibly St. Martin Orgar : for there seems to have been no church there dedicated 
to St. Margaret. 


I : the entryng thei fownd an horryble stynche; when the people drew 
. neare they saw a woman, all raoste kneelyng in a cheare, hanged in 
a roope; but approchyng neare, thei perceaved that it was a man 
smothely shaven and pared to the harde lether, maggottes crawlyng 
' owt of his mouthe, eyes, and eares. The paryshners sayd it was there 
curatte. The crowner's questc came to fynde the cawse of his 
dethe. The jury wold not abyde the stynche, but hadd rather lese 
theyre fynes and amercyments then theyre lives. So the crowner 
was enforced to brynge a wry tt called a decern tales de circumstantibusj 
and by virtew of that wrytt toke among other one mr. W. Warren 
to be of the Jewry, whose syster ys yet alyve, maryed to mr. Burton 
chawndeler in Estchepe. She and other awncyent men of the pa- 
ryshe can declare his name and all other particuler circumstaunces, 
and avarre it trewe to theyre faces that shall denye it. I wyll sturre 
no longer in theyr downge that ar of the pope's wyveles clergye, 
lest they cry owt "Lyes! lyes!" agaynst me, as they lately dyd 
against mr. Foxe for tellyng the truthe. Only this I crave on them, 
that thei wold skanne with this history the saying of Willielmus 
Westmonasteriensis, and specially Polydore Virgil De Invent Re- 
rumy lib. 5, c. 4, concernyng the chastitie of theis cleane-fyngred 
gentlemen of the pope's clergy. Thys mr. W. Warren one of thys 
jury sayd that he [the curate] customably wente in Kente apon 
sonday at nyght, et nocte profitehatur artem obstetricandi inter homines 
non sui sexxis, • 

* That a man should practise the art of midwifery appears to have been, in the eyes of 
John Loathe, a crime of heinous magnitude, perhaps scarcely increased by the circumstance 
of his being a priest. The late Dr. Samuel Merriman, who was as conversant with the 
literature as with the practice of his profession, in a letter signed Obstetricus in the Gen- 
tleman "s Magazine for Jan. 1830, has traced the history of the terms Midwife, Man-Mid- 
wife, Accoucheur, &c. showing the several objections that have been made to the second, 
and various substitutes that have been proposed. He says that '* the earliest date at which 
I have found the word Man-midwife is 1637, when it was employed in the pre&ce of * The 
Expert Midwife.* '* Midwife he regards as a contraction of modir-mfe^ the old English 
word THodir having been used both for the mother and the womb. It may be presumed 
that midwifery was little if at all practised by men in England before the year 1637. The 
first book published in English on the subject was *^ The Dyrth of Mankynde, newlye 


Thes histores ar to be preserved in memory of man, to the con- 
versione of many yet lyvynge and lykyng Egipte and Babilone ; as 
the arses of the Philystines wer made of sylver by Godes commande,* 
and reserved to the perpetuall shame of that idolatrous natyone. 

Ex testimonio W, Warren unius juratorum dictorum. 

Of an aunciente protestante called mr. John Petite. 

This John Petite was one of the fyrste that with mr. Fryth, Byl- 
ney, and Tyndall cowght a swheetnes in Godes worde. He was xx'* 
yeares burgesse for the cyty of London, and free of the Grocers, elo- 
quente and welspoken, exactly scne in hystores, songe, and the Laten 
tongue. ** King Henry 8. wolde axe in the parlamente tyme, in hj^s 
waighty affayres, yf Petite wer of his syde; for ons, when the kyng 
required to have all those somes of mony to be gyven hym by acte 
of parlamente whych afore he hadd borowed of certeyn persons, John 
Petite stode agaynste the byll, sayinge ** I can not in my con- 
science agree and consent that this bylle should passe, for I know 
not my neighbores estate. They perhaps borowed it to lend the 

translated oute of Laten into Englysshe, 1540,^' 4to. This was originally written by a 
German, Roslin, or, as he classically styled himself, Eucharius Rhodion. The first edition, 
which contains some of the earliest copper-plate engravings puhlished in England, is dedi- 
cated to qnene Katheryne by her physician dr. Richard Jonas : the subsequent editions, 
of which there are many, bear the name of the translator, dr. Thomas Raynold. See an 
account of this work, by T. J. Pettigrew, esq. F.R.S. and F.S.A. in the Medical Portrait 
Gallery, vol. i. (memoir of Sir C. M. Clarke, Bart.) The original MS. copy presen!ed 
to queen Katharine is in the possession of Mr. Pettigrew, and was exhibited by him to 
the Society of Antiquaries. 

* This alludes to chapter vi. of the first book of Samuel, where the offerings in question 
are in our translation termed '* golden emerods.'* Such offerings representing all kinds 
of diseases and deformities are still customary in India, and are usually made of silver. 
See an interesting note on the subject in Knight^s Pictorial Bible. 

l> Notwithstanding the high character given by Louthe to John Petit, and his important 
position for twenty years, as one of the four citizens representing London in Parliament, I 
have failed to find any other memorial of him. The city historians are silent regarding 
him, and so is Mr. Heath in his History of the Grocers' Company, and even his name as a 
member of parliament does not appear on the lists, from their being imperfect in the reign 
of Henry VIIL 





kyng. But I know myn owne estate, and therefor I freely and frankly 
gyve the kyng that I lente hym." This burges was sore suspected 
of the lord chawncelor and the prelacy of this realme, that he was a 
fawtore of the relegione that they called newe, and also a bearer 
with them in pryntyng of theyr bookes. Therfore mr. More *com- 
my th apon a certeyne tyme to hys howse at Liones kay,^ then called 
Petites kay, and knokkyng at the doore, mrs. Petite came towerd the 
dore and seinge that it was the lord chawncelor she whypped in haste 
to hur husbonde, beinge in his closett at his prayers, saing, ** Come, 
come, husbonde, my lorde chawncelor ys at the dore, and wold speake 
with yow." At the same worde the lorde chawncelor was in the 
closett at hur backe. To whom mr. Petite spake with greate cur- 
tesy, thankyng hym that it wold please his lordship to visitt hym in 
his ownepoore howse; but, becawsehe wold not drynke, he attended 
apon hym to the dore, and, ready to take hys leave, axed hym yf his 
lordship wold command hym any service. " No (quod the chawn- 
celor), ye say ye have none of these newe bookes?" ** Your lordship 
sawe (sayd he) my bookes and my closett." - ** Yet (quod the chawn- 
celor), ye muste go with mr. lieutenante. Take hym to yow," quod 
the chawncelor to the lyeutenante. Then he was layd in a doungeone 
apon a padd of strawe, in close prison ; his wyffe might not come 
unto hym nor brynge hym any bedd. After longe sute and dayly 
teares of his wyff Lucy Petite, she obtcyned license to send hym in 
a bedd, and that he myght be broght to his aimswere, wheare they 
hadd gotten a lytic old preest, that should say he hadd Tyndale's 
testamente in Englyshe, and dyd helpe hym and suche other to pub- 
lyshe theyre heretycall bookes in Englyshe, as thei termed them. But 

* The illustrious sir Thomas More, who, notwithstanding his great intelligence and love 
of learning, was not only immoveably attached to the ancient fiuth, but very zealous as a 
persecutor of those who entertained the new doctrines. See Mr. Froude*B remarks on his 
illegal practice of detaining untried **hereticks" in prison. History of England, 1856, 

ii. 76. 

^ '* Next to (Billingsgate) is Sommer*s key, which likewise tooke that name of one 
Sommer dwelling there, as did Lion key of one Lion owner thereof, and since of the signe 
of the Lion." Stowe's Survay. 


now at laste when mr. Petite hadd caght hya dethe by so nawghty 
harbor of the lord chawncelor, he was called openly, and the preeste 
that should have accused hym, axed mr. Petite forgyvenes, saying, 
" Mr. Petite, I never saw yow afore this tyme ; how should I then be 
able to accuse you?*' And so he was suffered to go whome, but he 
dyed immediatly aftere apone the same yll harborowe. He thoght 
his payne came over his cheste lyke a barre of yron. 

Here is to be remembred a strange thynge or two. When John 
Frythe * was in the Tower, he came to Petites kay in the nyghtj 
notwithstanding the straight watche and warde, by commandment, 
&c. At whose fyrst commyng mr. Petite was in dowght whether it 
was mr. Frythe or a visione : no lesse dowghting, nor otherwyse, 
then the Apostles, when Rode the mayde broght tydynges that 
Peter was gott owt of prison .'^ But mr. Frythe shewed hym that y t 
was God that wroght hym that liberty in the harte of his keper one 
Philippes, who, apon the cautyone of his owne worde and promyse, 
lett hym go at liberty in the nyght to consulte with godly men. 
The same underkeper suffred mr. Petite, being imprisoned under 
mr. Bylney,« by removyng a borde, to dyne and suppe to gyther, 
and to cheere one and othere in the Lorde, with suche symple fare 
as papistes' charitee wold alowe them. The trothe ys, when [the] 
lorde chawncelor came to serche his closett, ther laye undemethe 
mr. Petite's deske a new testamente in Englyshe and an other in 
Laten above, yet the chawncelor saw it not, by what meanes God 
knoweth, and I leave it to every godly man's judgements 

Thys mr. Petite wold neades be buryed in the churche yarde, and 
the preested ^ preestes powred sope ashes upon hys grave, aflSrmyng 


* John Frith, having denied the real presence, was burned in Smithfield, July 4, 1533. 
See Index to the Parker Society *8 works, p. 335. His ** Disputacion of Purgatory ** is no- 
ticed hereafter. 

^ Acts, xii. 31. 

*^ Thomas Bilney, who suffered in Smithfield, March 10, 1531. Sec Proude^s History 
of England, 1856, ii. 84. To him Latimer owed his conversion. 

^ Sic in MS. 


that God wold not suffer grasse to grow upon suche an heretyckes 
grave, and many of the Balaamytes came to see and testyfie the 

In fyne, mr. Petite, albe yt he had great ryches by his fyrste wyff 
(being his mistress and a widow) and specyally by his seconde wyff 
Lucy Wattes, dawghter and heyre unto the kyng's grocer mr. Wattes, 
yet he dyed not ryche ; for ij cawses, the one for that the lord chawn- 
celor made hym pay the debte of one for whose aparance mr. Petite 
stoode bownd in la we. The party was sycke of a tympany, therfor 
mr. Petite was enforced to bryng hym in a carte to London an hun- 
dryth mylcs by estimacion, whcrof he dyed; but the chawncelor, of 
a popyshe charyte, wold neades lett the pryncypall go, and take it 
apon the suertee, J. P. 

An other cawse was thys: mr. Petite gave muche to the poore, 
and specyally to poore prechers, suche as then wer on this syde the 
say and beyonde the say; and in his debte booke these desperatte 
debteshe cntred thus, — ** lente unto Chryste ;'^ and so commanded his 
exequutors to demande non of those debtes. Hys wyll therfor 
amounted not above the valew of viij" for his ij dawghters un- 
maryed, Audrey and Blanche Petite, over and besydes those despe- 
ratt debtes and his land in Shoredyche and Waltamestowe. One W. 
Bolles, the laste husbond of Lucy Petite, hathe the land in Shorle- 
dych, yet alyve, and receaved vij" lib. of sir Jeffray Grates,* a debtor 
of Petite*s, and so muche goodes besyde as he therwith was able to 
by the receavorshipp of Chester, Derby, Nottyngham, and Lincoln* 
Lytic of it came to mr. Petite's chyldren. 

Teste ipsiua uxore Lucia Petite. 

* Sir Geoffrey Gates was in 1523 a captain of the army sent into France under the duke 
of Suffolk. (State Papers, vi. 170.) He died in 1526, leaving a« his son and heir sir 
John Gates, afterwards vice-chamberlain and captain of the guard to king Edward VI., 
who was beheaded with the duke of Northumberland in 1553. (Morant's Essex, ii. 146.) 


How dangerous a thynfr it ys to communicate with papistes 
in tlier service, may appere by tliis history following. 

Mr. Wylliam Forde," some tyme aclioler and after usliere of 
Wykam coUcadge besyde Wyneliester, beingc at length with muche 
adoo broght from the popyshe doctrine (ossitiuo jurgio et contentione 
Jo. a Luda) became at laste a groatc caerayc to papisme in Oxforde, 
being there felowe and civilian as mr. John Philpott was in Wykam 
coUeadge; and afterwardes being ushcre under mr. John Whigbt, *■ 
Bcbol master. 

Ther was many golden images in Wybam's coUeage by Wynlon. 
The churche dore waa directly over agayiiste the uaher'a chamber. 
Mr. Forde tyed a longe coorde to the i mages, lynkyng them all in one 
coorde, and, being in his chamber after midnight, he plucked the 
cordea endc, and at one puUe all the golden godes came downe with 
heyho Rombelo." Yt wakened all men with the rushe, They wer 
amased at the terryble noyse and also disamayd at the greevous sight- 
The corde beinge plucked harde and cutt with a twytche, lay at the 

• " 1531. WilUelmus Forde, de Brightwell, xtij nnn. in feato Mioh. pneCeriti. /» 
iHUr^inc, HjpoilidnKsliu Wynton: BeoMr de Newberye." B«giater et AdmisiiDnt to 

> JoliD Wbite, hiAd achoolmaater of Winoheiler colli'Be 1 &34, wanlen of Winchester 
ISll, btibop of Lincoln 15S1, an.l of Wiacbester ISfiO ; depriied 1S60 ; died I£G9-60. 
S«fl Index to tlie worlw of the Parker Sueiety. p, 78(1 ; aUo Machjo's Warj, Index ; The 
Chnmiaie of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 174 ; and Collectiuea Ti>pi«. et Qeneal. 
Tii. 213. Hie Rnt entmnee at Wiacheeter ia tboa recorded: "1531. Jalisuna Wbyte 
da Punbun, xj an. in feito Nat. 0*01 prsterito — Siitber7e. /nmar^'iK, Inform. Wjnton. 
Cnata Wynton." (Bcginter of Adroinaions.) On his enaminBtion in biahop Qardiner'a 
Daue, hi 1CSI, he took credit for baving instilled into Iri Kholars the doctrine of the 
roy^ m|Hcraacy, declaring ^' thai about tweWc yev^ ago, or thereaboula, an he doth 
wnent (then being Bchoolmaaler of the college of Wjnton) did, by 
tof thibisliop of Winchester, make certain YDrse« eilolling the King'Viupre- 
inst the usurped power of the Biahnp of Rome ; wliich raiil lenos this depa- 
> icholsn to learn, and to practiiio tliem in making of vcnei to the like ar- 
vid bishop encouraging thi« deponent u to do." (Foie. flral edit. ii. 84S.) 
' The burden of ■ song. It ocrum— i^mb./fove-sa early an I3U. attached to a 
rh^e nuMle by the Scots on the battle of Ban nock burn, which in introduci^ by Fabyan 
in bis Chronicle. 


dwellyng at Wodhowse a myle of. There he hcrde chawntynge, 
Byngyng, and torche-berynge in day-light at masse. Apon this he 
fell in a myslyking of hyni self. The dyvyll tempted hytn conti- 
nually, specyatly in the nyght, aa many knew. At laste G. Petite, 
the Sonne of mr. John Petite, told tlicse news to John Loude, bow 
his old frynd and scholer was tempted of Sathan to kylle hyra selfe 
apon a smale occasyon, as some thoght. Then John Loude, from 
Adenborow » in Nottingham ah ere, wrote a comfortable letter by G. 
Petite to mr. Forde, at leadynge of whych letter he greatly rejoced, 
and toke spiritual! coraforte ; ofte tynnes kyssyng the letter, et gratiaa 
agent Deo et ejus servo J. L. And so at laste being well recomforted, 
he was made person of Newbery by the meanea of mr. Forteskew '' 
some tyme his scholer in huraanitee, rather then folower in religione, 
and, with oontinuall paynea in techyng the grammer schole ther and 
prechyng, he chawngcd this lyff for a better in great feablenea of 
body more then of sowle and niynde. 

Yet one Rychard WcVcr of Brystole felle into lyke temptacyone for 
hearyng masse, and receavyng a great space muche consolatyone 
by the great and tedious travayle of one precher now neadlca to be 
named, yet at laate, when he should go whom,' he ranne to the 
infamous mylles of Brystolie, and cowght a chylde of vjj yearea age 
in his armes, and so lepped in to the water and wer bothc drowned. 

Tower Feb. 22, 1547-8, prBviouslj (o the coronation of Edward VI., uid died March 21, 
1S64. "The ffswea owle of Hcaveii both pLeuaunt and jojtull," written by Thomu 
Beoon at Aisop in the Dnle in the Peak of Derbyabire, were dedicated at a new-jear's 
gitt "to the right wonihipful master George Pierpount," (a whom the author acknowtedged 
himielf to be greatlj bound. (Becon'i Works, printed Cot the Pu-ker Soaiet;, i. 37, H.) 
The panage in the text seema to show that be afterwards a^mpathised with the opponeuta 
of Becon. Yet his urn Henr; wan evidentlj a friend of Louthe, being npiiointed one of 
the auperfison of his will. (Seo p. 12.) 

• Now Attenboroug^. Loutke may haie had the liiiug : but Tboroton, the historian of 
Hottinghunahire, gives no liata of incumbents. 

^ PorhapB air Adrian Porteacue, whosv widow Anno, daughter of sir William Read, viu 
TsmaniMl to sir Thomas Parry. In loSJ Thomas Parry esquire, and his wife dame Anne 
Fortnoae, reeided in the oollego of Wallingfurd. In 15S5 ahe was buried at Welford, aix 
mUM bom Newbury. Ljsoiu, Berkshire, pp. 359, 41S. ' i. (. borne. 


It is not to be conceled that this poore miser, tempted nyghtely, 
and almoste choked of the fynd, for none other cause then is re- 
hersed, fownd a longe tyme unspeakable com forte of the saying of 
saint Paule,* " Chryste came into this world to save synners, of the 
wych I am the greatest;" pretendyng a great reverence and love to 
the prechere, and ever recy vyng the sayd sentense ; but being broght 
to the servyce at the coUeag a° 4 Elizah. lie was cleane altered, and 
that love turned in to a servile feare and terror of the prechere, 
seekynge occasyones to steale from behynde hym, but beinge of hym 
espyed, he wolde be marvelously abashed, and as it wer tremble for 
feare, thoghe of the prechere he hadd all the fayrest and plesant 
wordes that he cowld devyse. 

By this doble history, wych is well known to many, all men I 
truste may lerne that the masse was never devised with owt the 
dy vylle, seing the heeryng of masse hathe so divyllyshe effect in those 
that yelde unto it. 

Hoec qui scripsit ecce ccyram Deo vera esse novit. 

Of mr. Quynby of Oxforde. 

After the apprehensyone of John Fry the ^ many were detected® 
in Oxforde, as this mr. Quynby,** Talbot,e John Man,^ all of the 
New colleadge; and Bartholomew Traheron,^ an olde disciple. 

• 1 Tim. 2. »» In 1538. 

*^ This was a customary term, and one which may he frequently found in the pages of 
Foxe, signifying impeached or informed against. 

^ I have not ascertained the christian name of this Quinhy, but he was probably a rela- 
tive of Anthony Quinby, bachelor of law, whose memory has been preserved in the fol- 
lowing epitaph placed "under the proportion of a man on a brass plate/^ in the east 
cloister of New College chapel. 

En nuda Antonii Quinby lapis iste, Briani 

Wottoni hie positus sumptibus, oasa tegit. 
Hie duo (viventes sic junxit amor) sua jungi 
Post mortem optabant corpora corporibus. 
Ast alitor Dominus decrerat : namque Brianus 
Londini, Oxonie conditur Antonius. 

(For Notes « ^^ see next page.) 


John Man recanted, whom mr. Train 
on whom the good scedca of God's wi 

ron called the atonny ground, 
rde looko no rowte. Talbote 

^ gradum poriter Hiuwepit 


iv colend. Feb. H 

Wond'i Co1[«eea and HsIIb of Oxford (edit. Gutch), ITSfl. vol. iii. p. 212; y/betc' it u 

added tliat Quiiib;'a friend Brian Wutlon wa> buried in tlie aburchy«>v1 nl •?; 1" \, 

London, bis bither Edwanl lying in that obureh, Tlie fallowing ire Ibo anlriBs of Uis 
kdmisioiu of tbo two friends at Winchester in the simf year : 

"ISIT. AntoniueQuinbyodcFcrDliani.Wiiilon. dioo. xiij an. in ^ Paaohn pnet. 

" Brianua Wottoo de paroobia S'ai Albsni, London. diDO. liij an. in t> Simoais 

el Jndic pcsterilo." (Regiiter uf Wincbetlac College.) 

Anuing tbe witnessea examined in th> proceedings against biobop Qardiner in 1651, 
«B " Robert Quinb; of Farnliam clothmsker, where he was born, ot the age at '21 ur 
tbereabouts : " see Foxe. Acles and MonumentB. Hist edit. ii. SU. 

' This was Robert Talbot, one of our earlienC Knglisti sntiquajies, who wrote a coni- 
rnentai? on the Itinerary of Anioniniu. Wood tells uh that be hecamu fellow ot Npw 
ooUege (after he had aerred two yeais of probalion), an. ISiS, and left it Hie jcuii fttter, 
bong expelled for heresy. That be afterwards " sterto baeit ^* in bis fiiitb, as Loude tolls, 
qipean to bo oooflrmed by tbe prutisions of bis will. See the memoir of hioi In Atbenm 
Onm. (ud. Bliss) i. 263. His oiuue is not to be found in the rcgiater of Wincheslor 

f John Han ii said to liavo been bom at Laoock in Wiltshire, but the tolry of his 
adnilsalon at Winchester atutea thai ho came from Winterboumo Stoke, which is in (bo 
nme oounly, but more than twenty miles from Lacock. It is as tollowi : "A.D. Ifi23. 
Juhuiies Hanne de Wynterbonrne Stoke xj an. in P* Axiamp. pnet." He via elocteJ 
(torn Winchester to New college 152D, proctor of the nniverait; 1510. He also was 
axpelled Mew college for heresy, but in lGt7 HFis made prinoipal of White ball, and in 
1CS2 warden of Merton college. In 1E65 he became dean of Gloucester. He died in 
1S6S. Uee memoir of him in Athcnso Oxen. (edit. Bliss) i. 360. He bada contempomry 
U Winehester of the same name und nearly (be same age, admitted " A.D. 162T. 
Johannes Mannc de Wrytyll, li} an. in f- Omn. Sc'r'ni pnct. /n margint, Rector de 

« Oulhoiomow TnUieron was either of Exol«r college or Hart hall. Ho became 
library-keeper to king Edward the Sixth, and was muac dean uf Chichuter 15S1. .Si.'e 
■lie mamoir of bim in Atbouat Uion. (edit. Dliss) i. 323, and yariaus incidents of bii 
bkigr^ihy iu the Index to the Parker Society's works, p. 761. 


also sterte backe lyke Dcimcy* (He serves the lord Wriotliysley, 
teachyng his chyldren), and were never the lesse expulsed by the 
warden, doctor John London.^ Quynbc was imprisonned veary 
strayghtely in the steeple of the New coUeadg, and dyed halfe 
sterved with colde and lacke of foode. He desyred his fryndes that 
came to sec hym that he myght receave the Lordes supper in both 
formes ; but it wold not be graunted. He was axed of his fryndes 
what he wold eate; he sayd his stomache was gonne from all meate 
excepte it wcr a warden pye.* *' Ye shall have it," quod they. *' I 
woldo, have but two wardens (quod he) baked : I meane, to be 
playne (sayde he) , owr warden of Oxforde and owr warden of Wyn- 
chester, London and More ; ^ for suche a warden pie might do me 
and Christcs churche good ; wheare as other wardens from the tree 

* This name is very obscure in the MS. The next passage is written in the margin. 
It apparently relates to Talbot. 

^ John London, D.C.L. is a person whose name frequently appears in connection with 
the visitation and suppression of the monasteries, for which purpose he was a visitor ap- 
pointed by Henry VIII. (See Letters on that subject edited for the Camden Society by 
Mr. T. Wright.) Ilis entry at Winchester is thus recorded : " A.D. 1497. Johannes 
London de Haromolden, filius tcnentis Oxon. xj an. in festo Nat. D'ni pmt. — Berks. 
In marginCf Gustos. Oxon.'' (Register of Admissions to W^inchester College.) He was 
elected warden of New college in 1526, and remained so until 1542. He was also a 
canon of Windsor, dean of Osney,and of Wallingford : for his other preferments see Wood, 
Colleges and Halls (edit. Gutch), iii. 188, and Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 47. He died 
in 1543 in the Fleet prison, to which he had been committed on a charge of perjury. 

<^ It is perhaps too well known to require remark that the warden was a species of 
baking pear, said to have derived its name from the Cistercian abbey of Warden in Bed- 

^ " A.D.1492. Edwardus More, de Havant, filius tencntis Winton. xiij an. in festo Nat. 
D*ni pnct. In margine^ Infer. Wynton. Custos Wynton. " (Register of Admissions to Win- 
chester College ) In explanation of the designation *' filius tenentis,'* which but rarely occurs 
in the register, the Rev. W. H. Gunner remarks, that the tenants of the college property 
had by the statutes a right to consideration in the appointment to scholarships, and in the 
very early indentures of election they are bracketed as persons residing in locts ubi bona 
collegii vigent. Among those who supplicated for the degree of B.D. at Oxford in 1518, 
but no one was admitted, was '* Edw. More of New college, who was admitted the eighth 
warden of Wykeham's college near Winchester 29 Oct. 1526, and dying 1541, was 
buried in the choir of the chappel there.'' (Wood's Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, t 47.) 



a doo me no good at all." Thus jcstyng at their tyranny, thorow 
the chcrflilncs of a saffe cooscicnce, he turned hia face to the walle 
in the aayd helfry; and so after his prayers sleaptc swheetly in the 

But to what open shame doctor London was afterwardes putt, 
with open penance with two smockes on his shoulders, for mrs. 
Thykked and nirs. Joiinyngcs, the mother and the daughter, and 
how he was taken with one of them by Henry Plankney in his 
gallery, being his ayater'a Bonne — as It was then knowen to a number 
in Oxforde and elsewheare, so I thynk that some yet lyvyugo bathe 
it in remembrans, aa well as the penner of tbia history. J. L. 

Of the shameful murderyng of one mr. Edmund Loudcof 
Sawtrey, by the moukes and preestes of Sawtrcy Abbey, aboute 
a" 13 H. 8, A" D" 1522. A" 5 post Lutberi pcedicationem. 
This Edmund Loude, the aonno and heyre of mr. TJiomas Loude 
of Hynnyngam castle," Cr(;tyi)gam,''and Sawtry, a mylc from Sawtre 
abbey, descended of noble parentage: for hia mother, Anue Loude, 
was the dawghter and heyre of sir Edmund Molso; hys grand- 
mother Kateryn Dudley, maryed to Lionel! Loude; his great- 
grandmother was Mary of Henawd, maryed to Eogcre Loude, and 
COBsen to Lyonelt erle of Ulstere and duke of Clarenac. lie was 
an enymy to the wanton mounkea of the abbey, and to two lewd 
persons of Sawtfey," for they hawnted moste shamfuUy the wyves of 
mr. Thomas Loude hya tenantcs in the towne. At the wyche mr. 
Loude the father, and Edmund the sonnc, specyaliy founde fawte 
with thya rule of the monkes and prccates, aud some tyme when 
the howsea by them wore watched, and the monkea with thcyr 

* Ap|iDrentIy Castle Hedinghnm in Eaex : we nnU in p. 3. 

* Cretiagbuin, in Suffolk i aee p. i. 

' Sawtre; had two churchea, dedicated to All SiunUi anil Saint Andrew respgctivelj', 
Otborwiw called Suwtray Moygne and Sawtre; Beaum^B, uid conHqnentlj two paRona, 
or rectors. Tlie moaks were Ciaterciant, and their liouae a ce]t of lliil of Warden in 

n 26 Men 



. oftheabbej«Ml4H 

Au..«.-Il «™ M. 
. iv. pp. 2fi5, 26r 

..I llu flear 



kyng. But I know myn owne estate, and therefor I freely and frankly 
gjye the kyng that I lente hym." This burges was sore suspected 
of the lord chawncelor and the prelacy of this realme, that he was a 
fawtore of the relegione that they called newe, and also a bearer 
with them in pryntyng of theyr bookes. Therfore mr. More ■ corn- 
myth apon a certeyne tyme to hys howse at Liones kay,^ then called 
Petites kay, and knokkyng at the doore, mrs. Petite came towerd the 
dore and seinge that it was the lord chawncelor she whypped in haste 
to hur husbonde, beinge in his closett at his prayers, saing, " Come, 
come, husbonde, my lorde chawncelor ys at the dore, and wold speake 
with yow." At the same worde the lorde chawncelor was in the 
closett at hur backe. To whom mr. Petite spake with greate cur- 
tesy, thankyng hym that it wold please his lordship to visitt hym in 
his owne poore howse ; but, becawse he wold not drynke, he attended 
apon hym to the dore, and, ready to take hys leave, axed hym yf his 
lordship wold command hym any service. '* No (quod the chawn- 
celor), ye say ye have none of these newe bookes?" " Your lordship 
sawe (sayd he) my bookes and my closett." - ** Yet (quod the chawn- 
celor), ye muste go with mr. lieutenante. Take hym to yow," quod 
the chawncelor to the lyeutenante. Then he was layd in a doungeone 
apon a padd of strawe, in close prison ; his wyffe might not come 
unto hym nor brynge hym any bedd. After longe sute and dayly 
teares of his wyff Lucy Petite, she obteyned license to send hym in 
a bedd, and that he myght be broght to his aunswere, wheare they 
hadd gotten a lytle old preest, that should say he hadd Tyndale's 
testamente in Englyshe, and dyd helpe hym and suche other to pub- 
lyshe thejrre heretycall bookes in Englyshe, as thei termed them. But 

■ The illustrious sir Thomas More, who, notwithstanding his great intelligence and Ioto 
of learning, was not only immoveahly attached to the ancient fiuth, but very zealous as a 
persecutor of those who entertained the new doctrines. See Mr. Froude*s remarks on his 
illegal practice of detaining untried "hereticks*' in prison. History of England, 1856, 

u. 76. 

b '* Next to (Billingsgate) is Sommer^s key, which likewise tooke that name of one 
Sommer dwelling there, as did Lion key of one Lion owner thereof, and since of the signe 
of the Lion.** Stowe's Surray. 


now at laatc when tnr. Petite hftdd caght hys dethe by so nawghty 
harbor of tlie lord chawncelor, he was called openly, and the preoate 
that bIiouIcI have accused hym, axed mr. Petite forgyvenes, saying, 
" Mr. Petite, I never saw yow afore this lyme ; how should I then bo 
able to accuse you?" And bo he was sufTered to go whome, but he 
dyed immcdiatly at'tere apone the same yll harborowc. He thoght 
hiH payne came over his cheste lyke a barre of yron. 

Here is to be rcmembrcd a strange thynge or two. When John 
Frythe » was in the Tower, he came to Petitea kay in the nyght, 
notwithstanding the straight watche and warde, by commandment, 
&c. At whose fyrst commyng mr. Petite was in dowght whether it 
was mr. Frythe or a risione : no lesse dowghting, nor otherwyse, 
then the Apostles, when Rode the mayde broght tydyiiges that 
Peter was gott owt of prison.'' But nir. Frythe shewed hym that y t 
was God that wroght hym that liberty in the liarte of his kcper one 
Philippes, who, apon the cautyonc of his owne worde and promyse, 
lett hym go at liberty in the nyght to conBulte with godly men. 
The Bame underkeper suffred mr. Petite, being imprisoned under 
mr. Bylney," by removyng a. horde, to dyne and suppe to gyther, 
and to cheere one and othere in the Lorde, with suche aymple fare 
as papiates' charitee wold alowe them. The trothe ys, when [the] 
lorde chawncelor came to serche his dosett, thcr laye undemethe 
mr, Petiic'a deske a new teatamente in Engtyshe and an other in 
Laten above, yet the chawncelor saw it not, by what raeancs God 
knoweth, and I leave it to every godly man's judgemente. 

Thys mr. Petite wold neades be buryed in the churche yarde, and 
the preeated ^ preeates powied sope ashes upon hys grave, affirmyng 

* Jahp Frilb, bavin g deaied the renl praicace, wm bDmed in Smilhfleid, Jul; t, 1S33. 
See lodei to tbe Pnrker Society'! wocka, p. 33S. Bia " DiipDliicioii of PorgMorj" is no- 
(ieal liereafler. 

» Actt, xii. 31. 

c TboniM Bilnc;, wbo mfforcd in Smillifldd, Murch 10, 1^31. See Proude'i Biitoi; 
or England, ISSrt, ii. 81. To liim LiUimer owcil hib cunvursiun. 

< Bic in MS. 


that God wold not suffer grasse to grow upon suche an heretyckes 
grave, and many of the Balaamytes came to see and testyfie the 

In fyne, mr. Petite, albe yt he had great ryches by his fjrrste wyff 
(being his mistress and a widow) and specyally by his seconde wyff 
Lucy Wattes, dawghter and heyre unto the kyng*s grocer mr. Wattes, 
yet he dyed not ryche ; for ij cawses, the one for that the lord chawn- 
celor made hym pay the debte of one for whose aparance mr. Petite 
stoode bownd in la we. The party was sycke of a tympany, therfor 
mr. Petite was enforced to bryng hym in a carte to London an hun- 
dryth mylcs by estimacion, wherof he dyed ; but the chawncelor, of 
a popyshe charyte, wold neadcs lett the pryncypall go, and take it 
apon the suertee, J. P. 

An other cawse was thys : mr. Petite gave muche to the poore, 
and specyally to poore prechers, suche as then wer on this syde the 
say and beyonde the say; and in his debte booke these desperatte 
debteshe entred thus, — ** lente unto Chrystef^ and so commanded his 
cxequutors to demande non of those debtes. Hys wyll therfor 
amounted not above the valew of viij" for his ij dawghters un- 
maryed, Audrey and Blanche Petite, over and besydes those despe- 
ratt debtes and his land in Shoredyche and Waltamestowe. One W. 
BoUes, tlie laste husbond of Lucy Petite, hathe the land in Shorle- 
dych, yet alyve, and receaved vij^'^lib. of sir Jeffray Grates,* a debtor 
of Petite's, and so muche goodes besyde as he therwith was able to 
by the reccavorshipp of Chester, Derby, Nottyngham, and Lincoln* 
Lytle of it came to mr. Petite's chyldren. 

Teste ipsius uxore Litcia Petite, 

* Sir Geoffrey Gates was in 1528 a captain of the army sent into France under the duke 
of Suffolk. (State Papers, vi. 170.) lie died in 1526, leaving as his son and heir sir 
John Gates, afterwards vice-chamberlain and captain of the guard to king Edward VI., 
who was beheaded with the duke of Northumberland in 1553. (Morant's Elssex, IL 146.) 


How dangerous a thyng it ys to communicate with papistes 
in ther service, may appere by this history following. 

Mr. Wylliam Forde,* some tyme scholer and after ushere of 
Wykam colleadge besyde Wynchester, bcinge at length with muche 
adoo broght from the popyshe doctrine {assiduo jurgio et contentione 
Jo, a Luda) became at laste a greate enemye to papisme in Oxforde, 
being there fclowe and civilian as mr. John Philpott was in Wykam 
colleadge ; and afterwardes being ushere under mr. John Whight, ^ 

Ther was many golden images in Wykam 's colleage by Wynton. 
The churche dore was directly over agaynste the usher*s chamber. 
Mr. Forde tyed a longe coorde to the images, lynkyng them all in one 
coorde, and, being in his chamber after midnight, he plucked the 
cordes endc, and at one puUe all the golden godes came downe with 
heyho Romhelo.^ Yt wakened all men with the rushe. They wer 
amased at the terryble noyse and also disamayd at the greevous sight* 
The corde beinge plucked harde and cutt with a twytche, lay at the 

* " 1534. Willielmus Forde, de Brightwell, xiij ann. in festo Mich, prseteriti. In 
niargine, Hypodidascalus Wynton: Rector de Newberye/^ Register of Admissions to 
Winchester College. 

^ John White, head schoolmaster of Winchester college 1534, warden of Winchester 
1541, bishop of Lincoln 1554, and of Winchester 1556 ; deprived 1559 ; died 1559-60. 
See Index to the works of the Parker Society, p. 786 ; also Machyn^s Diary, Index ; The 
Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 174 ; and Collectanea Topog. et Geneal. 
vii. 213. His first entrance at Winchester is thus recorded : *'1521. Johannes Whyte 
de Famham, xj an. in festo Nat. D'ni praeterito — Sutherye. In martinet Inform. Wynton. 
Custos Wynton.*' (Register of Admissions.) On his examination in bishop Gardiner's 
cause, in 1551, he took credit for having instilled into h-s scholars the doctrine of the 
royal supremacy, declaring ** that about twelve years ago, or thereabouts, as he doth 
remember, this deponent (then being schoolmaster of the college of Winton) did, by 
commandment of the bishop of Winchester, make certain verses extolling the King^s supre- 
macy, and against the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome ; which said verses this depo- 
nent caused his scholars to learn, and to practise them in making of verses to the like ar- 
gument ; the said bishop encouraging this deponent so to do.** (Foxe, first edit. ii. 845.) 

^ The burden of a song. It occurs — rumhylowe — so early as 1314, attached to a 
rhyme made by the Scots on the battle of Bannockbum, which is introduced by Fabyan 
in his Chronicle. 


church doore. At laste they felle to serchyng, but mr. Forde, moste 
suspected, was fownde in his bedd ; yet he hadd a dogges lyff among 
them, mr. Whight the scholemaster, the felows of the howse, and 
the scholers, crying owt and raylyng at hym by supportacyone of 
their master, Lewde men lay in waight for mr. Forde many tymes, 
and one nyght going into the towne he muste neades come whome to 
the coUydge by the towne walles, the gattes of Trinitee colleadg 
be(ing) shutt. This was espyed, he was watched, and when he 
came to a blynd darke corner by Kynges gate, they layd one hym 
with staves; he clapped hys gowne coler, furred with foxe furre, 
rownd abowte his head and necke ; they layd on hym some strookes, 
but by Godes providence the moste parte, in the great derkenes, dyd 
lyght apon the grownd ; so they ranne away, and lefte mr. Forde for 
dede ; but he tumbled and roled hym selfe to the gate, for thei hadd 
made hym paste goinge ; and then he crycd for helpe, and people 
came to take hym up, and bare hym to his lodgyng. 

Now to the purpose. Mr. Forde, in quene Maries dismole days, 
was in mr. Rychard Whalleis howse at Welbecke ; » he was com- 
manded to go with his master to sir George Perpountes knyght,** 

* The abbey of Welbeck (now the residence of the duke of Portland) was granted 
to Richard Whalley in 30 Hen.VIII. Richard Whalley esquire, of Sibthorpe and Soreve- 
ton in the county of Nottingham, was steward to Edward duke of Somerset, and re- 
ceiver-general of the county of York. See two letters of his, and other notices of him, in 
Tytler*s *' Edward VI. and Queen Mary." He was involved in his master*s trouble (see 
The Literary Remains of King Edward VI. pp. 241, 803, 355, 423), and deprived of his 
oflBce, but retained much of his wealth, and founded a family long resident in Notting- 
hamshire. '* The Qrounds of Artes, by Robert Record, doctor of physicke," first edit. 
1549, is dedicated "to the Ryghte Worshypfull mayster Rycharde Whalley Esquyre." 
He died Nov. 23» 1583, aged 84; and there is an engraving of his monument, with 
his effigy, in Thoroton's History of that county, p. 130. One of his grandsons, Walter 
Whalley, S.T.B. was resident at Cherry Orton in Huntingdonshire in 1613, and entered 
his pedigree in Nich. Charles's visitation book,— printed for the Camden Society, 1849, 
p. 85. 

^ Sir George Pierrepont, ancestor of the earls Manvera, and the extinct dukes of 
Kingston, was the son of sir William Pierrepont by his second wife, daughter of sir 
Richard Empson, chancellor of the exchequer. He purchased, 32 Hen. VIII. some manora 
that had belonged to the abbeys of Welbeck and Newstead. He was knighted at the 


dwellyng at Wodhowse a myle of. There he herde chawntynge, 
syngyng, and torche-berynge in day-light at masse. Apon this he 
fell in a jnyslyking of hym self. The dyvyll tempted hym conti- 
nually, specyally in the nyght, as many knew. At laste G. Petite, 
the Sonne of mr. John Petite, told these news to John Loude, how 
his old frynd and scholer was tempted of Sathan to kylle hym selfe 
apon a smale occasyon, as some thoght. Then John Loude, from 
Adenborow * in Nottinghamshere, wrote a comfortable letter by G. 
Petite to mr. Forde, at readynge of whych letter he greatly rejoced, 
and toke spirituall comforte ; ofte tymes kyssyng the letter, et gratias 
agens Deo et ejtts servo J. L. And so at laste being well recomforted, 
he was made person of Newbery by the meanes of mr. Forteskew ^ 
some tyme his scholer in humanitee, rather then folower in religione, 
and, with continuall paynes in techyng the grammer schole ther and 
prechyng, he chawnged this lyff for a better in great feablenes of 
body more then of sowle and mynde. 

Yet one Ey chard WeVer of Bry stole felle into lyke temptacyone for 
hcaryng masse, and receavyng a great space muche consolatyone 
by the great and tedious travayle of one precher now neadles to be 
named, yet at laste, when he should go whom,*^ he ranne to the 
infamous mylles of Brystolle, and cowght a chyldc of vij yeares age 
in his armes, and so lepped in to the water and wer bothe drowned. 

Tower Feb. 22, 1547-8, previously to the coronation of Edward VI., and died March 21, 
1564. " The Newes owte of Heaven both pleasaunt and joyful!,'' written by Thomas 
Becon at Alsop in the Dale in the Peak of Derbyshire, were dedicated as a new-year*8 
gift ** to the right worshipful master George Pierpount,'' to whom the author acknowledged 
himself to be greatly bound. (Becon 's Works, printed for the Parker Society, i. 87, 44.) 
The passage in the text seems to show that he afterwards sympathised with the opponents 
of Becon. Yet his son Henry was evidently a friend of Louthe, being appointed one of 
the supervisors of his will. (See p. 12.) 

* Now Attenborough. Louthe may have had the living : but Thoroton, the historian of 
Nottinghamshire, gives no lists of incumbents. 

^ Perhaps sir Adrian Fortescue, whose widow Anne, daughter of sir William Read, was 
remarried to sir Thomas Parry. In 1554 Thomas Parry esquire, and his wife dame Anne 
Fortescue, resided in the college of Wallingford. In 1585 she was buried at Welford, six 
miles from Newbury. Lysons, Berkshire, pp. 899, 418. ' t. e. home. 


It 18 not to be conceled that this poore miser, tempted nyghtely, 
and almoste choked of the fynd, for none other cause then is re- 
hersed, fownd a longe tyme unspeakable comforte of the saying of 
saint Paule,* " Chryste came into this world to save synners, of the 
wych I am the greatest;** pretendyng a great reverence and love to 
the prechere, and ever recyvyng the sayd sentense ; but being broght 
to the servyce at the colleag a^ 4 Elizab. he was cleane altered, and 
that love turned in to a servile feare and terror of the prechere, 
seekynge occasyones to steale from behynde hym, but beinge of hyin 
espyed, he wolde be marvelously abashed, and as it wer tremble for 
feare, thoghe of the prechere he hadd all the fay rest and plesant 
wordes that he cowld devyse. 

By this doble history, wych is well known to many, all men I 
truste may leme that the masse was never devised with owt the 
dy vylle, seing the heeryng of masse hathe so di vyllyshe effect in those 
that yelde unto it. 

HcBC qui scripsit ecce coram Deo vera esse novit. 

Of mr. Quynby of Oxforde. 

After the apprehensyone of John Fry the ^ many were detected® 
in Oxforde, as this mr. Quynby,** Talbot,® John Man,' all of the 
New colleadge; and Bartholomew Traheron,* an olde disciple. 

• 1 Tim. 2. »» In 1633. 

c This was a customary term, and one which may he frequently found in the pages of 
Foxe, signifying impeached or informed against. 

^ I have not ascertained the christian name of this Quinby, but he was probably a rela- 
tive of Anthony Quinby, bachelor of law, whose memory has been preserved in the fol- 
lowing epitaph placed ** under the proportion of a man on a brass plate/* in the east 
cloister of New College chapel. 

En nuda Antonii Quinby lapis iste, Briani 

Wottoni hie positus sumptibus, ossa tegit. 
Hie duo (viventes sic junxit amor) sua jungi 
Post mortem optabant corpora corporibus. 
Ast alitor Dominus decrerat : namque Brianus 
Londini, Oxonie conditnr Antonius. 

(For Notes ^^f Bee next page.) 


John Man recanted, whom mr. Traheron called the stonny ground, 
on whom the good seedes of God's worde tooke no rowte. Talbote 

Primum in lege gradum pariter suscepit uterque, 

Cultor uterque Dei, doctus utcrque fuit. 
Det DeuB in celis animus jungatur uterque, 
Disjunctum quamvis corpus utrumque jacet. 
Obiit Antonius xxix die Maii mdlix. 
Brianus vero xiv calend. Feb. mdlx. 

Wood's Colleges and Halls of Oxford (edit. Gutch), 1786, vol. iii. p. 212 ; where it is 
added that Quiuby's friend Brian Wotton was buried in the churchyard pf St.-^tUbalf^T' 
London, his father Edward lying in that church. Tlie following are the entries of the 
admissions of the two friends at Winchester in the same year : 

^* 1547. Antonius Quinbyede Fernham, Winton. dioc. xiij an. in f^ Paschie praet. 

" — Brianus Wotton de parochia S*ci Albani, London, dioc. xiij an. in f" Simonis 
et Judae prseterito.'^ (Register of Winch^ter College.) 

Among the witnesses examined in the proceedings against bishop Gardiner in 1551, 
was '* Robert Quinby of Famham clothmaker, where he was bom, of the age of 27 or 
thereabouts : '* see Foxe, Actes and Monuments, first edit. ii. 841. 

This was Robert Talbot, one of our earliest English antiquaries, who wrote a com- 
mentary on the Itinerary of Antoninus. Wood tells us that he became fellow of New 
college (after he had served two years of probation), an. 1523, and left it five years after, 
being expelled for heresy. That he afterwards " sterte back ** in his faith, as Loude tells, 
appears to be confirmed by the provisions of his will. See the memoir of him in Athenss 
Oxon. (ed. Bliss) i. 263. His name is not to be found in the register of Winchester 

f John Man is said to have been born at Lacock in Wiltshire, but the entry of his 
admission at Winchester states that he came from Winterbourne Stoke, which is in the 
same county, but more than twenty miles from Lacock. It is as follows : '* A.D. 1523. 
Johannes Manne de Wynterbourne Stoke xj an. in f Assump. pnct.'* He was elected 
from Winchester to New college 1529, proctor of the university 1540. He also was 
expelled New college for heresy, but in 1547 was made principal of White hall, and in 
1562 warden of Morton college. In 1565 he became dean of Gloucester. He died in 
1568. See memoir of him in Athenae Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 366. He had a contemporary 
at Winchester of the same name and nearly the same age, admitted *'A.D. 1527. 
Johannes Manne de Wrytyll, xij an. in f^ Omn. ScVm pnet. In marginet Rector de 

s Bartholomew Traheron was either of Exeter college or Hart hall. He became 
library-keeper to king Edward the Sixth, and was made dean of Chichester 1551. See 
the memoir of him in Athenae Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 323, and various incidents of his 
biography in the Index to the Parker Society ^s works, p. 761 . 

CAMD. 80C. F 


also sterte backe lyke Deimcy' (He serves the lord WriotKysley, 
teachyng his chyldren), and were never the lesse expulsed by the 
warden, doctor John London.** Quynbe was iraprisonned veary 
strayghtely in the steeple of the New colleadg, and dyed halfe 
sterved with colde and lacke of foode. He desyred his fryndes that 
came to see hym that he myght receave the Lordes supper in both 
formes; but it wold not be graunted. He was axed of his fryndes 
what he wold eate; he sayd his stomache was gonne from all meate 
excepte it wer a warden pye.* " Ye shall have it," quod they. " I 
•^oldOr haye^ but two wardens (quod he) baked : I meanc, to be 
playne (sayde he), owr warden of Oxforde and owr warden of Wyn- 
chester, London and More;* for suche a warden pie might do me 
and Christes churche good ; wheare as other wardens from the tree 

* This name is very obscure in the MS. The next passage is written in the margin. 
It apparently relates to Talbot. 

b John London, D.C.L. is a person who»e name frequently appears in connection with 
the visitation and suppression of the monasteries, for which purpose he was a visitor ap* 
pointed by Henry VIII. (See Letters on that subject edited for the Camden Society by 
Mr. T. Wright.) His entry at Winchester is thus recorded: "A.D. 1497. Johannes 
London de Hammolden, filius tenentis Oxon. xj an. in festo Nat. D'ni prset. — Berks. 
In margine^ Gustos. Oxon.*^ (Register gf Admissions to Winchester College.) He was 
elected warden of New college in 1526, and remained so until 1542. He was also a 
canon of Windsor, dean of Osney,and of Wallingford : for his other preferments see Wood, 
Colleges and Halls (edit. Gutch), iii. 188, and Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 47. He died 
in 1543 in the Fleet prison, to which he had been committed on a charge of peijury. 

^ It is perhaps too well known to require remark that the warden was a species of 
baking pear, said to have derived its name from the Cistercian abbey of Warden in Bed- 

^ *' A.D.1492. Edwardus More, de Havant, filius tenentis Winton. xiij an. in festo Nat. 
D'ni prajt. In margxne^ Infer. Wynton. Custos Wynton.*' (Register of Admissions to Win- 
chester College ) In explanation of the designation *' filius tenentis,'* which but rarely occurs 
in the register, the Rev. W. H. Gunner remarks, that the tenants of the college property 
had by the statutes a right to consideration in the appointment to scholarships, and in the 
very early indentures of election they are bracketed as persons residing in locis ubi bona 
colUgii vigent. Among those who supplicated for the degree of B.D. at Oxford in 1518, 
but no one was admitted, was ** Edw. More of New college, who was admitted the eighth 
warden of Wykeham's college near Winchester 29 Oct. 1526, and dying 1541, was 
buried in the choir of the chappel there.** (Wood's Fasti Oxon. edit. Blissi L 47.) 


can doo me no good at all." Thus jestyng at their tyranny, thorow 
the cherfulnes of a saffe conscience, he turned his face to the walle 
in the sayd belfry; and so after his prayers sleapte swheetly in the 

But to what open shame doctor London was afterwardes putt, 
with open penance with two smockes on his shoulders, for mrs. 
Thykked and mrs. Jennynges, the mother and the daughter, and 
how he was taken with one of them by Henry Plankney in his 
gallery, being his syster's sonne — as it was then knowen to a number 
in Oxforde and elsewheare, so I thynk that some yet lyvynge hathe 
it in remembrans, as well as the penner of this history. J. L. 

Of the shameful murderyng of one mr. Edmund Loude of 
Sawtrey, by the monk^s and preestes of Sawtrey Abbey, aboute 
a*» 13 H. 8, A** Do 1522. Ao 5 post Lutheri predicationem. 
This Edmund Loude, the sonne and heyreof mr. Thomas Loude 
of Hynnyngam castle,* Cretyngam,** and Sawtry, a myle from Sawtre 
abbey, descended of noble parentage: for his mother, Anne Loude, 
was the dawghter and heyre of sir Edmund Molso; hys grand- 
mother Kateryn Dudley, maryed to Lionell Loude; his great- 
grandmother was Mary of Henawd, maryed to Rogere Loude, and 
cossen to Lyonell erle of Ulstere and duke of Clarense. He was 
an enymy to the wanton mounkes of the abbey, and to two lewd 
persons of Sawtrey,*' for they hawnted moste shamfully the wyves of 
mr. Thomas Loude hys tenantes in the towne. At the wyche mr. 
Loude the father, and Edmund the sonne, specyally founde fawte 
with thys rule of the raonkes and preestes, and some tyme when 
the bowses by them were watched, and the monkes with theyr 

* Apparently Castle Hedingham in "Essex : see note in p. 3. 

b Cretingham, in Suffolk : see p. 4. 

<: Sawtrey had two churches, dedicated to All Saints and Saint Andrew respectively, 
otherwise called Sawtrey Moygne and Sawtrey Beaumys, and consequently two parsons, 
or rectors. The monks were Cistercians, and their house a cell of that of Warden in 
Bedfordshire. At the survey in 26 Hen. VIII. William Aungell was abbot, and the clear 
revenue of the abbey wasHH. 3«. Sd, Valor Eccl. vol. iv. pp. 265, 267. 


tenantes' wyves, the mounkes wolde beate downe the walles, and 
slypp away to the abbey. So that some tyme ther was hott skyr- 
myshes emonge tham. Harken, ye Catholykes, to the catholyk 
lyff of yowr bretheme ! At one tyme they cawsed the peace to be 
taken of mr. Edmund Loude, and for breakyng of yt gotte hym in 
Cambrydge castle ; unto hym resortyd one Rychard Wyne, an abbey 
lubberde of Ramsey and Sawtrey. He was an atturney, who sayd 
unto mr. Loude, then the kyng's prisoner, *^ A ! Loude, hadd it not 
ben better for yow to have lyved quietly at Sawtrey, and hunt and 
hawke at yowr pleasure, then here to remeyne a prisoner agaynste 
yowr wylle?" ** No (sayd mr. Loude), I am here but for strykyng 
a lecherous knave, and I cownte it better to be here for so small a 
cawse then to be sett in the stockes, as thou werte, for stealyng 
sylver spones at Ramsey abbey ;" and with that reached Wyne a blow 
with his fyste, and dashed out all hys for-teeth, by wych blow he 
lysped as longe as he lyved. Thys blow was declared to the chaste 
clergymen in the country, and by them to the myghty clergy at the 
courte, and by them in the moste greevous manner to the kynge: 
thynkyng thys hadd ben ynoughe to have rydd hym owt of thyr 
way at Sawtrey. But see the goodnes of God, and the clemency of 
the prynce ! The kyng lawghed hertely at the peltyng * lawyer's 
deformitee, and thoght it a condigne rewarde for suche a sawcy 
felow, saying, " Do yow thynke yt was wel donne of hym to 
upbrayde owr prisoner, beyng imprisoned by hys meanes? He was 
served well ynough. I pcrceave Loude ys a talle^ jentylman: wee 
do pardon hym of his fawlte and imprisonment." So Edmund Loude 
cume whom agayne after he hadd ben ther awhyle, makyng mery 
continually with mr. Benet Molso and divers other gentylmen stu- 
dentes in the universitee^ who being of kynne to hym came dayly to 
make mery with hym. 

» " A very common epithet with our old writers to signify paltry or contemptible." 
Glossary by Archdeacon Nares, who gives examples from Shakspere's Lear and Richard II., 
Beaumont and Fletcher, Ascham, &c. 

^ This was a term implying not merely tall, but one of good personage and manly 


In sliorte tyme the mounkes and preestes of Sawtrey lyke swhyne 
revolted to thejrr djrrty podles, and former stynkyng lyff. And 
Edmund bearyng hym self bolde of the kynges late saying, and of 
hys fryndes in the courte by raysone of hys blood, warned and thre- 
tened them beatyng, yf they wolde not forbeare their resorte to hys 
father's tenantes and hys. And see the chawnce ! One of these per- 
sons, the person of St. Andrew's, hadd ben at Walsjmgham, who was a 
notable horem aster, and commyng home he kyssed many W3rves, 
and amongs them Kateryn Loude, dawghter to Edmund Loude, 
openly in the churche yerde of Allhalows, for then it was thoght an 
holynes, commyng from thens, to kysse maydes and women; and the 
leacherous Catholyk hadd opinione that mr. Edmund Loude wolde 
not be oflFended at his dojmges. But it came no soner to mr. Loude 
hys eares, but he, after hys wonte, toke hys molspade ' in hys hand, 
and by chawnce quyckly mette with the preeste. The good persone 
lykyug not hys lookes, downe upon hys knees, of with hys cappe, 
prayinge hym not to bett hym, for he was within holy orders. '* 
thou bawdy knave, (sayd mr. Loude,) darest yow kysse my dawgh- 
ter ? Wylt yow not leave thys wemens cumpanye?" And seing 
hys new brode shaven crowne, he toke up a cow cusen or cow turde 
with his spade, and clapped it upon his crowne ; addyng to his ill 
deede worse wordes: '* Yow, (sayde he,) all the sorte of yow, wyll er 
it be longe be gladd to hyde yowr shaven pates, rather then they 
shoulde be seene." 

Besydes thys, the sayde Edmund Loude conceaved suche an hate 
agaynst that religione and that holy preeste, that he came into the 
churche and plucked the felowe from the altare as he was abowte to 
make his Grod. 

Shortely after, the cleane-fyngered clergy havjmg encouragement 
ynoughc bothe above in the courte and in the country, they con- 
trived how he should be made away. This Edmund Loude used to 

*■ This word is not in the glossaries : it was either a mould -spade, or one used in dig- 
ging fur moles. 


walke a quarter of a myle to a greate pasture he hadd called Wood- 
fylde close (vjC acres within an heage) assigned hym for his wyves 
joynture, Edyth the dawghter of John Stuecly lord of Stuecly ny 
Huntyngdon ; and he hadd with hym in his armes John Loude * hys 
yowngeste sonne, of the age of iij yeares and more. Sodenly rushed 
owt behjmd the hedge and bushes Skelton the father, and Skelton 
the Sonne, tenantcs to the abbatt, well weapened. Mr. Loude knew 
thei came to dispatche hym, and they sayd no lesse. " Yet, (sayde 
he,) do no harme to my lytle boy." With that they fearsely layd 
at hym, and he at them. At laste comythe the good catholyke 
preste in hys surplysse, with holy water, and the cunstable herde of thys 
tragycall murder prepensed, and thoght to shew hym self not to 
laches in doing his dewty, and came to them, fyndyng mr. Loude no- 
thyng hurte, but he hadd catholycally basted the catholykes men, so 
that they preyed peace of hym. And he to take breth was con- 
tented to hold hys hand. The cunstable commanded the peace in 
the kinges name to be kepte: they all agreed to obbey; so that mr. 
Loude wold delyver his forrcste bylle to the cunstable, wich he was 
lothe to do, but for the cunstable's fayre promyses. They gave place 
to mr. Loude to go afore them, and the cunstable nexte. There 
when he was apon the style to go over, Skelton the father cawght 
hym by the armes, and Skelton the sonne strooke hym apon the 
hedd, and so he felle of the style; the clobbe was gotten in Menkes 
wodd, half a myle from Sawtrey. So the preeste came to sone with 
his holy water, for mr. Loude was aly ve at hys commynge, yet he 
was caryed whom,** and was speechlesse, for the fylme called the pia 
mater was peryshed with the blow. Yet he lyved about vij dayes 
after, and makyng all thynges straight the world, forgave all hys 
enymies, and was layd up in a swheete rcste, under the alter of God, 
lookyng for the joyfuU resurrectyone. Hys wyflF sued an appcale 
of murder, but many delays wer made, and nothyng done, for 

* The writer of this narrative. 
^ t. e, home. 


hur husband was taken for an hcretyckc, the clargy was mighty; 
but see the vengens of God: Skelton with his sonne rune away; the 
father was hanged, and the sonne drovmed: the preestes coulde 
nerer gett the pardon of the good kjmg. 

Vindica sanguinem nostrum de iis qui, ^c* 

More of mrs. Anne Askewgh.^ 

Thys good gentlewoman Anne Askewgh,® syster to the ryght 
worshipfull sir Francys Askewgh*^ and mrs. Dysney of Norton Dys- 

* Probably alluding to Revelations, vi. 10. 

b That is, more than Foxe bad already published. The history of the religious pcr- 
■ecutions of Anne Askew was written by henelf, and, sliortly after her cruel execution, 
was first printed at Marburg, in the county of Hesse, 12mo. 1547, with a long 
running oommentai^ by' John Bale, afterwards bishop of Oasory. This has been 
reprinted entire, in Balers Select Works, for the Parker Society, 1849. Without 
Bale*s ** elucydacyon,^* but with some other additions, the narratiTe was introduced 
by Foxe into his Actes and Monuments ; and from that source it has been retailed 
in an endless variety of forms. Anno Askew is certainly one of tlie most interesting 
personages commemorated in Foxe'B pages, and, in addition, her story has the charm of 
autobiography. It has been related with care in the Rev. Christopher Anderson^s Annals 
of the English Bible, 1845, vol. ii. pp. 190 — 200 : and is still more fully developed in the 
Rev. James Anderson's Ladies of the Reformation, 1855, pp. 186 — 179. But by none 
of her biogn4)hers, even including tlie last, is due prominence given to her connection 
with the Protestant party at court, and her influence with queen Katharine Parr, which, 
if we may credit the commentary upon Foxe^s nturative written by Robert Parsons the 
Jesuit (and which will bo found in the Appendix), was very considerable. 

^ Anne Askew was a daughter of sir William Askew, or Ayscough, of South Kelsey in 
Lincolnshire, and was married at an early ago to a gentlenuui named Kyme, resident in 
the same county, from whom she separated in consequence of ill-usage, and came to 
London, apparently to prosecute her cause in chancery. Her mind, however, was more 
oooupied with the great business of religion, and her Protestant zeal raised her public as 
well as private enemies : who, finding her equally unyielding in spiritual as in temporal 
matters, crushed without mercy a woman whom they could not intimidate. She had 
dropped her married name, and the identity of her unworthy husband is uncertain : 
but on this point see the Appendix. 

^ Sir Francis Ayscough was sheriff of Lincolnshire in 1544. Another brother, Edward, 
was servant to archbishop Cranmer, and became one of the gentlemen pensioners. See 
the note on the C(entlemen PensioneTs in the Appendix. 

f4 4- 


ney * in Lincolneshere, was lodged before hur imprisonement at an 
howse over-agaynste the Temple. And one great papiste of Wykam 
coUeadge,^ then called Wadloe, a coursjrtore of the Chawncery, hott 
in his religione, and thynkyng not well of hir lyffe, gott hymselfe 
lodged harde by hur at the nexte howse, for what purpose I neade 
not open to the wyse reader; but the conclusyon was that, wheare he 
came to speake evyll of hur, he gave her the prayse to mr. Lyonell 
Trockmorton ® for the devouteste and godliest woman that ever he 
knew, *' for (sayd he) at mydnyght she begynneth to pray, and 
cessyth not in many howers after, when I and others applye owr 
sleape or do worse." * 

Hur fyrste examinacion in the Tower.® 
My lorde majrre, sir M. Bowes,' syttyng with the cownsell, as 

* Jane Ayscough was married flnt to sir George St. Paul of Snarford, co« Lincoln, and 
secondly to Richard Disney esquire, of Norton Disney in the same county, who died in 
1578. See pedigree of Disney in Hutchins^s History of Dorsetshire, second edit. iy. 390. 

^ By this name it must be presumed that Louthe meant the college of Winchester, as 
before in p. 29. 

<^ Stiype, Eocles. Memorials, vol. i. p. 887, has incorrectly styled him tir Lionel. He 
was Lionel Throckmorton, gentleman, of Flixton, in South Elmham, Suffolk, a nephew 
of the author (see note in the Appendix). 

<* Misprinted by Strype, ** appyed our sleep, or to work.** Eccles. Memorials, i. 387. 

* This examination was not in the Tower, but when Anne Askew, having first been 
examined by an inquest at Saddlers* hall, was denounced to the civil authority in order 
to be committed to prison : *^ Then they had me unto my lord maior, and he examined me 
as they had before, and I answered him directly in all things as I answered the quest 
before. Besides this, my lord maior layd one thing to my charge, which was never spoken 
of me, but of them; and that was, WheOitr a mousey eating ike hott, received Ood or not 
This question did I never aske, but in deede they asked it of me, whereunto I made them 
no answer, but smiled.** This is the foundation of the story which Louthe has improved 
as in the text. Anne Askew was committed by the lord mayor to the Counter, and whilst 
there was visited by a priest, who followed up the argument on the mouse : ** Fourthly he 
asked, if the host should fidl, and a beaste did eate it, whether the beast did receive God or 
no ? I answered, * Seeing you have taken the paines to ask the question, I desire you also 
to assoile it yourselfe, for I will not doe it, because I perceive you come to tempt me.* And 
he said it was against the order of schooles that ho which asked the question should answere 
it. I told him I was but a woman, and knew not the course of schooles.** In the text, 

(For Note ^ see next page.) 



moste meeteat for his wysdoinc, and seeing hur standyng upon lyff 
and dcthe, " I pray yow, (quod he,) my lordea, gyre me leave to 
talke with this woman." Leave was granted. Lord Maiore. Thou 
folyshe woman, sayest thow that the prestea can not malce the body 
of Chryste? A . Askoieghe. I say so, my lorde, for I have redd that 
God mayd man; but that man can make God I never yet redd, nor 
I suppose ever shall red yt. L. Aftdore. No? yow folyshc woman : 
after the wordoa of consecratione, ye it not the Lordes body? A. 
Athneghe. No, it ys hot consecrated bredd, or sacramentall bredd. 
L. Maior. What, yf a raowse eate yt after the consoc ration e, what 
shalbecome of the mowse ? What sayestc thow, thow folyshc woman ? 
A. Askowghe. What shall become of hur say yow, my lorde? L. 
Maior. I say that that mowse is damned. A. Asketn. Alacke, poorc 
mowse ! By this tyrae the lordes bad ynowghe of my lorde maiorcs 
divinitie, and perccavyug that Bome cowld not keapo in theyr lawgh- 
yng, proceeded to the butchery and slawter that they entcndcd afore 
thei came thJther. 

I being alyvc must neades confcsse of bur now departed to the 
Lorde, that the day afore her exequutinne, and the same day also, she 
hadd an angel's countenance, and a smylyng face ; lor I was with 
Lafflells, sir G. Blagge," and the other, and with me iij. of the 

Louthe tell* bii «lnrj Id ridicule of Ihe lord major'* dtvinilj, i 
OnnuUnca Ih&t Foie had already pnliluheil (lie purticnls 
qneation whatlier Uia munkniBnl iialen ot k mouie wm the i 
mi, howoier, gravelj mtertained b; rBriou« leoimed docio 
Biibop Qardiaer iDuntsiiiud (list " u mouie cannot ilcvnur G 
Imid, " Chriifa liody ma; u well dwell in a moute tu) in 
Dorll's Sophietrj. pp. 16.21.) See other opinioimtated in Bi 
ii quMtlon that brought sir Qeorgc Blo^^ i 

IthoDi adverting to 

camlely. The 

ind real lud; of Cbrlst 

uid TsHoDil; ar^ed. 

tbaiigh, on the other 

i»." (Detection of the 

Select Works, p. \5*. 

eblod in the neil pngo. 

' Sir Martin Bowa, goldamith. See a note reaprctiog iiim in Mnoliyn's Diary, at p. 

33G : to which it nuij lie added that a cop; of his (wrliait it at Glbaide, cu. Durham, the 

Mat of the earl of Strathmore ^ it le described hj Mr. SurtecB, Hiatory of Durhitn, ii. 2fil, 

who remarks in a note, "He vu not immediatel; of the houno of Streothun, Imt * 

dewwndant of Bowcg of York." The GoMimltliii' Compan; itill pnuen a handMine cup 

preaeoled to them by >ir Martin Bowca : it ii engniicd in H. Shaw's " Dcramtivo Arti." 

* Poia hai prncriEd "abiiefo narration ot the trouble of syr George Blaf^e, one of 

CAMD. 80C. O 


Throkraorton*8,* syr Nicholas being one ^ and mr. Kellum the other,® 
by the same token that one unknown to me sayd, *'Ye ar all 

the King's privy chamber, who being falsely accused by syr Hugh Caverley, knighte, 
and master Littleton, was sent for by Wrisley lord chancellour the sonday before Anne 
Askew suffered, and the next day was carried to Newgate, and from thence to Guildhall, 
where he was condemned the same day, and appoynted to be burned the wensday 
folowing. The words which his accusers had laid unto him were these : What if a motue 
should eat the bread f then, by my consent^ they should hang up tlie mou^e, Wheras in 
dede these words he never spake, as to hys lives ende he protested. But the truth, as he 
sayd, was this, that they craftely to undermine him, walking with him in PauPB church 
after a sermon of doctour Crome, asked if he were at the sermon, and he said yea. * I 
heard say (saith master Littleton) that he sayd in his sermon that the masse profiteth 
neither for the quick nor for the dead.* *No? (saide master Blage) wherefore then ? 
belike for a gentleman when he rideth a-hunting, to kepe his horse from stumbling.' 
And so they departing, immediately after he was apprehended (as is shewed) and con- 
demned to be burned. When this was heard among them of the pryvye chamber, the 
king hearing them whispering together, whych he could never abide, commaunded them 
to tell hym the matter. Where upon the matter being opened, and sute made to the 
king, especially by the good erle of Bedford, then lord privie seal, the king being sore 
offended with their doings, that they would come so nere him, and even into hb privie 
chamber, without hys knowledge, sent for Wrisley, commaunding him eftsoones to draw 
out hys pardon himself, and so was he set at libertye ; who, comming after to the king^ 
presence, * Ah, my pig ! * sayth the king to him (for so he was wont to call him). * Yea 
(sayd he), if your majestic had not bene better to me then your bishops were, your pig 
had bene rested ere this time.* ** Foxe, it appears, was told that he had committed an 
error in naming ** master George Blag to be one of the privie chamber ;"*"* which he 
excuses by noting *' that although he were not admitted as one of the privie chamber, 
yet hys ordinary resort thetber, and to the kynges presence there, was such as, although he 
were not one of them, yet was he so commonly taken.'' (Edit. 1576, p. 2007.) Sir George 
Blagge was examined in the proceedings against bishop Gardiner in 1 550, and was then 
thirty-eight years of age. See his memoir in Athena) Cantabrigienses, 1858, i. 104. 

* So the MS. though only two are named. The third was probably Lionel, (already 
mentioned in p. 40,) a cousin of the other two. 

^ Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, fourth son of sir George Throckmorton, of Coughton, 
CO. Warwick, by Katharine daughter of Nicholas lord Vaux of Harrowden. He was aged 
thirty-five in 1550, *'and one of the King^s privy chamber,'* when examined in the 
proceedings against bishop Gardiner. (Foxe, edit. 1563, 807.) He had a memorable 
escape from a trial for treason in the reign of Mary (see Chronicle of Queen Jane and 
Queen Mary, p. 75.), and afterwards became one of the most distinguished men of 
his age. See Wotton's Baronetage, 1741, ii. 858. 

c «« The fifth son of sir George (Throckmorton) was Kenelme.'* Ibid. p. 859. 


marked that come to them ; take heede to your lyflFes." And mr. 
Lassels,* a gentleman of a ryght worshipful! howse of Gatforde in 
Nottynghamshere ny Wursoppe, mown ted up in to the wyndow of 
the litle parloure by Newgate, and there satt, and by hym syr Georg. 
Mr. Lassels was mery and cherefuU in the Lorde, commyng from the 
hearyng of sentense of his condemnatione, and sayd these words: 
*' My lorde byshoppe wold have me confesse the Komane churche to 
be the Catholycke churche, but that I can not, for yt ys not trew." 
When the how^r of derkenes came, and theyr exequutione,^ &c. 
mrs. A. Askow was so racked ® that she could not stand, but the 

" Anne Askew had three fellow-sufferers, who are described by Foxe as ** one Nicholas 
Dclenian, priest, of Shro[»hire, John Adams a tajlor, and John Lacels gentleman of the 
court and household of king Henry/' Foxe prints a letter of Lascelles, ** written out of 
prison/* being an exposition of his faith : it is signed *' John Lacels, servaunt late to the 
king, and now I trust to serve the Everlasting King with the testimony of my bloud in 
Smithfield ; ^' and a letter of Anne Askew (also printed by Foxe) is addressed to him. 
He was either a younger son of Ralph Lascellcs of Sturton, co. Notts, esq. by a daughter 
of Topcliffe, or else a younger son of Richard (son of Ralph) by Dorothy, daughter of 
sir Bryan Sandford : both which Johns died s. p. Bryan Lascelles esquire was of 
Sturton and Gateford in 1575. (Vincent's Notts. 117, Coll. Arm. f. 181.) The martyr 
was not improbably the same John Lascelles who appears in the proceedings against 
queen Katharine Howard, and whose sister Mary was one of the principal witnesses 
against that queen. This was bishop Burnet's opinion, who says: "it is likely he was 
the same person that had discovered queen Katharine Howard's incontinency, for which 
all the popish party, to be sure, bore him no good will.'' (History of the Reformation.) 
He is described as *' a gentylman of Furnyvalles inne," in the Grey Friars' Chronicle ; 
where the name of " Hemmysley a prest, wyche was an Observand frere of Richeraond,'' 
is given instead of Belenian ; whibt Stowe and bishop Godwin call the priest Nicholas 
Otterden, and the tailor Adlam instead of Adams. 

^ This passage has been misunderstood by Southey iu his History of the Church, in both 
editions, for he states that ** The execution was delayed till darkness closed, that it might 
appear the more dreadful." As Mr. Anderson has remarked (Ladies of the Reformation, 
p. 174), Louthe's allusion is evidently to the words of Christ to his enemies, " This is your 
hour and the power of darkness." It was a summer's day, Foxe states about the month 
of June; but Bale, Stowe, and Grey Friars' Chronicle fix it to the 16th of July. 

^ i. e. had been so painfully racked, a few days previously. After her condemnation, 
Anne Askew was taken one afternoon to the Tower, and subjected to the rack, in 
the hope that she might be forced to name some ladies or gentlewomen about the court 
that entertained similar opinions to her own ; " and thereon they kept me along time, and, 


doungc carte was holden up betwene ij sarjantes, perhaptes syttyng 
there in a cheare,* and after the sermone ended, they putt fyar to the 
reedes; the cowncell lookyng one, and leanyng in a wyndow by 
the spytle,^ and emonge them syr Ry chard Southwell,*^ the master 
of the wryghtor herof And afore God, at the fyrst puttyng-to of 
the fyar theyre felle a lytic dewe, or a few pleasante droppes apon 
us that stode by, and a pleasant crackyng from heaven. God 
knoweth whyther I may truly terme it a thounder cracke, as the 
people dyd in the gospell,* or angell, or rather Godes owne voyce.^ 

because I lay still, and did not cry, my lord chancellor [Wriothesley] and master Rich 
tooke pains to rack me in tlieir own hands, till I was nigh dead/* In this tragic scene, 
Louthe^s ridiculous story of the lord mayor and the mouse has evidently not its proper 
place : but it was the only time that Anne Askew was in the Tower. Some writers 
have cast discredit upon the fact that Anne Askew was racked at all, apparently forgetting 
that it rests upon her own authority. The reader will find in the Appendix the remarks 
of Mr. Jardine and Dr. Lingard, with some evidence which they neglected to consider. 

* Foxe states, " shee was brought into Smithfield in a chaire, because she could not 
goe on her feet, by meanes of her great torments.** It is difficult to ascertain the 
precise purport of Louthe's account, which is exactly as above printed. 

^ The hospital of St. Bartholomew. One of the most curious cuts in Foxe's work 
(edit. 15G3, p. 678) represents " The description of Smythfielde, with the order and 
manor of certayne of the Counsell, sytting there at the bumyng of Anne Askewe and 
Lacels with the others.*' The populace are kept from the area by a ring-fence, within which 
stands the pulpit from whence an admonitory sermon was delivered by doctor Nicholas 
Shaxton. The back-ground exhibits the hospital buildings and church of St. Bartholomew. 

c See p. 8. •* John xii. 29. 

" " Credibly am I informed by divers Dutch merchants which were then present, that 
in the time of their sufferings the sky, abhorring so wicked an act, suddenly altered 
colour, and the clouds from above gave a thunder-clap, not all unlike to that is written 
Psalm Ixxvi. The elements both declared therein the high displeasure of God for so 
tyrannous a murder of innocents, and also expressly signified His mighty hand pre- 
sent to the comfort of them which trusted in him, besides the most wonderful mutation 
which will, within short space, thereupon follow. And like as the centurion, with those 
that were with him, for the tokens showed at Christ's death, confessed him to be the Son 
of God, Matt, xxvii. so did a great number at the burning of these martyrs, upon the 
sight of this open experiment, affirm them to be His faithful members. Full many a 
Christian heart has risen, and will rise, from the pope to Christ, through the occasion of 
their burning in the fire." JkUe, who continues his discourse upon the thunderings at 
much further length. 


But thye I well know, that I couM not, for feare of tiamnatione, 
eland by and aay notliyng agaynste iKeyre cruelte; therfor I with a 
iowde voyce, lookyng to the cownsell, sayd, " 1 axo advenganse of 
yow all that thus dothc burnc Chryates member." I hardly escaped 
a cartar's blow at that same worde, and forthwith departed to mr. 
Soutltwel's howse by Charterhowse, whcare was mr. W. Moryshe,' 
gcntylnian usliere fyrst to mr. Pace," and aflerwarde to kyng 
Henry viij., and there kepte in pryaon with syr llychard South- 
well knyght, by com man dement of the lorde Rych and others, 
who wold fayne have hadd liym bornte, for liis lordshyppe of 
Chyppyn Onger. And to hym I declared what I herdc and saw in 
Smyth lyld; and nyghtly, thoghe he wcr but symply lodged, and I 
lay nyghtly in my sylke bedd and good lodgyng in a parloure by 
mr. Rycliard Southwell my pupyll,* yet I used to leave myn owne 

■ " Williim Morico of Chipping Ongir, in the cwuntj at Essex, esquire. «tid Ralph 
MoriM, brother unto the sajd Willituu," ore mentioned in the natntite uF Latiiuur'a oom- 
rounic&liun with James Boiuhun (afterwardi burnt) in the dungeon of Newgule, printed 
bj Strjpe, MemariitlH, vol. iii. p. [236]. Williuu Morice wu the son ol Jurnn Morioe, a 
geuUemui Mlached to the houtchold uf tlie ladj Mnrgnret countesa of Richmond, and 
employed bj her in tho building of her ooUeges in Cambridge. William Morice escaped 
■ btal terrain»tiau to hi> impriaonment bj the death nt llearj Till. In the first parlia- 
ment of queen Mnry niu paued "an Mle for the repeale of a atatute made for the 
uniting of the pariaha churches of Ongar and Grencstede. in the uiuntie of Ebsgio," 

Moister i«l«mr and prouurement of one WiUjam Murjs esquier, your Oraee'» late ser- 
vaunl deceased, some time patrone of the pariah churche of Ongar afonuajd, and ouo of 
the burgesees of the pariiamcnl liolden at Westminster," 2 Edw. VI." inordinately seking 
his private lucre and profilt." (Statutes of the Realm, iv. 231.) Ralph Morice bis 
brother waa seoretirj to archbishop Oranmer, and a full account of him is given hj 
Stijpe, Memoriate of Cranmer, p. 42S. In the Eocleaiaatical Homorials, i. 3Btl, Strype 
inodvertentl; makes Wllliatn the bther of Ralph, 

h Riohard Pane, some time Latin >ecretirj to Henry VIll., dean of SU Paul's 1B19, 
■nd also dean of Eicter and Salisbury. He died at his vicarage of Stepney in 15132. 
Bee a memoir of him iu Woo<r« Athcnie Onon. edit. Bliu, >. 6i, and see the index to 
Slate Papers, 1852, vol. xi. p. 61 J. 

■ AftoraunlB Richard Southwell esquire, of Honham St. Faith's in Norfolk, whuau 
marriages and issue will he Ibuud in Lodge's Feertge of Ireland, (edit. Archdail,) 1TS9, 
*i. S : bat no other putiuulara of bis history arc there stated. According to sir Uoury 


lodgyng and go and lye with hym, conferryng with hym of hys 
answeres wych he hadd to make in religione afore the cownsell. 
For this thjmg I was vehemently suspected, and also for that mr. 
AUyngton confessed to the benchers of Lincoln Inne that I hadd 
lessoned with hym abowte the sacrament, and, namely, towchjnag 
the sense of hoc est corptis meum. And when mr. Foster,* mr. 
Koper,** and mr. Gryfiyn,® benchores, came to lay me up upon sus- 
picione, they came fyrste to have mr. South weFs good wyll, whose 
Sonne I tawght the Latyug tounge, the laws civyll and temporal!. 
Mr. Southwell sayd that he knew no suche thynge by me, but that 
I was a quiett man in hys howse and hadd well served hys tume, 
&c., ** but doo yow (quoth he,) as yow thynke good." So I 

Ther was one mr. Webbe, an olde preeste, who beyng veary 
neare * syr Rychard Southwell, used to speake veary well of me, 
when hys master wold say, " He wyll make my boye lyke hymselfe, 
to(o) good a Latinyste and to(o) greate an heretycke." In dede 
mr. Rychard Southwell was some tyme of good religione, so long as 
he was my pupyll in Benett colleage, and in the inncs of the courte. 

Now towching the coramendacion of Wadlo and the blessed ende 
of thys woman, and thys heavenly noyse, I can say no more, butt 
leave every man to hys owne judgement. Meethoght yt semed 
rather that the angels in heaven rejoysed to receave theyre sowles 
unto blysse, whose bodies then popyshc tormentors caste into fyar, as 

Spelman, who relates the scandals of the Southwell family in his History of Sacrilege, all 
sir Richard's children but the youngest daughter were really illegitimate, having been 
bom of his second wife Mary (Darcy) whilst his first wife Thomasine (Darcy) was Hying. 

• William Foster, reader at Lincoln's inn 35 Hen. VIII. and again 6 Edw. VI. Dug- 
dale*s Origincs Juridiciales, p. 253. 

^ Perhaps William Roper, some time clerk of the King's Bench, son of John Roper 
attorney-general, and son-in-law of the great sir Thomas More. 

c Edward Gryffyn, reader at Lincoln^s inn 29 Hen. VIII. and again 36 Hen. VIIL 
made ** generall attumey of all courtes of recordes within England," 30 Sept. 1553, and 
who continued attorney-general during the whole of the reign of Mary. 

' %,e. in his confldence. 


not worthy to lyve any longer eraonge suche helhowndes. God 
send me no worse ende (0, ye bloodthyrsty papystes !) then yow 
procured for these holy persons ! I thynke ye wyll say Amen, and 
Amen say I. 

More of mr. John Philpott. 

He being the sonne of syr Peeter Philpott* knyght, ny Wynton, 
was putt to Wykara coUeadge,** wheare he profited in lernyng so 
well, that he leyd a wager of xx* with John Harpsfylde*^ that he 
would makeijC verses in one nyght, and not make above iij. faultes 
in them. Mr. Thomas Tuchyner,^ our scholmaster nexte afore mr. 
Whyght, was judge, and adjugged the tol^ to mr. Philpott. 

* Sir Peter Philpot was seated at Compton near Winchester. He was the son and heir 
of sir John Philpot of that place, sheriff of Hampshire in 16 Hen. VII., and K.B. at the 
marriage of prince Arthur in 1501, by Alice, daughter of William lord Stourton. Sir 
Peter is also styled a knight of the Bath, but it does not appear when he was so made. 
He was esquire when he served sheriff of Hampshire in 16 Hen. VIII., and knight when 
he again served in 27 Hen. VIII. In 1539 he was summoned to attend the reception of 
the lady Anna of Cleves : see the Chronicle of Calais, p. 177. He married Agnes, eldest 
daughter and co-heir of Thomas Troys of Hampshire esquire, by whom he had issue, 
three sons, — Henry of Barton, ob. s. p. ; '' John the martyr ; ** and Thomas, ancestor 
of those of Thruxton and Compton ; and two daughters, married respectively to Egerton 
and Boydell, both of Cheshire. (MS. of Philipot the Herald in Coll. Arm.) The name 
of the daughter resident in the neighbourhood of Winchester does not appear. 

^ " A.D. 1526. Johannes Phylpott de Ci)mpton, x. an. in fest. Nat. D'ni prset. In 
margin€y Archidiaconus Wynton." Register of Admissions to Winchester college. 

< John Harpsfield, afterwards archdeacon of London (1554), brother to Nicholas, arch- 
deacon of Canterbury. *' 1528. Johannes Harpysfyld de London, xij. an. in festo 
Pentecost pnet. ' Inmargine^ Archid. London, Theo. Prot" (Register of the Admissions 
to Winchester college.) Ho was a fellow of Winchester from 1534 to 1561. See biogra- 
phical notices of him in Wood's Athensa Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 439 ; the Index to Machyn^s 
Diary ; and The Examination and Writings of John Philpot, (Parker Society,) p. zxx. 

** There were two masters of this name, John and Richard, the latter of whom was 
succeeded by John White in 1534. Louthe is therefore in error as to his christian 
name — 

*' 1526. Jo. Tychener informator incipit docere. 

** 1531. Richardus Twychene informator incipit docere." (College Register.) 

Both John and Richard came from Oakingham, and they were probably brothen : — 


Whcane Stephen Wynton* bare ever yll wyllc agaynste this 
godly gentylman, and forbadd hyra prechyng often tymes, and he 
coulde not in hys conscianco hyde his talante under so good a 
prynce,^ and in so popyshe a diocesse, at laste he [the bishop] 
sent for certeyn justices who came to his howse, named Wolsey,® 
and there calljmg mr. Philpott ** Roge," &c., '* My lorde, (saydhe,) 
doo yow kepe a privy sessyons in yowr o wne howse for me ? and 
calle me roge, whose father is a knyght and may dispende a 1000 lib. 
within one myle of yowr nose ? He that can dispende x lib. by 
the yeare, as I can, I thank God, ys no vacabond, &c. Wynches- 
ter. Canste thow dispende xlib. by yeare? Philpott Axe Henry 
Frances, yowr syster's sonne. Henry Frances (kneeljmg downe). I 
pray yow, my lorde, be good lorde unto mr. Philpott, for he ys to 
me a good landlorde. Wynchester. What rente doste thow pay hym? 
(Frances.) I pay him x lib. by yeare. At thys worde Stephen Wyn- 
thon was aferde and ashamed, for makyug so lowde a lye apon a 
gentleman, and a lerned gentylman. So the kyng Edward 6. harde 
of thys by the helpe of mr. Sternolde.^ 

Gentle reader, yow muste remember that Stephen Wynton pre- 
ferred thys Henry Frances to the baylywyk of the Clynke,® that 
ys, he made hym capteyne of the stews and all the whoores therto 

"1515. Johannes Towchener de Okynggame, fil. ten. Oxon. xiij an. in festo Omn. 
Scrm. pnet. In margxti^y Informator Wynton. post Rector de Colyngboume." 

'* 1518. Rictus Twychener de Okyngame; xiij annorum in festo Sc*i Laurencii pncteriti. 
In margine, Informator Wynton. post duxit uxorem." 

John was admitted fellow of New college July 18, 1521, and Richard April 12, 1524. 

■ Bishop Stephen Gardiner. ^ King Edward the Sixth. 

« Wolvesey palace, near Winchester college. 

* Thomas Stemhold, groom of the robes to Henry VIII. and Edward VI. ; better known 
as one of the translators of the Psalms into English metre. See notices of him in the 
Parker Society's Tolnme of Select Poetry, p. xlvi., and in the memoir of King Edward 
VI. prefixed to his Literary Remains (printed for the Roxburghe Club), pp. Iv. Ivi. 

« *< The next is the Clinke, a gaol or prison for the trespassers in those partes; namely, in 
old time, for such as should brawle, frey, or break the peace on the said Bank, or in the 
brothel-houses, they were by the inhabitants thereabout apprehended and committed to 
this gaol, where they were straitly imprisoned.*' (Stowe*s Sunray.) See several passages 


belongyng.* And in dede he proved an excellent cutter and 
ruflfyne. Lerne, lerne, yow Chrysteanes, by thys unchrysteane 
prelate, verteusly to provyde for yowr yowthe. 

Of Cooke the register [of Winchester], a persequutor of 
mr. Philpott, and Godes venjance apon Cooke. 

Thys Cooke,'* what with polyng and shavyng both lay tee and 
clergy in Wynthon diocesse, came to greate welthe. And as those 
oflfycers having ons thyr offyce by patente can do, he flattered apon 
Stephen Gardyner to gett, and fawned as faste apon doctor Poynett® 
hys successor to holde it styll. And under them bothe he was 
ennyraye to mr. Philpott, — for religione under Stephen, for a yearly 
pensyone under mr. Poynett, wyche he sayd the archdeacon was to 
pay to the byshoppe. Thys matter bredd the good gentylman trobles 
intoUerable, and great slaunder in that diocesse to them bothe ; whyle 
so good abyshoppat the settyng on of so ranke a knave coulde fynde 
in hys harte to persequute hys brother, for lemyng and lyff more 
meete for the byshoprych then the archdeaconry. Well, to defalcate 
imnecessary talke, thys Cooke hadd maryed a lady, and so roode 
with more men then the lerned archdeacon; and, to please the 
bishopp, he forstalled the way betweane Wynchester and mr. 

from old writers relative to the Clink in Cunningham's Hand-book of London, 1849. 
The bishop of Winchester's palace itself frequently went by the name of the Clink. 

* ** Thou that giv^st whores indulgences to sin !** 
The duke of Gloucester to cardinal Beaufort bishop of Winchester, in Shakspere*ii 
Henry VI. Part I. act i. sc. 3. The privileges of the stews were finally abolished in 
March 1546. 

^ John Cooke, registrar of the diocese of Winchester. See his examination relative to 
bishop Gardiner in Foxe, first edit. p. 860, but it gives no particulars of him. Whether 
he is to be identified with one who entered Winchester college in 1539 is doubtful : 
*' 1539. Johannes Cooke de Drqxford (?) xij. ann. in festo Septem dormientium [27 
July] praet. Winton. dioc.** (Register of Admissions.) 

^ John Ponet, translated from Rochester to Winchester 1551, deprived 1553 ; well 
known as an ardent Reformer. See Index to Parker Society *s Works, p. 615 ; also 
Bilachyn^s Diary, p. 320 ; and Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 70. 

CAMD. 80C. n 


Philpott's syster, who dwelt iij. myles from the cyty, and there lying 
lyke a theeff in waiglit for hyra, sett hys men apon hym and sore 
beate hym; for mr. Philpott hadd as lusty a courage to defend 
hymself as in disputacyone agaynste popyshe prelattes to impugne 
theyr doctrine. He being thus beatten, hurte, and wounded, 
thoghe a lytle afore the chawnge, yet remedy he could none have, 
for the byshopp and his register were agaynst the archdeacon. The 
lyke at thys day ys practised of our prelates under owr noble quene 

To conclude, marke the ende of the bishoppe, wych I lyste not 
to reherse, and the open shame that thys ragyng register was putt 
to. When mr. Robert Home ^ was now byshoppe of Wynchester, and 
sett forwarde pure religionc, wych hys register abhorred, and wold 
gyve no heare to hys accustomed flatterers (whych he more 
myslyked), he sett certcyn yowng boyes of the grammar schoole to 
rayse an unsavery slawnder of the byshopp, viz. that they, being in 
a tree, should see the byshoppe committe advoutrey under the same 
tree, or suche an other unlykely tale they tolde. The register hadd 
thys ofte in hys mouthe. At laste the byshopp, lyke a wyse man, 
hearyng of it, broght it to the queues virteous and moste honorable 
cownsell. There Cooke in that hyghe court was dressed lyke a 
schoolyone or one of the blacke garde ,*^ not muche unlyke suche an 
one yf any man that knew hym lyste to describe hym. Now he 
was compelled to shew the authors of this slawnder, Cooke hadd 
none other then boyes for the authores, besyde that the tyme, place, 
and persone were so unlykly. To close up the matter in fewe, 
thys schoolyon of the pope's blacke garde was adjudged by the 

*■ Is this a reflection of archdeacon Louthe upon his diocesan archbishop Sandys ? 

b Robert Home, consecr&ted Feb. 16, 1561, died June 1, 1580. 

^ The scullions and inferior officers of the royal household, when following queen Eliza- 
beth's train in her Progresses, were by the common people jocularly termed the black 
guard ; to which various allusions occur in old writers. See Nares^s Glossary, tub voce, 
the Parker Society^s Index, Nicholses Progresses of King James I. vol. ii. p. 402, &c. In 
all appearance, the term of reproach which has become so common in modem times, dates 
its origin from this popular. jest 


awarde of those noble cownsellors to stande at Poles crosse, and to 
declare and preche there hys owne shame ; but with owt blushyng, 
for hys syde panche and Croydon complexyone* wolde not suffer 
hyni to blushe, more then the black dogge of Bungay.'* 

I saw the good man make many and great fryndes, with often 
and longe watchyng at my lorde of Leycester's chamber dore, with 
a myghty powche hangyng by hys myghty Bonnar pawnche.*^ But 
my lorde wolde not so muche as looke upon hym, nor heare hym 
speake. Yt muche rejoysed me, remembryng at that tyme what I 
hadd herde of mr. Philpott, &c. My sayde lord dyd lyke hym self, 
and I truste it may provoke all other of lyke nobilitee to shew lyke 
cowntenanceto suche Cookes. Marke, good reader, that Godwyllnot 
always leave the wronges unpunyshed that Catholykes doo to his 

airro9 €<f>a, 

*■ i. e, as blftck as the faces of the colliers or charcoal-burners at Croydon, the great 
market from which the metropolis was then supplied with fuel for cooking. 

*» The •' black dog of Bungay ** dates from the year 1577, only two years before Lou the 
was writing. " This Black Dog, or the Divel in such a likenesse (God he knoweth who 
worketb all ! ) running all along down the church with great swiftnesse and incredible 
haste, among the people, in a visible fourm and shape passed between two persons, as 
they were kneeling upon their knees, and occupied in prayer as it seems, wrung the necks 
of them bothe in one instant clene backwards, insomuch that even at a moment where 
they kneeled they strangely dyed," &c. See a contemporary pamphlet entitled **A Straunge 
and Terrible Wunder wrought very late in the Parish Church of Bongay, a town of no 
great distance from the citie of Norwich, namely the fourth of this August in y' yeare of 
our Lord 1577, in a great tempest of violent raine, lightning and thunder, the like 
whereof hath been seldome scene. With the appeerance of an horrible shaped thing, 
sensibly perceived of the people then and there assembled. Drawen into a plain method 
according to the written copye by Abraham Fleming.^* The tract has a rude woodcut in 
the title-page of a black dog with large claws. The greater part of it is reprinted in the 
Rev. Mr. Suckling's Collections for Suffolk : and the parish register records the names of 
two men who were *' slayne in the tempest in the belfry in the tyme of prayer upon the 
Lord*8 day y« iiijth day of August." See also Notes and Queries, Second Series, vol. iv. 
p. 314. 

' An allusion to the person of bishop Bonner, so often caricatured in the cuts of the 
Actes and Monuments of Foxe. 


The fyrste occasyone of the cardynaPs overthrowe, by good 
quene Anne. » 
Ther was a yownge fayre gentlewoman wayghtyng apon the 
countes of Pembroke, the lady Anne Boleyne. Ther was also in 
servyce of the same noble countese one mr. George Zouche,^ father 
to syr John Zouche. This yowng jentleman was a sutor in way of 
maryage to the sayde yowng gentlewoman called mrs. Gensforde ; « 
and amonge other lovetyckes,d mr. Zowche plucked from hnr a 
booke in Englyshe called Tyndale's Obedience.® At the same tyme 

* Queen Anne Boleyne, and cardinal Wolsey. 
*> See hereafter, p. 57. 

*^ George Wyatt, who wrote the life of queen Anne Boleyne which Mr. Singer has 
appended to his edition of Cavendishes Life of Wolsey 1825, was indebted for his informa- 
tion chiefly to two ladies — '* one that first attended on her both before and after she was 
queen, with whose house and mine there was then kindred and strict alliance.** This was 
mistress Anne Ghtinsford, who became the wife of Qeorge Zouche esquire, of Codnor in 
Derbyshire, mentioned in the text. She was one of the daughters of sir John (}ainsford of 
Crowhurst in Surrey, who died in 1 543, (and who like his royal master had six wives,) by his 
second wife Anne, daughter of Richard Uaut, widow of Peyton ; and her sisters of the 
whole blood were, Mary married to sir William Courtenay, Katharine married to sir Wil- 
liam Finch, and Rose married first to George Puttenham and secondly to William Sack- 
ville of Blechingley. (Pedigree of Gainsford, in History of Surrey, by Manning and Bray, 
iii. 174.) Wyatt (besides the anecdote which ensues) tells the following on the authority 
of Nan Gainsford : ** There was conveyed to her (Anne Boleyne) a book pretending old 
prophecies, wherein was represented the figure of some personages, with the letter U upon 
one, A upon another, and K upon the third, which an expounder thereupon took upon 
him to interpret by the king and his wives, and to her pronouncing certain destruction if 
she married the king. This book coming into her chamber, she opened, and finding the 
contents, called to her maid of whom we have spoken before, who also bore her name. 
Come hither Nan, (said she,) see here a book of prophecy ; this he saith is the king, this 
the queen, and this is myself with my head off. The maid answered. If I thought it true, 
though he were an emperor, I would not myself marry him with that condition. Yes, Nan, 
(replied the lady,) I think the book a bauble, yet for the hope I have that the realm may 
be happy by my issue, I am resolved to have him whatsoever might become of me.** 

^ So the MS. qu. Love-tricks ? It is so read by Strype, Memorials, i. 112. 

• The Obedience of a Christian Man, by William Tyndale, first published in 1528 — " a 
bold performance, in which the author vindicates the diffusion of the Scriptures in the 
mother tongue, unfolds the duties of men in their different relations and conditions of life, 


the cardinall hadd gyven commandmente to the prelattes, but spe- 
cially to doctore Sarasone deane of the kyngea chappell, ■ thai they 
shoulde vigilantely gyve eye to all men for suche bookes, that they 
came notabroode, ppecyally to the kyngea knowleadge"; but it felle 

expoaei ths tattc power claimed b; the papa, and condemiu the doctrinei of patumcii, oon- 
foHiaa, utiBbcliDDi, abwlDIiana, mintclex, llie worabipping of Boints, and other popuh 
dogmu." (ladies ot the Reforantion, l)j the Rct. Junea Andereon, ISSS. p. IS.) In 
]fi28, roourka Mr. Offor tliu biognpherot'lVrDdiUe, wu publisbnl tbemoit valuable arhii 
compouliimi, The Obcdienoe of a Cbriitian Man, Mr, Offor hai a copy of the tint edU 
tioD, ID mull 4lo. publiahed May 152S, once the property of the priaceas afterirarda queen 
EliubMh. It hu her aalusraph beautitull; written, but witli all the pomp worthy of ■ 
Tudor, ElUnbah. do'ightcr of England and France. " This book," oddi Mr. OiTar. " pro- 
bably uaiBled to Hi bcr prioolples in fsvuurof the Htforuutlan." (Memoir of William Tyn- 
dale by Qeorgo Offor, prefixed to the reprint of Tyndsls'i Now Tajlament, 1830,) The 
Obedience of a Christian Man it reprinted in the fint volume of Tjudale'i Works, edited 
for the Parker Society, by the Rev. Henry Walter, D.D., F.K.S. 

■ Richard Sampson, afterwards bishop of Chicbusler 153S. and of Liclifield and 
Coventry 1543 ; died 15S4. See Athens Caatabrigiensa, ISSS, i. 119. 

*■ Qeor^ ^TOlt, >" his life of Anne Boleyne, )^vea another and •omewbBt different 
relation of this anecdate. After remarking that bcr society was odvantogeaUB to the king, 
Inasmuch as " her mind brought him forth the rich treasure* of love of piety, love of 
tiulb, lave a[ learning,^' in proof of that assertion ha pruceedfl, — " that of her time (that 
Is, during the tbree yeus that she vat qaeen) it it found by good observation that na one 
suffered far religion, wliich ia the more worthy to be noted fur that it could not Au be said 
of any time of the queenB nfter muriud to the king. And unuiigst other prooti of ber 
love to religion to bo found iu otiiers, this hero of me ia to be added : — That abortly after 
her mULTTia^, diven learned and cbriatianly diapoited peraons rosortlng to her, presented 
ber with Bondry books of those controveraies tliat then began to be queatioued touching 
religion, aud specially of the anltaority of the pope and his clergy, and of their doings 
agajnlt kings and states. And amongut olhen. there happened one of these, which, OB 
her manner waa, >he having read, abe bod olau noted with bei nul as ot uiBtter worthy 
the king's knowledge. The book lying in her window , her maid (of whom hath been 
apoken] took it np, and as she was reading it, camo la apeak with her one then suitor to 
her, that after married her ; and as tliey talked he took the tHwk of ber, and sbe withoi, 
called to attend on the queen, forgot it in bis hand, and she not reluming in some long 
•pane, he walked forth with it in his hand, thinking it had been bom. There encoun- 
tered him soon after a gentleman of the cardinal's of bis acquaintance, and after aaluta- 
tioo, perceiving the book, requested to see it, and finding what it was, partly by the title, 
partly by soma what he read in it, he borrowed it and showed it to the cardinal. Theru- 
upOD the suitor was lent for to the cardinal, uid eKomined of the book, and how he come 


apon the wycked man's hede that he moste feared ; for mr. Zowche 
was so ravyshed with the spryght of God, speakynge now aswell in 
the harte of the reader as fyrste in harte of the maker of the booke, 
that he was never well but when he wasreedyng of that booke. Mrs. 
Gaynsforde wepte becawse she could not get the booke of her wower 
George Zouche, and as he was named so was he a zowche, a swheete 

by it, and had like to have come into trouble about it, but that it having been found to 
have pertained to one of the queen*s chamber, the cardinal thought better to defer the 
matter till he had broken it to the king first, in which meantime the suitor delivered the 
lady what had &IIen out, and she also to the queen, who, for her wisdom knowing now 
what might grow thereupon, without delay went and imparted the matter to the king, 
and shewed him of the points that she had noted with her finger. And she was but 
newly come from the king, but the cardinal came in with the book in his hands to make 
complaint of certain points in it that he knew the king would not like of, and withal to take 
occasion with him against those that countenanced such books in general, and especially 
women, and, as might be thought, with mind to go further against the queen more directly if 
he had perceived the king agreeable to his meaning. But the king, that somewhat afore 
distasted the cardinal, as we have showed, finding the notes the queen had made, all 
turned the more to his ruin, which was also furthered on all sidm.*^ Upon this version of 
the story the following remarks have been made : *^ Wyatt represents the cardinal as 
bringing the book to the king to point out what he thought Henry would dislike, and to 
complain of those who countenanced such books. But this is obviously not irreconcile- 
able with the account given in Foxe's (Louthe^s) MS.; nor is the king^s continued hos- 
tility to Tyndale incompatible with his being pleased for a time with a powerfully written 
book, pressed upon his notice by the lady Anne; nor yet with his clearly perceiving that 
the author had justly rebuked the inroads made upon the authority of princes by an usurp- 
ing priesthood.** (Doctrinal Treatises by Tyndale, edited for the Parker Society, by the 
Rev. Henry Walter, B.D., F.R.S., vol. i. p. 130.) The Rev. Christopher Anderson 
observes : '* This incident therefore must in substance have occurred, although Foxe (t. 0. 
Louthe) goes on to build far too much upon it. The words, in Henry *s mouth, were 
probably nothing more than a compliment to the lady ; or, at best, a transient feeling, 
similar to one of old, in the mind of king Herod towards John the Baptist But be this 
as it might, Campeggio was off to Italy, and the sun of royal favour had set upon Wolsey 
for ever." (Annals of the Bifglish Bible, i. 220). Dr. D*Aubign6, in his History of the 
Reformation in England, book xx. chapter x. has availed himself of both versions of the 
story, and extended its detail to considerable length, interweaving various extracts from 
Tyndale*s book, and throwing the whole into a dramatic narrative. It is also related in 
like manner in the Rev. James Anderson's " Ladies of the Reformation,** 1855, where, at 
p. 76, is a well-designed sketch by J. Godwin, of Zouch snatching the book from the 
hands of mistress Gainsford. 


well-favored gentylman in dede.* And he was as ready to weepe to 
delyver the booke. 

In lyke manner was I in Wykam's colleadg, when mr. Thomas 
Hardy ng^ delyvered me John Frythes Purgatory® to reade for two 
dayes ; but I begged it and craved it for xxiij. dayes ; by 
thys I lerned how lothe mr. Zouche was to delyver the cowntes* 

But see the happe, yea the providence of God : mr. Zowche stand- 
yng in the chappell afore doctor Sampson, ever reedyng apon thys 

* In the absence of any other example of the word zowche in the sense apparently given 
by Louthe, the reader is offered the following extracts from Florio^s Italian Dictionary, 
entitled •* Queen Anna's New World of Words," 1611. 

ZoceOf a log, a block, a stocke, a stump. 

Ziteca, any kind of gourd or pompion. 

Zucchiro, any kind of sugar. 

Z{igo^ a gull or ninny ; also a darling, a wanton, a minion. 

The first was certainly a word adopted into the English language, and by the family of 
Zouch itself, for the stump of a tree or, branching vert, surmounted by a white falcon, 
was the principal device on the standard of John Zowche of Cudnor, temp. Henry VIII. 
(Excerpta Historica, p. 315 : see also John son and heir of the lord Zowche, p. 323.) 
But John Louthe's sense appears to resemble rather one of the other words. 

^ The following record of Harding*s admission to Winchester college shows that he 
was bom at Bickington in Devonshire about four years later than, from Anthony a 
Wood's account, is generally stated : '* 1528. Thomas Hardijngde Bekyngton xij. ann. in 
festo Annunc. prect. In marffine, Canonicus, Thesaurarius Sarum. TheoL Professor.** 
As a member of New college he graduated at Oxford, B.A. 1537, M.A. 1541, B.D. 1552, 
D.D. 1554, was made professor of Hebrew 1542, treasurer of Salisbury July 17, 1555, 
and deprived in 1 Elizabeth. After having been chaplain in the household of that great 
patron of the Protestants the duke of Suffolk, Harding returned to the church of Rome, 
and is remembered by the letter which the lady Jane addressed to him on his apostasy. 
He was also celebrated for his controversy with bishop Jewel, occasioned by the latter's 
"Apology for the Church of England *' : see Lowndes's Bibliographer*s Manual. Harding 
died at Louvaine in 1572. See the memoir of him in Wood*ft Athenae Oxon. fedit. 
Bliss,) i. 402, and Walcott's William of Wykeham and his Colleges, 1852, p. 397. 

<: " A Disputacion of Purgatory made by Jhon Frith,'^ published at first without date, 
but it is supposed in 1532, the year during part of which Anne Boleyne was countess of 
Pembroke. The works of Tyndale, Frith, and dr. Robert Barnes, were edited by Foxe in 
1573. There is a modem edition of the works of Tyndale and Frith by Thomas Russell, 
A.M. in 1831, 3 voU. 8vo. 


booke, the deane never liav3aig hys eye of the booke, called the gen- 
tylman to hym, and snatched the booke owt of hys handes, axed his 
name, whose man he was, [and] delyvered it over d^ Cardinali. The 
countes axythe Gaynsforde for the booke. Gaynsforde on hur knees, 
&c.tolde all the circumstances. Shee was not sory , nor angry with either 
of them two, perceavyng therby that the yowng gentylman was coght 
with God's spryght (as mr. Harding sayde to me for cawse above 
rehersed). " Well, (sayd shee,) yt shalbe the deerest booke that ever 
the deane or cardynall tooke away." The noble woman goetb to 
the kjmge ; apon her knees she desyry the the kynges helpe for hur 
booke. Apon the kynges token' the booke was restored. Now, 
bryngyng the booke to the kyng, she besowght his grace moste ten- 
derly to reade the booke. The kyng redd and delyghted in the 
booke, ** for, (saythe he,) thys booke ys for me and all kynges to 
reade." In lytle tyme the good kyng and faythfuU servant of God, 
by the helpe of thys vertuous lady by meanes as yow here, hadd hys 
eyes opened to see the truthe, to serche the truthe, to avance God's 
religioneand glory, toabhorre the pope's doctryne, hys lies, hyspompe 
and pryde, to delyver his subjectes owt of the Egyptione derkenes, 
the Babilonian bondage that the pope hadd browght hym and his 
subjectes unto. And so contempnyng the threttes of all the world, 
the power of prynces, rebellyones of his subjectes at whome, and 
ragyng of so many and myghty potentates abroode, sett forwarde a 

* When the king or other person in authority required a verbal command to be obeyed, 
he sent a "token,** usually a signet ring, or one he was well known to wear. Of this 
custom two examples are supplied in the following passage of the history of John Frith. 
'* The day before the day appointed for his execution, my lord of Canterbury (Warham) 
sent one of his gentlemen and one of his porters whose name was Perlebeame, a Welchman 
borne, to fetch John Frith from the Tower unto Croidon. This gentleman had both my 
lord*s letters and the King^t ring unto my lord Fitzwilliams, constable of the Tower, then 
lying in Canon rowe at Westminster in extreme anguish and paine of the stranguUion, 
for the delivery of the prisoner. Master Fitzwilliams, more passionate than patient, under- 
standing for what purpose my lord^s gentleman was come, banned and curaed Frith and 
all other heretikes, saying. Take this my ring unto the lieutenant of the Tower, and receive 
your man your heretike with you, and I am glad that I am rid of him.*' 


reformacione in religione, begynynge with the tryple-comet * hedde 
fyrste, and so came downe to the members, bishoppes, abbettes, pryors, 
and suche lyke. Marke but the lyght occasyone of this reformatione, 
and the effectuall sequell, and ye muste neades say : That wych God 
hathe shaped muste neades be wroght. 

Abissus multo jiiditia tua^ Domine, 

[The death of mr. Zouch, of Codnor castle in Derbyshire.] 

Thys noble j en tleman, lynially descended from the lord Gray of 
Codner castle,** hadd hys dayes cutt of and hys vertuous lyff short- 
ened by the Maryane pcrsequutione, for offycyall Woodcocke of 
Derbyshire sent owt proces for rar. Sowche, notwithstandyng hys 
age, imbeciletee, and worshyppe. So that he was (to save lyffe) 
compelled to flee to hys lordshyppe of Benefylde,*^ takyng Sand- 
fordes howse, wych hadd to strayght roome for hys familye, wherby 
he colde not have hys accustomed order of dyett that he hadd at 
Codnere, wych was once a weeke (by my cownsell as he sayde) to 
swheate standyng by the fyer syde, wyth warme shcetes holden at 

* The writer probably intended an equivocal expression, triple-crowned or triple- 
homed. Strype, Memorials, i. 113, has read it ** triple crowned." 

^ Codnor castle, in the parish of Ucanor, nine miles from Derby, came to sir John 
Zouch, a younger son of William lord Zouch of Haringworth, in or about 152G, on the 
death of his wife^s nephew Henry last lord Grey of Codnor. George Zouch esquire, who 
married Anne Chkinsford, and is the subject of Louthe's anecdotes, was the son and heir of 
sir John. The Codnor estate was sold by sir John Zouch and John Zouch esquire his 
heir apparent in 1634. (Lysons, Derbyshire, p. 181.) In Wolley's Derbyshire collec- 
tions is a record of the court of Exchequer, Mich, term 24 Hen. VIII. relating to the 
tenure of the manors of Hoo, Halstowe, and Aylesford, in Kent; BenningBeld, co. North- 
ampton ; Codnor, co. Derby ; and Weston-hay, co. Bedford, belonging to George Zouch 
esquire. (MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 6698, art. 16.) Margaret Zouch, sister to George, was 
married to sir Robert Sheffield, and was mother of Edmund first lord Sheffield of 
Butterwick : see Topographer and Genealogist, 1846, i. 264. 

c Benefield, near Oundle in Northamptonshire, also derived from the family of Grpy to 
Zouch, sold by sir John Zouch temp. Eliz. to sir William Hatton. (Bridges's North- 
amptonshire, ii. 397.) Mr. Sandford was probably the tenant. 



hys backe. And thi8 was to hym in stede of a stowffe * called L<iC0' 
nicum. Therfor the good gentylman was enforsed to returne whom, 
for he fell sycke, and iij. of his chyldren, and many of his servantes; 
yet he hadd but xl. persones there; and in the way he dyed, or 
immedyatly at his commyng whom (home), I am uncerteyne. Wee 
parted at Ketlebee by Melton Moubrey, with suche cheere as those 
dysraole dayes required. 

A lytle before hys goinge from Benefylde, I fyndyng there one 
Cooke, chapleyn in Lincolnes inne {Edwardo regnante)^ hyred now 
to say masse, knowing hym a lytle afore a dctestore of the masse, I 
toldc hym my mynde veary hotely, beinge in my spryght coarcted, 
as Pawle was so to doo before many. Cooke hadd on hys syde a 
great man, as syr John Zowch knowyth ; yet this good mr. George 
Zowch toke my parte, castyng no parells nor daunger, yt was to me a 
great com forte, but sayd that great man ^ yet lyvyng, Yow, Augus- 
tyne Bar.,® and suche other wyll make hym lose lyff and lyvynges 

*■ t,e. a stove. Laconioum tc, balneum, a sudorific bath, a sweating-room. Cicero 
Attic. 4, 10, 2. Riddle*B Latin-English Lexicon. 

** May not this great man have been sir William Cecill, afterwards lord Burghley ? 
whose timidity and temporizing in the reign of Mary form such a blemish in hia 
illustrious career. 

^ Over this abbreviated name Strype has in the manuscript written ** Barnes *\ but it is 
probable that the person intended was Augustine Bemhere, a Swiss who attached himself 
as a personal attendant on bishop Latimer, and was the editor of some of his works. " This 
Augustine (says Foxe) being a Dutchman, was Latimer^s servant and a faithfull minister 
in the time of king Edward, and in queen Maries time a diligent attendant upon theLord*8 
prisoners/* Side-note to Bradford's last letter to Bemher, which concludes thus, ** The 
keeper telleth me, that it is death for any to speak with me, but yet I trust that I shall 
speak with you." See a note upon him in Bradford's Writings, (Parker Society,) vol. ii. 
p. 186 : and see also the General Index to Strype's Works. Foxe, when describing a secret 
congregation of Protestants which was maintained in London throughout Mary*s reign, 
says *' they had divers ministers, first master Seamier, [afterwards bishop of Peterborough 
and Norwich,] then Thomas Foule, after him master Rough, then master Augustine 
Bemher, and last master Bentham,** afterwards bishop of Lichfield and Coventry. Bern- 
here eventually became rector of Southam in Gloucestershire. By several of the letters of 
John Careles he is shown to have married Elizabeth, the sister of that martyr. " Note, 
that both these (Bemhere and his wife) departed in quiet peace, the one 1565 the other 
1568." Side-note by Foxe. 


all. In dede hys zeale and love to God's worde mayde hym lose no 

Teste Jo, Loude, 

Thus muche I thought expedient to intimate unto yow, mr. Foxe, 
havyng acquayntans with yow in Oxforde,* in Monjoy howse,'* and 
Stepney.® The matter ys trew ; as yow thynke good, ye may buylde 
ther one. 

In an hystoriographer ys required asmuche as the ordinary othe 

requyryth of the exequutor of a testamentc. " Ye shall swhear that 

as for your owne actes thys ys a trew testamente, and as for others* 

factes ye bclceve yt ys trew.** That ys to say, in few, a cronicler 

settythe downe what he hath aut ex propria scientia, hie fides pos- 

tulatur ; aut ex alieno auditu, ther credulitee excusyth ; wheryn yf 

some thynges be not trew yet the Lovaniall L. ^ may not ryghtly 

terme yt a lye, for it ys but an untrothe tolde, not made, of the 

penner. And so muche saith the Evangelyste,® Sicut nobis tradide- 

runt qui ab initio fuerunt ipsi ministri, et vidcrunt, &c. But John, 

speakyug ex sua ipsius notitia, wrytithe more confidently, viz. Quod 

vidimus, audivimus, prospeximus, which may be an answer to them 

for us bothe. Meum nomen celatum cupio, opto siquidem omnibus 

ignotus, mihi et Christo notus mori. Perge servire Christo ej usque 


Tuus J. L. 1579. 

The last sheet is directed on its back, 

To m' Joh'n Foxe p'chere. 

At m"" Jo. Dayes printere. 

* Foxe was admitted of Brazenose college in 1532, elected fellow of Magdalen in 1543, 
and expelled his fellowship for heresy in 1545. 

** Probably the house of lord Mountjoy in London. 

< Perhaps in the mansion of the lord privy seal Cromwell. 

^ See before, p. 16. 

e Luc. i. [2.] 




(MS. Harl. 425, f. 69.) 

In the preceding paper, archdeacon Louthe has related the sufferings en- 
dured, for conscience sake, by a blind boy of Gloucester. The present is the 
history of the persecutions, for alleged heresy, of an offender of the same 
period of life, in the city of Worcester. John Davis was a lad of good parent- 
age, a pupil in the grammar school, and likely to be the heir to his uncle Thomas 
Johnson, an apothecary : but the jealousy of Alice Johnson, his aunt, together 
with his early predilection for reading the new testament in his mother tongue, 
and his presumption in composing a ballad on the " shaven crowns,** prema- 
turely raised him a host of enemies. After a long and painful imprisonment* 
he would have incurred like the boy at Gloucester the last cruel penalty of 
cremation, under the merciless act of the Six Articles, had not the death of 
king Henry delivered him from his perilous position, together with so many 
more of the destined victims of the priesthood. 

Foxe made use of this narrative, but condensed it into much shorter compass. 
His abridgment will be found in his edition of 1596, at p. 1879. No subse- 
quent notice has been hitherto taken of the manuscript. 

It was written whilst doctor Nicholas Bullingham was bishop of Lincoln, that 
is, within the period 1560 — 1570 (see p. 65) ; and it appears to have proceeded 
from the pen of John Davis himself, as Foxe says, when mentioning the trial 
with a candle, " yet (as the party himself e to me assurethj felt no burning thereof." 
At the close Foxe adds of Davis, — " who is yet alive, and a profitable minister 
this day in the Church of England : blessed be the Lord, qui facU mirabilia 

The yere of our Lorde 1546, and in the last yere of kinge Henrye 
the eight, in the citie of Worcester, was there a childe caled John 
Davis, of the age of twelve yeres and under, who dwelled with one 
mr. Johnson a pothicary, his ownckle, with whome allso dwelled 



one Peter Goffe, prentice, wlnclic in the tyrac of the vi. Articles^ 
woulde reade the testament in Inglish, anrt sucli godlye boofces as he 
then coulde gett. His mistris manyc tymes heriug hytn so reade 
would inoBte sharplie revile him, I'or she was then and is still 
w this daye an obstinate papist. At length she disclosed the same 
to one of her secte and affinite, a jolye stowte champion, indcwed 
with more riches then wisdome or godlie zeale; and thus consulting 
together theye invented, with their adherents t!ie canons of the 
catliedcrall churchc, with the chauncelour that tyme being, whose 
name was Johnson," chauncelor to docler Heath then bishopp of 
Woorcetour, to intrap and snare the sayde Peter, yf theye might by 
anye meanes heare hym or see hym with having anye testament or 
other godly booke; but he, perceyving their purpose, kept him sellf 
owt of their danger; notwithstanding, to urge hym, this worthie 
wise man Thomas Parton would reade openlie in the streat, sytting 
at his dorc or e!b lening at his shopp window, that all men passing 
by might hear, a booke " named ^he hunting of the hare wit/i curret 
and bandages, a trym tragcdie dowbtles, and more estemed with the 
pope's champions then the bible or booke of the Lorde. But when 
he perceived ho coulde not apprehend the saido Peter to hurte hym, 
he woulde sometyme ihrelin hym that, yf he caught him reding 
Buche hookcs as he harde saye he did reade by the confession of Jiis 
mistrcs, that he would make him twine or untwine; but his thi-oat- 
ninges prevailed him not, for he was sircomspectc, and kept him owt 
of their bloody fingers. 

■ Robert Johnmn. 

* Tliis Ijook ur pamphlet liu nul been traced, but it twemi to have b«en i parod; or 
rajiljr ta dodar Willuiu Turner's HanriKff rif IM Eoiaith Fox, published in 1 543. under 
tbH puudonjm tit WiltiuD Wraughiun : the papolitrity of which uppean not onl; fnim 
Tnruu'i aubwquenl polilioation* of Thr Rtmigng i^ Ike RunM. fox, ISlSi TIh kKntgng 
ij tki RtmyiKf Wol/i {,t,tuit ISS3); ud Tht luimi%g of lit Fat and Wo^/t, Ivraiut titf 
did mfOiii iMKoeqf At ikttpqfJena Chriit (nw Athenv Onon. edit. Blis. i. 3e3,ftnd tbe 
memoir otTurner in Hndgaon^ North umlieiiind, II. ii. 4SB); but bIm from biihop BtltS 
' -TdamiTU((flklRuMilli Foie, IC13, publbhcd under Ihe name of Juimn nirriun (tee 
'■ Ain», ili. U&l). 


Notwithstanding, their thirst coulde not be quenched withowt 
blood; by meane whereof they shortly invented a newe interprise, 
and, bycawes the spite that Alice Johnson bare to John Davis her 
husband's next kinsman, to whome shee supposed the saide Thomas 
Johnson her housband woulde leave some porcion of his goodes, 
having no child as it was like, for God had made her barren, and 
he had no other kinsman (as he would often saye) in all the wourld, 
whiche increased the more the deadly hate of his wyf ; for she never 
loved him, bicawes her housband so tendered him, and that appered 
at the death of the sayd Thomas Johnson, for she cawsed her hous- 
band to revoke that hee did give him by will, either being past me- 
morye or ells specheles, — a good note of her love. 

But shortlie after these papestes attempted to bringe their longe- 
loked purpose to passe, by one Alice wife to Nicholas Organmaker 
alias Brooke, and Oliver their sonne, that the said Oliver should 
fawne freendshipp of the saide John Davis, as thowghe hee weare 
verye desirous and joyfuU of his company; manye tymes saieng, *' I 
woulde wee had some good Inglish bookes to reade; for my mother 
cannot abide this pilde pristes nor their popish service; but had I 
good bookes I coulde please her well to reade everye night." Then 
said John Davis, ** I will bringe a booke with me;" and so he did 
bringe a testament, and reade unto them. Then they requested him 
to leve the booke behinde hym ; but he said the booke was not his, 
neyther could he so doe. Then thei requested him to tell them what 
abuses weare in the Churche, and howe hee did like the vj. Articles; 
and he breeflie toulde them what he thowght; " but I cannot now 
tarye (saide hee) least I be shent." Then thei sayd, " Bicawes ye 
shoulde avoyd blame for comyng hether, wright your mynde." But 
hee sayd, *' I have no suche leisour, nor place; yet would I gladly do 
yt to doe you good ; but to-morow I shall to Peryewood feeldes to 
gather eyebright ■ to still, and yf Oliver and you will gather for me, 
I will wright all my mynde." And they agreed so to doe. 

* Eyebright does not appear to be noticed in doctor William Turner *Ib Herball. In that 
by John Gerarde, chapter 216 treats *^ Of Eye-buoht. Euphrasia^ or Eyebright, is a small 


And on the morow every one of them, according to ther pro- 
myse made, mctt in the fieldes, and the sayd John Davis did wright 
his hoole mynde uppon the Sixe Articles, and made them allso a 
ballet caled. Come downe, for all your shaven crowne. 

But at lengthe this longe-hiddin conspiracie burst owte, for in- 
continent this woman within one half howre she browght this 
wrighting to the sayd Parton; and the sayd Thomas Parton dis- 
clozed the same to the chauncelour and regester and other pristes; 
which laide their heads together, and towlde them howe they might 
bringe their pourpose to pass ; and cawsed the sayd Thomas Johnson 
his ownckle to be their instrument to trye whether y t were his hand 
or no; and he, under the coulour of friendshipp, came to the sayd 
childe saieng, '' I have kept the at the gramer skoole a great while, 
and am minded to have you to keepe the shopp, for your aunte is 
not in quiet with Peter bicawes of his bookes, wherefore I must putt 
hym a waye ; but before I soe doe let me see how you can wright." 
So he tooke penn and paper, and wrote these verses folowing — 

0/all ireasur cunning is thefiower. 

Loke uppon Diogenes wbiche was both wyse and sad. 

To obtayne this treasur Cunninge what labour that he had. 

low herbe not above two handfuls high, full of branches, covered with little blackish leaves, 
dented or snipt about the edges like a saw : the flowers are small and white, sprinkled and 
powderd on the inner side, with yellow and purple specks mixed therewith. The root is 
small and hairie. This plant grows in dry medows, in green and grassie wayes and pas- 
tures standing against the sunne. Eye-bright beginnith to floure in August and con- 

tinueth unto September, and must be gathered while it flowreth forphysick's use 

It is very much commended for the eyes. Being taken it selfe alone, or any way else, it 
preserves the sight, and being feeble and lost it restores the same.*^ Then several pre- 
scriptions are given, concluding thus : ** Three parts of the powder of eye •bright and one 
part of maces mixed therewith, taketh away all hurts from the eyes, comforteth the me- 
morie, and deareth the sight, if halfe a spoonfull be taken every morning fasting with a 
cup of white wine.** (Gerarde*s Herball, 1638, p. 663.) Drayton describes the gather- 
ing of eyebright : 

'* And in some open place, that to the sun doth lye. 
He fumitorie gets, and eyebright for the eye.** — Polyolbion, Song 13. 
And Milton alludes to it under its more learned name — 

^— ** Then purg'd with euphrasy and rue 

The visual nerve, for he had much to see.** — Paradise Lost, xi. 415. 


So hee (the uncle) toke this wrighting, and went to these papists. 
But whether he (John Davis) knewe,» but the first newes that he 
harde was earlye in the morning his ownkle bid him make cleane 
the stable in the Leche street,** and hee asked leve to gather herbes, 
but hee sayd, ** Naye, there are inowghe to still this two daies of yester- 
daies gathering; wherefore get you to the stable." And he obeyed 
hym, knowing his fiicte was browght to light, and that no good was 
ment to him, but trouble. But he no sooner entered the stable but 
the boye Oliver cam after hym saieng, ** John Davis, I praye you 
reade this same wrighting once or twice over, that I maye learne to 
reade it to my mother perfectlie." But he, perceiving his Judas- 
like trick, sayde, " Get the hence ! I must doe my busynes." But 
he was so importune in requesting that he could not bee ridd of 
him. Then stept he into a litle howse, and there he spied Thomas 
Parton and his ownckle Johnson standing imder a wall barkening, 
thinking to have taken them reding the foresayd wrighting ; but 
when he perceyved their trechery, ** Have thie mother and thou 
dealt thus Judasly with me ? Take this for thie paynes ;" and lent 
him two or thre blowes with a brome ; and he cryed. Then came 
theye in running, saying, "What is the matter?" Then sayd 
Oliver, ** Mr. Johnson, I woulde have had your boye to have reade 
this wrighting whiche he made yesterday, and hee woulde not." 
Then sayd Parton, ** What wrighting is that? let me see." But 
Parton knew yt right well; but sayd so for a cuUor. Then did 
theye force John Davis to reade the same before them. Then sayde 
Parton, ** Neighbour Johnson, yee have well bestowed your money 
to bring upp suche an herytique, so yonge as hee is." Then sayd 
Johnson, ** I loked for joye of him, having no childe of myn owne, 
nor kinsman that I knowe; but no we he shall have as he hathe de- 
served." And so Parton laide handes on him; and his ownckle 

» A syncopised phrase signifying that a person more than suspected what he did not 
positively know. 

^ " So called from its having for many ages been the only accessible approach to the 
cemetery of the cathedral, by which tlie dead were brought thither for interment.*' — 
Green*s History of Worcester, 1796, 4to. ii. 4. 


bownde his armes behinde hym, and browght hym to the towle- 
shopp,* in the citie of Worcetour, mr. Dooding and mr. Richard 
Dedicote being bayliffes ^ till the next Mighellmas after. 

Then was he commaunded to the freeman's prison; at whiche 
tyme one Richard Ho wbrough, brother-in-law to Richard BuUingham, 
which Bullingham*' is brother to the reverend father in God Nicholas 
bishopp of Linkcolne,*^ being keperof the prison, camabowght nyne 
of the clock as the custum was to see their prisoners safFe, and sayd 
merely, ** Thou hoorson, how wilt thow doe? they will burne the." 
And he sayd, '* They can do no more than God will suffer them." 
" Tush ! (sayde he) prove by the candle ^ how thou canst abide the 
fire." And he did soo, sayeing, ** I am not affraide of the fire.*' 
And so he helde his finger a good space, the other holding the candle, 
not willing to hurt him ; till at length with admyracion he sayde, 

^ This was evidently the town-ball or head-quarters of the municipal government, ap- 
parently deriving its name from being the office for collecting toll. The more ordinary 
term for such places in olden times was (oil-booth^ and sometimes, the tohey. 

^ William Dodington and Richard Dabitote, bailiffs in 1545, according to the list given 
in Nash's History of Worcestershire, vol. ii. Appx. p. cxii. But the name of the former 
was doubtless Dodding, as it is given ibid, under 1543, when he was lower bailiff: and 
there was a Thomas Dodding bailiff in 1558, 1562, and 1564. The other, whose name 
was probably Dabitote (after the ancient Worcestershire family of d^Abitot), was senior 
bailiff in 1547. A Humphrey Debitote occurs bailiff in 1518 and 1521. 

^ Richard BuUingham was lower bailiff of Worcester in 1561, and upper bailiff in 1563. 
A Thomas BuUingham had filled those offices in 1528 and 1530. 

•* Nicholas BuUingham was born in Worcester; educated at Oxford; was consecrated 
bishop of Lincoln 1559, and translated to the see of his native city in 1570. He died in 
1576, and was buried in the cathedral, where his monument remains, with a demi-effigy, 
as described in Green's History of Worcester, i. 154, and engraved in Dr. Thomas's 
Survey, 1737, 4to. p. 41. See a memoir of bishop Nicholas BuUingham in Wood's 
Athense Oxon. edit. Bliss, ii. 813. There was also a John BuUingham, bishop of Gloucester 
1581 — 1596, and previously prebendary of Worcester, whose memoir is ibid. col. 862. 

< This test was not unusual. One of Foxe's cuts represents Bilney burning off the 
forefinger of his right hand, on the day before his submission to the fire at Norwich. 
Another exhibits bishop Bonner burning with a candle the hand of Thomas Tomkins, 
whose body soon after was burned in Smithfield. In a third, Edmund Tyrrell, of Col- 
chester, is burning in like manner the hand of one Rose Allin; and in the same place 
bishop Bonner is stated to have forcibly closed the hand of a third person upon a live coal. 

CAMD. 80C. K 


*' Felest thow not the heate?" and he sayde, ** No;" but he woulde 
skarse beleve him till he had loked, and sawe he was not so muche 
as skorched. So he locked the dores, sayeing, " Grod night." 

Shortly after there came another prisoner unto the same prisone, 
for what cawes he knewe not; but it fortuned, the prisone being half 
timbred or rather better, some of the clay of the wall was falen ; so that 
this prisoner sayd to the keeper, " This heritique boye hath broken 
the wall to steall owte ;" by meanes wherof he was put in an inner 
prison caled the peep-hole, but yet without irons, untill Mighelmas; 
till one Robert Yowle " was chosen lowe-baylef, a joly Catholik, 
whiche quicklie bestowed his charite uppon him, laieng on a payer of 
bolts that he coulde not lifte up his small legs, but lening on a staff 
slipp them forward uppon the grownde, the beneffete whereof is an 
extreame colde in his anckles to this daye, whiche he shall cary to 
his grave. Moreover he was fayne to lye on the colde grownd, in 
those boltes, having not so muche as a lock of strawe nor clothe to 
cover him withall,buttwo shippeskins. Furthermore, one Feerefilde, 
a waker,^ coming nightlie throwgh the guilde-hall to go to the prive, 
as he sayd, woulde come and call this child at the hold, whether of 
his owne mynde or sett on by some other papest he knewe not, but 
these weare his woordes, " Whie doste thow not recant? thow wilt 
* be feared one tyme or other, as I have, by robing the devill, which 

^ Richard Gowle in Nash's list (Hist, of Wore. Appx. p. cxil), bat no doabt in error, 
for under the name of Robert Youle he occurs as higher bailiff two years later, for 1548; 
and again in 1552 and 1559. 

^ It must not he supposed that this was a watchman, or a particularly wakeful gentle- 
man, who took nightly walks instead of lying in bed; but the writer means the occupation 
which is commonly written walker ^ that is, a fuller, or dresser and finisher of cloth. Wor- 
cester was at this period a great clothing town. Leland says, '* The wealth of the towne 
of Worcester standeth most part by drapering, and no towne in England, at this present 
tyme, maketh so many clothes yearly as this towne doth." (Itin.) In 1590 queen Elixa. 
beth, " at the humble petition of our wellbeloved of the misteryes or faculties of wearers, 
walkers, and clothiers of our cittie of Worcester,** granted them a charter of incorpora- 
tion, of which Rowland Berkeley, citizen and weaver, was nominated the first master, and 
two weavers and two walkers the first wardens : see it printed in Green's History of the 
city, vol. ii. Appendix, No. xvi. 


iBUkearagedcolte, whiche hath ledJ ine ubowglit this hall all night 
or now, and ut length lawgh me to skorne, and sayd howgh lioo,"^ 

Others would come and aay, " Thow sliiilt be burned, thow here- 
tique, this weke," and " that weke," " tliia daye " and " to-morow." 
Furthermore nether mother nor none of his kinn that durst come at 

At length, to ease his paync, theye put into the same prison to 
him, to beare him company bicawcs he was alone, ouc attayntcd of 
treason, caled William Taylour, being a mad-man and owt of bis 
wittes; who in his fronlique fittcs would many tymes profer to 
thrust him in with a knyf whiche the sayd madman had t« cutt his 
meate withall. 

Moreover, there came two pristcs, canons of the cathederall 
churclic, the one called Jolyl','' the other mr, Yewer."! To ihem 
was browght his wrighting against the Six Articles, and his ballet 
called Come downe, which at\er they hardo yt reade, and had resoned 
with him, they burst owte in a pelting chaf, sayeing, " Hathc dis- 
closed the in tyme, being such a ranck heritique at this age; but 
God hath cut the of, else hadest thow bene the notahlest hery- 
tique in all christindome." Thus in a great fury, threatning fier 
and fagot, and that shortly, they departed. Whether tliei ware 
sent to '' the bishopp or no he knewe not, but shortly aller mr. 
Johnson the chauncelor sate in the guildhall uppon the said 
John, and there were browght in his accusers and were sworne; 
and 24 men were sworne and went on his quest, and fownd him 
gilty; but he never cam before the chauncelor. This did he to 
make all things in a redines against the comyng of the judges. 

• •■ R. C. « 

kwi \o hallou 
ciKuii)ile of it. 

n Camden's Remi 


» (8ir Rob 

L. 11, 

3.) I b 

nn) Ba)'Ei that wa use im^- 

i[ succeeded." ArchdcDcoD Nana, in (llusury, 1S4S, '. 
The Bbovo appam lo be tlie ame " inWiieclLoii." differently wrillen. 

* Iteni? Joliffe, B.D., appointed prebenilsrj of tiie fDurth itiill \>j tlio fuunilil 
charter of the cathedral S4 Jan. 1541-2. He was one of the proctun of the univcp 
of Cambridge in IfiSlt, rector of Wore., ud in 1G54 dun ur Brittal. 

' Richard Euer, B.D., appointed to [be third itill bj the ume ehartor. 

' So tt» MS.. i>erKapt/i>T by. 


that there might be no delay, but spedyc execution; for the 
whiche cawes sake he was sent to the common jayle,* and there 
did lye amonge theves and murthcrers; but God prevented their 
poorpos, and toke awaye kinge Hen rye the eight owt of the troble- 
som woorlde. Yet notwithstanding he was araigned, being holden 
upp in a man's armes at the barr; the judges being Portraan^ and 
Marven,* which when they perceived that they coulde not burne 
him, woulde have had him presently whipped. 

Then stept upp John Bourne then esquire,^ and sayd, ** And 
please you, my Lordes, he hathe bene sore inowghe whipped allredy." 
Thus had he no farther troble ; saving he laye in pryson a weke after. 
Many woulde have had him awaye from the barr, and especially a 
priste ; but the sayd John Bourne toke him whome (home), and 
the gentlewoman his wyf did anoynte his legges her owne selfe 
with oyntment, which leges were styf and numbde by reson of the 
irons, for he laye in prison from the 14. of August till within 7 dales 
of Ester. And the said mr. Bourne travailed to bringe him to 
beleve in the sacrament, sayeing it was Christes verye flesh and 
blood in fourme of bread; for, yf Christ sayd he should have given 
us his bodye rawe in fleshe and blood, we shoulde have abhorde yt. 
But at lengthe sayd his wyf, '* Let us put awaye this herytique, 
least he mare my sonne Anthony." 

Moreover, in the dayes of queene Marye he was accused by six 
protestantes ; and so constrayned to depart the con try, traveling 
painfully unknown to any ; and solde his patrimony, which Grod had 
sent him by his parentes, to releve him in that tyme of necessite; 
to the which provident God be all honour and glory for ever ! 

Muche more myght be spoken of his last troble but for breve- 
tics sake. 

* This was in the Foregate, at Worcester : his former prison at the toll-shop or guildhall. 
•» Sir William Portman, a judge of the King's bench 1547, afterwards chief justice. 
^ Sir Edward Mervyn, a judge of the King^s bench 1541. 

^ Afterwards sir John Bourne, secretary of state : who will figure more conspicuously 
in UnderhilPs Autobiogn^hy hereafter. He resided at Battenhall near Worcester. 


[MS. Harl. 425, fol. 121.] 

The following paper was written in correction of a statement which thus 
appears in Foxe's first edition, 1563, fol. +-1546 : 

" Jhon Home. And a woman. Martyrs. September 25. (1556.) 

*' Nowc not long afler the death of the said joungman at Bristow, in the same 
manner wer ii. mo godly martirs consumed by fire at Wutton underhedge in 
Glocestershier, whose names are above specified, which died very gloriously in 
a constant fayth, to the terror of the wicked, and comforte of the godly. So 
graciously dyd the Lorde worke in them, that death unto them was lyfe, and 
lyfe with a blotted conscience was death.'* 

If the corrections now given proceeded from sound information, Foxe was 
wrong not only in the christian name of Home, but in the year of his death ; 
which appears to have been 1558 instead of 1556. The 25th September, 1558, 
would have been rather less than " eight weeks " before queen Mary's death, 
on the 17th of November. 

Who mr. John Deighton, the writer, was we do not know : but Strype 
(Eccles. Memorials, iii. 463) supposes him to have been ** a worthy minister in 
those parts." 

Wheras in the last edition of mr. Fox his famous works 
caled the booke of Martyrs^ as likewise in all the former editions, 
there is mention made of one John Home and a woman that 
suffered martjrrdome for the testimony of their faith at Wotton- 
under-Edge in Gloucestershere, let it be knowne that the matter is 
mistaken through the default of those that made the certificate for 
mr. Fox out of the registers of Gloucester or Worcester; for it 
cannot be proved that any such person or woman suffered at 
Wotton aforesaide. But it is true that one Edward Home suffered 


martjrrdome at Newente in the said diocesse, and was burnt there in 
a place caled the Court Orchard nere the churchyard ; and his wife 
was condemned with him, but she recanted and refused to suffer 
with him. I have bine at the place and spake with one or ij of the 
same parish that did se him there burnt, and do testifie that at his 
death he sunge the 146. psalme, untill that his lipps were burnt 
away, and then they sawe his tonge move untill he fell downe in 
the fier. They of the parish do say they knowe the ij persons that 
made the fier to burne him, and they weare ij glovers or fell-mongers, 
whose names I have in ray note-booke. He was executed about viij 
weekes before queene Mary died. 

The Sonne of this martyr is now livinge in the same parish, and 
caled Christopher Home, an honest poore man, beinge about 78 or 
79 yeres, and borne in queene Maries tyme, about a quarter of a yere 
before his father suffered. His mother, that promised to suffer with 
hir husband and recanted after she was condemned, was after 
married to one Whocke of the parish of Teynton, within a myle or 
2 of Newent, where her first husband was borne ; et hoc ex relatione 
ejusdem Chriatopheri Homey 

By me John Deighton. 

I wish for the reverence I beare to the memory of Mr. Fox, whose 
person and place of dwelling I knew, and the honor and love I 
beare to his works, that this smale error, which is none of his, weare 



[MS. Harl. 425. fol. 124.] 

This narrative is preserved among the papers communicated to Foxe, but he 
made no use of it. Str jpe has given some extracts in his Ecclesiastical Me- 
morials, vol. ii. book i. chapter 9 ; vol. iii. chapters 7 and 66 ; and others in his 
Memorials of Cranmer, book ii. chapters 7 and 26. 

Thomas Hancock took the degree of bachelor of arts at Oxford in 1532. 
(Wood*s Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 51.) He was afterwards one of the exiles at 
Geneva. The present narrative is imperfect ; and his history after his return 
to England in Elizabeths reign has not been recovered. 

The laste yeare of the regne of king Henry the S^y I, Thomas 
Hancock, master of artes and curate of Amporte," dioces. Wintonie^ 
was suspended a celebratione divinorum by doctor Raynold,^ who yet 
levith, than comissaiy under doctor Steward, who was than chan- 
seller to bisshop Grardner, they leying too my charge the breache of 
the Six Articles, by cawse I tawghte owtt of 9 cap. Hebreorum thatt 
owre Savior Christ entered once into the holy place, by whych he 
optayned unto siners everlasting redemption; that he once suffered; 
and that his body was once offered to take away the sinnes off many 
people; and thatt one only oblation suffised for the sinnes of the 
hole wordle. 

^ Amport, 4^ miles from Andover, Hants. 

^ Robert Reynolds, LL.D., prebendary of Lincoln 1555, Winchester 1558, died 1595. 


The first yere of the regne of king Edward 6., I, the sayde 
Thomas, having licence of bisshop Cranmore, preched at Christ- 
churche Twinham, in comit Sowthe., where I was borne, mr. Smythe 
vicar of Christchurche and bachyller of divinite being present; where 
I, taking my place owt of the 16. S*. John, v. 8, Spiriius sanctus 
arguet mundum de peccato, de justitiay quia vado ad Patrem^ &c. 
Heyre dothe owr Savior Christ saye that he goeth to the Father, and 
that we shalle se him no more. The prist being than at mas, I de- 
clared wnto the people that that the prist dothe holde over his head 
they dyd see with their bodily eyes, but our Savior Christ dothe 
heyre say plainly that we shal se him no more ; than yow that doo 
knele unto hytt, pray unto hyt, and honor hytt as God, doo make 
an idol of hytt, and yowre selves doo commyte moste horrible 
idolatry. Wherat the sayde vicar mr. Smythe, sytting in hys chayre 
in the face of the pulpett, spake thes wordes: **Mr. Hancocke, yow 
have done well untyll no we, and nowe have you played an yll kowse 
parte, whych whan she hathe geven a good mcsse of mylke over- 
throweth all wyth her fote; and soo all ys lost;" and wyth thes 
wordes he gote hym owtt of the churche. 

The first yere all soo of kjmg Edward I all soo preched in St. 
Thomas churche att Salisbury, doctor Oking * chawnselar too bishop 
B^apen and doctor Steward ^ chawnselar too bishop (Jardner being 
present, with divers others of the clergy and laytye. My place ® 
being Omnis plantaMo quam non plantavit Pater mens coslestis eradi- 
cabitur. By the whych place I inveyed agaynst the superstitius 
caeremonies, as holy brcde, holy water, images, coopes, vestments, &c. 

* Robert Oking, D.C.L. at Cambridge 1534, chancellor first of Bangor and afterwards 
of Samm, archdeacon of Salisbury 1547 : see Athenae Cantabrigienses, i. 197. He was 
presented to the rectory of Ck>llingboume Duels, co. Wilts, by Edward earl of Hertford, 
in 1545, and held it until 1554. (Hoare's South Wiltshire.) 

l» Edmund Steward, D.C.L. at Cambridge 1541 ; chapcellor first of Norwich and after- 
wards of Winchester; dean of Winchester 1553*4; died 1559: see Athens Cantabrig. 
i. 265. 

« Matt. XV. 18. 



and att the laste agaynst the idoll of the alter, proving hytt to be an 
idoll, and no God, by the first of St. John's gospol ,■ Deum nemo 
unquam, &c,, with other places of the olde testament; "but that the 
prist holdeth over hys heade yow doo se, you knele before hytt, yow 
honor hytt and make a idoll of hytt, and yow yowr selves ai-e inoste 
horrible idolot^-rs:" whereatt the doctera and sartayne of the clargie 
wentt owtt of the chureh, I chargynge them thatt tliey were nott of 
God, by cawse they refused too heyrc the word of God. The sermon 
being ended, the mayore, mr, Thomas Chaffen,'' came unto me, 
layinge too my charge a proclamacion, in the whyehe was comniande- 
ment geven thatt we shulde geve no nccname wntoo the sacrameiit,^ 
as rowiid Robin, or Jack in t/te box; wertoo I awnswered thatt hytt 
was noo sacrament, but an idoJl, as they doo wse hytt. 

• John i. la. 

'' Thomu Cbul^n wu nuyor of Soliibuiy ia IS47 and Chriitopher Ctufjn in 1S50. Id 
IS5T mr. Thomu Cha^ Ibe jaiiDger u meationed; and in IstiSTbomiu Cbiuyn wu diih 
of tliB gentr; of Saliabur; with gooda valued iit ISOi., being tbo tecond peisou in Ilia 
tovainpointafweiillb. Hisloiyof Siliehuty (Hoare'iSouth WitWii™), pp,274, 896, 812. 

<^ "AliH tluK uiiDD lime [Jan. lIi4T-S) wu mocbo >pek;rng agafne tbe gacrament of [h« 
■utcr, tbat »iae cslljrd it Jaeii: fiftht Ban, with divers otber Bbamfulle nnmes; mod there 
mi Dtade ■ procUnuiFyon agnjne ihcwlie (such) BBfoni, and It (jKt) botbellicpnwhanind 
otben apaVe agnyne il, and mi coaiyncwjid." (Cbronide of Ibe Grey Prior* of Loudon, 
p. GG.} An original copy of tliia proclunntion ii preserved in the collection of tUe Society 

uid godly acte and cstatule (made iu tbe rec<?nt aBBian uf purletuent) agiinu those wlio 
doetb contempne, dtupiit, or with unasmely and ungodly woordn deprave and rciyle tlie 
holy ncrunenle of tbe body nnd blood of our Lordc, eonnuonly called tit tea-ematl q/ cAt 
Aultar." The Uatute U 1 Edw. VI. cap. 1. Slatatca of tbo RcUm, ISIB, iv. 2. 

Bishop Covordale, In tlie preface lo his tnuulstian of Calvin's Treatiae on the L^at 
Supper, baa this pa»ago r " 1 willsponk no more as concerning their (ond invention* about 
the ministration of tliii tnnst blened sacrament, lest I should be thereby an otTence or 
tlnmbluig-biacli to the weajc brolheis, wIiobo consciences are not yet fully satiaRoJ us cim- 
oeniiag the true belief of this holy mystery : Inissn, l«t I should gi>e them occiuiou to do 
■• perlain fond talken have of Uite days done, and U tbiii present day do invent and apply 
lo Uiia most holy BBcnznent names of despite and reproach, as to call it Jack in (Ai iuf and 
Jiuimd RoUn, and such other not only fund bnt blasphemous names." (Covordalo's 
Works, Parker Soc. p. 42fl.) Id the last examinatiooof binbop Ridley, before the queen's 
OummiHionen, Sept. 30, 1S5S, referring to a sermaD which he had delivered at Paul's 
eron, (the precise date of whiah does not appear,) be said, " Vou shall undentandc tbera 


Att thatt tyme was one Huntte and Richard Whyghtt * commytted 
to the gayle for such cawse by doctor Geffery,^ who was chawnsler 
too by shop Capon,® and soo wolde the maior all soo have committed 
me too the gayle, had nott sixe honest men ben bownde for me thatt 
I sholde awnser att the next syses. 

Whan I came to the sises, syr Michel (Richard) Lister d being lord 
chefe justice, wylled me too have sertayne to be bownde for me that 
I shold nott goo before the king in his procedings. I makyng not 
haste too gett me sewarties, my lord chefe justice called upon me 
very earnestly that I shold get- sum too be bownde for me. The 
bisshop sitting att the bench, I requested him thatt, forasmuch as 
my troble was for the worde of God, that he and hys chaplyn, on(e) 

were at Paules, and divers other places, fixed railing billes against the sacrament, terming it 
Jacke qfihe Boxe, the Sacrament of Vie If alter, Round Robin, with like unsomely termes; for 
the whiche causes I, to rebuke the unreverend behaviour of certaine evil-disposed persones, 
preached as reverently of that matter as I might." (Foze, edit. 1576, p. 1650.) 

* Foxe, under the year 1558, gives at considerable length *' The story and condemna- 
tion of John Hunt and Richard White, ready to be burnt, but by the death of Q. Mary 
escaped the fire." In a side-note Foxe remarks, ** Rich. White, now vicar of Bialbrough 
in Wilshire :**— See an additional note in the Appendix. 

^ William Gefirey, or Jeflfrey, D.C.L. 1540, sometime principal of St. Edward's hall 
and afterwards of Bradgate hall, Oxford, archdeacon of Northampton 1549, chancellor of 
Salisbury 1552-3; died 1558. "Not long before the death of queen Mary dyed doctor 
Capon, bishop of Salisbury. About the which tyme also followed the unprepared death of 
doctour Geffrey, chaucellour of Salisbury, who in the midst of his buildings, sodainly being 
taken by the mighty hand of God, yelded his lyfe, which hadde so little pittye of other 
men^s lyves before. Concerning whose crueltye partly mention b made before [in the 
case of Hunt and White]. As touching moreover this foresayde chaucellour, here it is to 
be noted, that he departing upon a Saterday, the next day before the same he hadde ap- 
poynted to call before him 90 persons, and not so fewe, to examine them by inquisition, 
had not the goodnes of the Lord, and his tender providence, thus prevented him with death, 
providing for his poore servauntes in tyme.^^ — Foxe, '* God^s punishment upon Persecutors.*' 

* John Capon, alias Salcot, who having been successively abbat of St. Benet Hulme, 
and of Hyde by Winchester, was made bishop of Bangor 1533, and of Salisbury 1589. He 
died 1557. See his memoirs in Athena) Cantabrigienses, i. 171. 

* The lord chief justice of the common pleas was sir Richard (not sir Michael) Lyster. 
See in the Winchester volume of the Archceological Institute, 1846, a memoir by Sir Fre- 
derick Madden on sir Richard Lyster^s monument and effigy in St. Michael's church, 
Southampton, which had been attributed to lord chancellor Wriothesley. Sir Richard's 
son and hoir was sir Michael Lyster; ho died in August 1561, before bis father. See 

AnTOBioonAniT of TnosiAa iiancock. 


master Hcve,' woldc be for me. My lorde cliofe justice re- 
buked mc by cawse I clioec my sewartis '' owt of the bcnche, saying 
thatt yf he woide be my sewertye he wold nott take hym. Soo I 
stode 8tylI,nott sekyng any to bebowndefor me; werat my lordwaa 
nott very well pleased, and sayde unto me, " Wliy seke you nott 
summe too be bownde for yow?" I awnseryd that I knew nott too 
whome too speake. 

There was present a wotlen-draper, on Ilary Dymoke, who asked 
my lord wliat the band was, who awoswored on hundred powndea. 
He sayde agayne, that a hundred of them wold be bownd in an 
hundred pownde for me; another sayde that a thowsand of them 
wold be bownd in 1000 pownde for me; wherat my lorde rebuked 
me, saj'ing: " Se what an wpproare yow make among the people." 
I sayd wnto him : " I pray yow, my lord, lay no such thyng to my 
charge; I stand before yow, and store nott; hytt ya God that moveth 
ther harttes thus too speak; Ipraysebis name for hytt." Than dyd 
my lorde agayne enter talke wyth th'abovc named Hary Dymoke; 
and asked hym whether ten of (them) wold be bownd in an c"., for 
yf an himdereth shold be boivndo in an hundred poundc, the names 
then wold occupy more Inke and papyr than the obligation. Hary 
Dymoke aimscred that I had no rewlo of my selfc In that place," and 
thatt tlicy thowghlt thatt I wold breake the band, whych yf I shoUd, 
hytt wold grcve them too forfytt x li. apece, but in thatt qwarell to 
forfct XX B.'' apece hytt wold never grcvc them. So was the first 


Mftchjn** DUry, p. 3,whore,1>ya like ranfusioi 
dition lo Sir F. Maildcn'a pedigrse it mnji lie renurlted i 
joMice I'M Jine, daughter of Ralph Sherlef of Wiatoti, ! 
DaMnj, of Moorhauw in Petworth. (Slflrnnisu Stiirl 
Chat the wife of hii grandMn. llie danghler of lord cbai 
j(r« to William Sheilay of Miehelgrovo: leo Mftchyn-i I 
biblj, the bailiff of [lie bishop, (whn might 

>a is called air Riohard. In ad- 
tho Urat wife of Ibe lord chief 
iiBCX, and widow of «ir John 
ia, 4to. ISJl, p. U5.) Aim 
lor Wriolheslcy, wm n 
7. p. 273. 

chlplain.) uho ' 

long lerin of jean I 
(Roared Wilishire,) p 
offloer at this period. 
' St^jpc'B^ro iniert* " 

DO benefice or otiier suthoriKd plac 

I of the city." HiMorj o 

whore a ilsl of baitiflii is girea, but it 
■■ Suretici. 
(. the pulpit." Tlie meaning «eeni« lo b( 

* Httprioted " 

: appoml 

und" bj Slrjpo, EecieoiaUicai McnioriiUi. il. 73. 


band discharged, and my lorde bownd x. of them in x li. and my 
self was bownd in 90 li. 

Thys done, I ryd from Salcsbury unto my lorde off Somersett hys 

grace, who lay at thatt (tyme) at Syan. I reqwested hys grace thatt 

I mowghtt have hys letter for the discharge of them thatt were 

bownde for me : he cawsed my lord treasurer hys honor that now ys, 

whoo than was master of the reqwestcs," to wryt to my lorde chefe 

justice for tlie discharge of the band ; wych letter, why 1st I was 

wyth my lorde att Hampton ^ too deliver, the bell rong too the 

sermon. My lorde asked me whether I mynded too preach? I 

awnscred yea. My lorde sayd unto me that Hampton was a haven 

towne, and that yf I shold teache such doctrine as I tawght at 

Sarum the towne wold be divided, and soo sholde hytt be a way or 

; a gapp for the enemy to enter in, and therfor he commawnded me 

1 that I shold nott preache ther. I awnswered thatt I wold not take 

thatt for a forbiddyng, butt that forsomuch as the people resorted too 

the church att the ringyng of the bell too heyre the worde of God, 

they shold nott returne whome (home) agayne voyd of God's word. 

My lorde sayde agayne unto me thatt I shold not preache, and thatt 

ther was on in the Tower (meanyng bysshopp Gardnar) that he wold 

beleve before 400 such as I was. I awnsered hym thatt he spake 

those words betwyxt him and me, but, yf I had record of them, he 

wold nott speake them. Soo my lorde sent for the mayor and hys 

bretherne. Mr. maior asked me whether I wolde be content that 

an other shold supply the rome for me? I awnsered yea; and thatt 

I was as wylling too heyre the word as to preach my self. Soo dyd 

mr. maior send too on mr. Gryffeth, who dyd preache ; and my lorde 

being present, he chalenged him that he, being chefe justice of the 

law'', dyd suffer the images in the churche, the idoU hangyng in a 

string over the alter, candlcstikes and tapers on them wppon the 

alter, and the people honoring the idoll, contrary too the law; wyth 

much other good doctrine. I praysed God for hytt. And thus 

*■ William Cecill (afterwards lord Burghley). ^ t. e, Southampton. 

<^ Misprinted " land ^^ in Strype, Ecclen. Memorials, ii. 73. 


were my frends of Sarum thatt were bownde for me discharged there 

Thys troble being overcum, an other foloweth; for, after thys, I 
was called the same yeare, whych was the first yeare of kyng 
Edward, to be the minister of God's word at the town of Pole, in 
comit. Dorset, whych town was at the time welthy, for they en- 
braced God's word, they were in favors with the rewlars and gover- 
nors of the realme, they were the first thatt in thatt parte of England 
were called Protestantes ; they dyd love one an other ; and every one 
glad of the company of the others; and soo God powred his blessing 
plentifully wpon them ; but now, I ham sory too sett my pen too 
wryte hytt, they have becum pooer, they have no love to God*s word, 
they lacke the favor and frendshop of the godly rewlars and governors 
to defend them ; they fall from there profession ; they hate one another, 
one can not abyd the company of the other, but they are divided 
emongst them sellves; butt, Lord God, heavenly Father! which 
workest all things for the best unto thine elect and chosen, and arte 
a God of mercy and long suffering, suffer nott that towne of Poole, 
yf hytt be thy good wyll, too cum to dessolation; butt, mercifull 
God, who haste the hartes of all men in thine handes, and dost 
turne them whom thow wylltt tume, geve them hartes to repent, and 
powie thy blessings uppon them thatt they may embrace thy word, 
thatt they may be nott only heyrers butt obedientt folowers and 
doers of the same, thatt they may love one another, and soo powre 
uppon them thy blessings, thatt they may cum nott to a worse 
butt to a better state, for thy dear son Christ Jhesu's sake, our only 
mediator and advocate ! 

I being the minister of God's worde in that towne of Poole, 
preching the word uppon sume Sunday in the monthe of Juli, in- 
veyed agaynst idolatry and covetousnes, taking my place owtt of the 
6th of Timothy, Deus immortalis est, et lucem habitat inaccessibilem, 
quern nemo hominum vidit sed nee videre potest The bryghtnes of 
the Grodhed ys such thatt hytt passeth the bryghtnes of the sun, of 
aungells, and all creatures ; soo thatt hytt cannott be seen with owr 


bodyly eyes, for noo man hath seen God at any tyme and leveth. 
The prist at thatt time being att mas, yf hytt be soo thatt noo man 
hath sene God, nor can se God with thes bodyly eyes, than thatt 
whych the prist liflfleth over his head ys nott God, for yow doo se 
hitt with yowr bodyly eyes; yf hytt be nott God, yow may nott honor 
hytt as God, nether for God. Whereatt olde Thomas Whyghtt,' a 
greate rych marchantt, and a ringleader of the papistes, rose owtt oflF 
hys seate, and wentt owtt of the church, saying, ** Come from hym, 
good people; he came from the divell, and teacheth wnto yow 
divlish doctrine." John Notherel,** alias John Spicer, folowed him, 
saying, *' Hitt shal be God whan thow shalt be but a knave." 

The same yearc, in the day of All Saynctes, as they call hytt, after 
thatt I came from expownding sum place of the scriptures, at 
evening prayer, the above named Thomas Whyghtt, John Notherel, 
and William Haviland ® came too the prist, commawnding him that 
he shold say dirige for all soils : I commawnding hym the contrary, 
they sayd they wold make me too saye dirige ; I awnswered, nott 
whyle they leved. Than dyd they all as hytt wer with on mowth 
call me knav and my wyff strompett, som of them threatning me 
thatt they wold make me draw my gutts after me. The maior, 
being an honest good man, Morgan Reade^ by name, thrust me 
into the qwier, and pulled the qwyer dorse fast too, commanding 
them to kepe the king's peace: but they spared nott to call the 
maior knave; the maior had much worke too stopp thys horly 
burly, untyll he had gotten the chef of them owtt of the churche. 

Soo was I driven agayne too be a seuter too my lord of Somersett 
hys grace, who wylled me too resorte to mr. Cicel than master of 

* The name of Tbomaa Whyte occun in tlie list of mayon of Poole in 1504, 1510, 1511, 
1517, 1581, 1538, in 1545 Thomas Whyte senior, and in 1551 Thomas Whyte junior. 
The family were afterwards seated at Fittleford, in the parish of Stourminster Newton : 
see a pedigree in Hutchins^s Dorsetshire (second edit.) iv. 183. 

^ John Northerell was mayor of Poole in 1540, 1547, and 1552. 

c William Havyland was mayor of Poole in 1523, 1533, and 1544. Othen of the 
family occur from 1494 to 1537. 

^ Morgan Rede was mayor of Poole in 1548. 



requesto, but now lord treasurar of England. I had all soo an other 
letter for my qwyetnea in preachiag of God's word in the towne 
of Poole. From that time I continewed in Poole untyll the deatli 
of good king Edward, in whose dayes, before the last apprehension 
of the dewke of Somersett, iher (was) on Woodcock's wyffe • thatt 
reported thatt ther was a voycc folowing her, whycli sownded 
always in her years, thatt he whom the king dyd best trust sholld 
deceyve him, and worcke trayson agaynst him. Thys she reported 
long tyme, wntyl! sir AVylliam Barkley'' sent her too London too 
the cownaoL She was not long ther, butt came whome agayne with 
ter purse full of inony, and after her comyng whome she was 
more bwsy in thatt talke than before; soo that she came too a 
market towne 4 mylls from Poole, called Wymbonie, wher she 
reported thatt the voyce continewed iblowJng her as before. Ther 
were ij marchantea of Poole thatt hard her, and toke a note of her 
wordcs, and came too my howsse and cownselled mo too sertyfy my 
lord of Somersett of hytt. Soo I came too my lord too Syan and 
aartyficd my lord of the words, declaring untoe my lord thatt "he 
whom the kyng did best trust wold deceyve him and worke trayson " 
we dyd nott know, but thatt all the king's loving subjects dyd 
thinke thatt hys grace was most worthy to be best trusted, and 
thatt hys grace hath ben in troblc, and thatt all the kyng's loving 
subjects dyd pray for his grace to th' Almighty too preserv his grace, 
thatt he may never cum in the like Iroble agayne. 

My lord dyd aske of me whether I had any note of the wordes or 
noo. I awnscred I had, butt nott loo present unto hys grace, by 
cawse I had a remembrance for bokes and other thyngs thatt I had 
too by." My lord liked wel of hytt; and folding the paper, wett 
hytt with hysspettyll, andsoo toreowtte my rememberance and gave 
hytt me, speaking thes wordes, "Asyrra, thys ys strange, thatt 
thoB things sholld cum before the cownscll, and I nott hcyre of 

• Hnprinled Woococt b; Stripe, MemoriBl! ul Cr&iimer, p, 26i. 

■■ Tbia «iu sir WilUom Berkeley of Beventuiic Cullu in Gloui^cetcrahirr, wlio mnrriinl 
lady Murgarel Poulct, .langhler of (lie flnl mnrqnoii of WincheBtcr. ' i. r. In I'uj. 


hytt. I ham of the cownsel all soo." He asked me, " Butt before 
whom of the cownsel thinke yow?" I answered "I know nott 
sartayne, my lord; but as I suppose." He sayde, "Before whom 
suppose you? " I awnsered, " Before my lord treasurer; by cawse 
sir William Barkley, who sent her upp with ij of his servantes, 
maryed my lord treasurer's dawghter/* My lorde sayde, " Hytt ys 
like too be soo." Thys was the last time that I saw or spake with 
my lord of Somersett, being iij wekes before hys last apprehension. 

Att his fyrst apprehension the reportt was thatt the duke of 
Somersett (whatt time he was fett owtt of Wynsor castell), having 
king Edward the 6th by the hand, shold say: ** Hytt ys nott I 
thatt they shote att ; thys ys the marke thatt they shote att :" meaning 
the king;* whych by the seqwel proved too trew; for thatt good, 
godly, and verteuus king leved nott long after the deathe of thatt 
good dewke. 

After the deathe of kyng Edward the 6th, qwene Jane, who was 
vertuous and godly, was proclaymed kwene (butt agaynst her wyll, 
as the reporte was). She ra3med nott above 8 or 9 dayse, butt 
qwene Marye was proclaymed qwene, in whose time the churche 
of Christ dyd florishe and was tryed by the deathe of many ver- 
tuous, lemed, and godly martyrs of Christ Jhesu. Qwene Mary 
was proclaymed qwene by my lord Wylliams** in Oxford, St. James's 

* " Item, you declared and published untruly as well to the King^s majestie, and other 
the young lords attendant upon his majesties person, and to the King^s subjects at divers 
and sundry times and places, that the said lords at London minded to destroy the King ; 
and you required the King never to forget it, but to revenge it, and likewise required the 
said young lords to put the King in remembrance therof ; to the intent to make sedition 
and discord betweene the King's majesty and his lords." This is the 26th article charged 
upon the duke of Somerset, as printed in Stowe's Chronicle. The protector had, in his 
distress and embarrassment, no doubt indiscreetly made some such appeal, in order to 
obtain support, as on the King's behalf. 

^ Sir John Williams was master of the jewel-house and treasurer of the court of 
augmentations in the reign of Edward VL Having taken au active part in the establish- 
ment of the authority of queen Mary, he was destined to higher honours. He became 
chamberlain to king Philip, and was created lord Williams of Thame in 1654. Having 
been appointed lord president of Wales, he died in that office in 1559. See Machyn's 
Diary, Index. 



dayo,« wlioo, after she was proclayraeJ, dyd sett forth a proclama. 
cioii,'' which cnme too my handes, wliyoh dyd declare wlint I'cligion 
she dyd profcs in her yowthe, thatl she dyd continew in the same, 
and thalt she raynded too end her lyf in the same religion; wylling 
all her loving subjects too embrace the same. Thya proclamation 
dyd 8O0 cncoragc the pnpistca thatt they, forgetting ther dewty and 
obedience to God, and too declare there obedience wntoo there 
qwene, wold have the maa and other superatilius ceremonies in post 
haste; butt I toke uppon me too reade the prochiniation wntoo 
them, and too declare the meaning of hytt; thatt, whereas in the 
proclamacion she wylled all her loving subjectes too enbrace the 
same religion, they owghtt to enbrace the same in her being 
there princes, thatt ys nott too rebell agaynst her, being there 
princes, but too lett her alone with her religion. This satisfied nott 
the papistes; but they wolde ncdes have ther masking mas, and soo 
dyd olde Thomas Whyght, John Nothercl, and others, bwylde upp 
an alter in the churche, and had procured a fytt chaplin, a TrL-nch 
prest, on syr Bryssc," too say there masse; butt there altar waa 
pulled downe, and syr Bryeae was fityne too hyde hys headd, and 
the papi^tos too bwlde them an alter in oUde master Wliyght's 
bowse, John Craddock hys man being ctareke to ring the bell, and 

° TUe 2fitli or Julf . From Uio letten printed in the Chronicle of Queen J>do mnd 
Queen Mary, pp. 9.12, It might bo •upposeJ thai the proel»m»tiot> took plapo at Oxford 
on sa outicT dity, 

^ Dated Ihe iviij Auguit, and printed at lengtli by Poie. 

° Named "*ir Dr;>H Tayllor" In the lislof reoton or curates of Poole in Uutcliins'* 
Donotahiro (»eeand edit.) li. 21 . He woa HtlUd in the town at least I'ight jreon hofore, 
■* in an inventor; or churcli jewels and omamentB niwlo Not. 30, 1S15, " in prewni of 
Thamoa Whjl the eldyr then bejng mayr, Riubsrd H*vyUnd, Wjrijniu Havyland, and 
TliiunaB Qylleford thsn bejng one of the chureho wardena," ocvnre " i chalei pinell 
gylll tliHt air Tailar Byrrylh wlthall." (niiloiy of Poole, by John Sydenham, 18311, Sva. 
p. 310.) Poole was in tlio pari«h of Canford. Leiand uyi: '' Pole in no town of 
auncient ocenpying in morchandiie. hut ruther of old tyme a poore flnhor village, and a 
liamelet or inemhte tu the puuche chuieli. It is tn AoiiinHni nmoria much ^nrnudd 
with hir hail'Iingi and uae of marebaundiw." But hn ariurwanlB adds, "Tliere in a 
ftur ehirobe in Pole." 



too help the prist too mas, untyll he was threatncd that yf he dyd 
use too putt hys hand owtt of the wyndow too ring the bell, that a 
hand -goon sholde make hym too smartt, thatt he shoUd nott pull in 
his hand agayne with ease. 

Soo had the papistes there mas in mr. Whytte's howse, and the 
Christians the gospel preched openly in the churche. 

The papistes all soo resorted too the churche too heyre the word 
of God, nott for any love they had too the word, butt too take the 
preachar in a trypp, for divers articles they tooke owtt of my doctrine, 
of the which they accused me before the cownsell, att the tyme of 
the first parliament; emongst the whych one of them was thatt in 
my doctrine I tawghtt them thatt God had plaged thys realme most 
justly for owr sinns with thre notable plages, the which withowtt 
spedy repentance wtter destruction wold folowe. 

The first plage was a warning too England, which was the 
posting swet, that posted from towne to towne, throwghe England, 
and was named stope gallant,*' for hytt spared none, for ther were 
dawncyng in the cowrte at 9 a'clocke thatt were deadd or aleven 
a clocke. In the same swett also at Cambredge died too worthy 
impes, the dewke of SwfFok hys son Charells, and hys brother.** 

The second plage was a threatning to England, whan God toke 
from us our wyse, verteuus, and godly king Edward the sixth. 

The thyrde was to be robbed and spoyled of the jewel and 
treasure of God's holy word; the whych utter destruction shold 
folow wythowtt spedy repentance; for had nott owr godly, wyse, 
lemed, and marcyfuU qwene Elizabeth stond in the gappe of Goddes 
wrathe, and bene the instrumentt of God too restore the everlasting 

* Another instance of this name being given to the sweating-sickness has been 
mentioned in the notes to Machyn's Diary. It is in the register of Uffculme, co. Devon, 
" the bote sickness, or stup-gallanty In the register of Loughborough in Leicestershire 
it u termed "the swat called New (ncquaintance, alias Stoup knave and know thy 

^ See note in Macbyn's Diary, p. 818 ; and see the Literary Remains of King 
Edward VI., p. 330. Their deaths were at the bishop of Lincoln*s palace at Buckden, 
whither they had been removed from Cambridge. 


word of God wntoo us, we had been bandslaves unto the prowde 
vicius Spanyard. 

eternall omnipotentt and moste mercy full God, who dyddest by 
thy mercyfuU providence preserve our moste gracious qwene 
Elizabeth in the dangerus dayse of the rayne of her maiesties most 
unnaturall syster qwene Mary, to this end, thatt thow, a moste 
mercyfuU God, woldest by her majestye sett forthe thy glory, in 
restoring wntoo us agayne the jewel and treaswre of thy moste 
sacredd and holy worde, we beseche the, Lorde, make ws thanks 
full; preserve her majesty, thatt, yf hytt be thy blessed wyll, we 
may long time enjoye thys gret treaswre and Jewell of thy most 
holy worde, thatt her grace may, by thy myghty powre, soo protect 
and defend thys her realme from the rewle and govemmentt of strange 
nacions, thatt we may never be spoyled agayne of the same, and 
thatt hyt may please the of thy mercyfuU goodnes so to rewle and 
govern ws thatt are her subjects with thy grace, thatt we may be 
diligentt heyrers of thy word, and obedientt folowers of the same, 
so thatt for owre wnthankfuUnes we provoke nott thy wrathe (as 
in the dayse of good king Edward) too take from ws soo most godly, 
pitiful, and peaceable a princes, butt thatt she may a long time rewle 
and govern both thes her realmes of Ingland and Earland, too the 
vtter confusion of the papistes her enemise, and too the greate 
comforte of thy chyldren her loving subjects. Grant thys for thy 
dear son Christ Jesu's sake ! 

An other article thatt much offended, for the whych I was ex- 
empted owtt of the first general pardon thatt qwene Marye grawnted, 
was thatt I rebuking thcr idolatrous desyre too have there super- 
sticious ceremonyse and ther idolish mas, and too putt downe the 
gloryowse gospel of Christ Jesus, dyd in my doctrine aske them, 
how thys mowght be donne, and how they wold bring hytt to passe, 
having the law of the realme and the glorious gospel of Jesus Christ 
agaynst them, and God being agaynst them, in whom they had 
ther trust. I sayde, ** Yowr trust ys in fleshe; so yow forsake 


the blessing of God and heapc wppon yow lijs curse: Jeremi 17. 
sings: Maledictus Iiomo qui confidit in homine, et ponit cameni 
brachium siium, ^c. What fleshe ys thatt you trust unto, Stephen 
Gardnar's the bysshop of Winchester? He hath bep a Sawle; 
God make him a Pawle ! He hathe ben a persequutor; God make 
hymme a faythfull preacher ! " 

Thes wordes so much offended, thatt I was nott thowghtt worthy 
to enjoy e the qwene's pardon; whereuppon I was cownselled by 
master Wylliam Thomas, the clarcke of the cownsel," for savegard 
of my lyfe, too flee; and so came I to Koane in Normandy, wheare I 
dyd continew the space of ij years, and halfe a yeare I spent at 
Parys and Orlyance. After thatt, heryng of a Englishe congregation 
att the citie of Geneva, I resorted thyther wyth my wyfe, and on 
of my chylldren,^ wheare I continewed thre yere and sumwhatt 
more. In the which citie, I prayse God, I dyd se my lord God 
moste pewrly and trewly honored, and syn moste stray tly punnisshed : 
800 hy tt may be well called a holy citie, a citie of God ; the Lorde 
powre hys blessings wppon hytt, and continew hys favore toward 
hytt, defending hytt agaynst there ^ enimyes ! 

After the deathe of qwene Mary, in the happy beginning of the 
regne of our sofferajme lady qwene Elyzabeth .... (unfinished.) 

• William Thomas, made clerk of the coancil April 19, 1550. (King Edward's 
Journal.) He wrote various historical papers for the instruction of king Edward, some 
of which are introduced in Strype's works ; and an edition of his writings was published 
in 1774, 8vo., with notes by Abraham D^Aubant, esq. Of his unhappy end in the 
reign of Mary, see both Machyn^s Diary and the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen 

^ In the Livre des A ngloii, preserved in the archives of the city of Geneva, among 
those received into the church in Nov. 1556, or shortly after, occur the names of 
"Thomas Hancock, his wife, and Gedion his sonne." On the 7th of April in the 
following year occurs the baptism *' Sarah, the daughter of Thomas Hancock, Anthony 
Qilby being the godfather.** — which Anthony Gilby was afterwards vicar of 
la-Zouche. Livre des Anglois a Geneve, edited by John Southerden Bum, 1831, 
8vo. pp. 9, 14. 

« t. e, their. Strype has substituted " his.*' 



JoscEuMs or .Tulins' Palmer suffered nt the stake at Newbury on the 16tb 
July, ISSd; and the particulars of his ease arc reluted by Foieut i^uusiderable 
length. Ue was a native of Coventry, where hia father ■' hod sometime been 
malor, and occupied merehandUe, albeit be was an upholster by his mysterie." 
His eduimtion bud been received at the school of Magdalen college, Oxford, 
under master Ilarlcy, at^rwards bishop of Hereford ; and, alter attaining to a 
i^llowship at Magdalen, he whs in 1550 admitted to the office of reader in logic 
in that college. So strong at that period were hh views in favour of the 
Romish faith, that he was expellecl the college before the dcHth of king 
Edward, and became a teacher of children in the bouse of sir Francis Knollys. 
Atier Mary's accession he was restored to his fellowship ; but his sentiments 
then underwent a change which led to further troubles. This ia attributed in 
great measure to his horror in witnessing the merciless treatment of Ridley 
and Latiuicr at Oxford, when a sympathy in their sulTerin^ led to an ex- 
amination of the principles and the faith which sustained them. Thereupon 
I'almer finally quitted bis fellowship, and purchased the appointment, originally 
granted by letters [latent to Leonard Coxc, of the mnstership of the grammor- 
achool at Reading ; but there he did not stay long : for on his study being 
searched, there were found in it " certain godly books and writings, amongst 
the which was his replication to Morwine's verses touching Winchester's epitaph, 
and other arguments both in Latin and English, written by him against the 
Popish proceedings, and specially against their unnatural! and brutish tyrannic 
executed towards the martyrs of Gud." 

At this time I'aluier came in contact with Thomaj Thackham, the writer of 
the fullowiiig paper. Tliackhom succeeded ns muster of Reading school, by 

* Not JiUim, u il cune to be printeiJ In the later oditionii of Foxe ; hut JiUiii4, wlitcli 
■ppeUH tu have b«en the polioquial pronuaoitttiun of Jcncelina. Tbo error bu uimle iU 
wtj into Wood's Athena^ Oxonlonsci, vJiL Uli», ii. 842, and Futi. i. 125, 232. In «ii 
epitaph In Hijion eWhcJnl (lUfil) wercaaof "U. Julins Iltring F.vangolii diipansaloriii 
vnlUu n Jul in." 


purchase, as he states : but from other accounts it would seem that Palmer did 
not consider his own retirement to be final, and during a visit which he in- 
cautiously made to the town, his arrest was facilitated, as was thought, by 
Thackham*s means.* This charge of treachery, as related in the first edition of 
Foxe*8 Actes and Monuments, Thackham denied with great asseveration, but 
it appears that he was only partially credited. Foxe removed Thackham*s 
name from the story ^f Julins Palmer in part, but only in part, and inserted 
the following explanation :— 

" Here by the way, gentle reader, I have by a little digression to geve thee 
to understand, concernyng one Thomas Thackham, for that the said Thomas 
Thackham, in the storie of this Julins Palmer, was noted and named, in our 
former booke, to be a doer and a worker against the said blessed martyr : he 
therefore beyng not a little agreved, made his reply agayne in writyng, for 
purgation and defence of hymselfe against the false information of his slanderer. 
Albeit for his confutation in writyng I passe not much upon, eyther what he 
hath written or can write. Onely the thing that mooveth me most is this : for 
that the sayd Thomas Thackham not long since, commyng to me hymselfe, 
hath so attested and deposed against the information, with such swearing and 
deep adjuration, takyng the name of the Lorde God to witnesse, and appealyng 
to his judgment to the utter perdition of his soule if it were not false which by 
information was reported of hym, and hee faultlesse in this matter : to which 
beyng so, I could not otherwyse refuse, but to give credit to his othe, and upon 
the same to alter and correct so much as pertaineth to the diflfamation (as he 
calleth it,) of his name, referring the truth of the matter to his owne conscience, 
and the judgements of the Lord God, to whom eyther he standeth if it be 
true, or falleth if it be false." 

The fact was that Foxe's informants still insisted that their version of the 
story was the true one. Together with Thackham*s statement now printed, 

*■ Thackham's "slanderer*^ in his reply charged him that Palmer was at last ap- 
prehended at Reading " by your procurement, because he was earnest upon you for 
money, or elles to make a re-entrye into the Schoole accordyng to covenauntes : for he 
had tolde his frendes by mouth at his last beyng at Oxford, whiche was the second day of 
Juyn before he suffered (as apered by his owne hand writyng yet to be shewed) that if he 
durst he would remove Thackham from the Scheie, because he performed not covenauntes 
with him, and payd him not his money accordyng to promes. And because he was busye 
with Thackham for the same, he sayd that he and others threatened him yet agayne very 
sore, to exhibite his owne handwrityng against him, except he would geve over his full 
interest in the Schoole, and departe quyetly without any further molestyng of Thackham. 
And then he sayde they helde his nose to the gryndstone " (f. 87 b.) 



iUelf Mmenliat (liffuae, is preserved a rejolnrler which occupiea no less than 
aixty-four folio puges, and is still incomplete. Of this a portion only can be 
here giren, by way of specimen of its style nnil contents ; but where sub- 
sequently any counter- statement of importance occurs, it shall be placed at 
the foot of the page, beneath the statement made by Thackhiun. 

It appears most probable that the party from whom Fose received the 
. narrative of Julius Palmer, — called by Thaekham " the slanderer," and in the 
reply "the gatherers" (in the plural number), were, prioclpally, Thomas 
Pnrye, afterwards a preacher at Beverstone in Gloucestershire, and John 
Moyer, also a minister, formerly of Reading, and a fellow -sufferer there with 
John Bolton,' The former addressed the following letter to Foxe on the 
subject ; 

<MS. Hnrl. 418, f. 100.) 

Right reverend and beloved in the Lord. I have receved your letters, 
together with Thackam's answer; which I perceave you have well perused, 
and do understand his craftye and ungodly dealing therin, that I may nut say 
fond and foolish. For he doth not dcnye the substance of the storye, but 
only seekcth to take advantage bj some circiimitancys of the tyme and place, 
wherin yt may be ther was an oversight, for lacke of perfect instructions or 
good remembrance at the begynning. lie confesaelli that ho delyvered a 
letter of Palmer's own hand to the maior of Rcadinge, which v/ta the occasyon 
of his imprisonment and death : nnlye he excuseth him seldb by transferring 
the uryme <i teipso in viartinm. Briefly his whole end and purpose is to gevo 
the world to understanil, that the martir was gyltle as well of incontinencyc, 
as also of wjlfull casting away of hyniselfe. U impudent man ! The wyse and 
godly reader may easylyc smell his stinkinge hart. He caretb not though he 
out face the godlye martir, and the whole volume of uiartirs, to save (as he 
thinketh) bis owne honestye and good name. Howbeyt I doubt not but God 
wyll confownd him to his utter shame, and reveal hia cloked hypocrysie, to the 
defence of his blessed martir, and the whole storye. Though many off them 
be dead that gave inslructyona in lymes past, and now could have borne 
witnesse, yet, thankes be to God, there want not alyve that cau and wyll 
teslifye the trueth herein to his confusyou. No dyligencc shall be spared iu 
the matter, as shortly I trust you shall understand. In the meane while 
Thackam nede not be importunate for an answer. He reportcth him setllc 
to the whole towne of Rcadinge, therfore he must geve us some space. The 
God of trueth defend yow, and all other that niayntayne his trueth from the 


venemous poyson of lyers! Vale in Christo, qui ecclesicB stuB te diu servet 
incolumem. From Beverston in Gloc'shere, Maij vj**** 

Yours in the Lord, Thomas Pdbyb, minister.* 

Directed, To the right reverend in God, Mr. Jhon Foxe, 
preacher of the ghospell in London, be thes dd. at 
Mr. Daies the printer, dwellyng over Aldersgate 
beneth S. Martens. 

For "help in stopping the malicious and envious mouth of Thomas Thackam," 
Purye applied to John Moyer, minister at Corsley in Wiltshire, already 
mentioned. Moyer's answer, dated "from Corsley this 18 of May," and 
addressed to " master Perry, preacher at Beverstone," was inserted by Foxe 
in his additamerUa (see an extract in p. 96.) 

In Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. Appendix lix, will be found a paper entitled 
" Informations gathered at Reading, 1571," from which in great measure was 
drawn up — probably by Purye, the elaborate reply now in the MS. Harl. 425. 
The latter commences in the following manner : 

(MS. Harl. 425, f. 33.) 
To the Title [of Thackham's statement]. 

The story was not brought to mr. Foxe, nor written against Thomas 
Thackham by the name of minister; but against one Thomas Thackham. 
And as it was delyvered to mr. Foxe by one alone, so was it gathered and 
instructions geven by dyverse of good credite, whiche also earnestly favoured 
the Ghospell. And so litle breache of charitie was then betwene them and 
you, that if they all, or any one of them, had knowen you or understood where 
you dwelt, and had learned that you are a minister and now repentaunt and 
sound in religion, they could well have spared your name untouched ; and so 
voyde of malice they are knowen to be, that they are enemyes to no man 
lyvyng, and have bene ever desyrous to lyve peaceably with all men, Salva 
rehgioms et consciencie integritate ; neither maye it be proved that they are 

* HiB name aa rector of Beveratone occurs in Atkyns's Gloucestershire, 1712, p. 275, 
misprinted Bury ; corrected to " Purey " in Bigland's History, p. 177. In Bigland, 
p. 178, is the epitaph of '* Catherine Purye, wife of Thomas Purye, Minister of the Word 
in this place," who died 1 Dec. 1604, at. 67 {sic) ; and in Rudder's Gloucestershire, 
p. 284, are six Latin venes inscribed on the chancel wall at Beverstonc, headed "A<> 1604. 
uEtat. 69, Epicedium Katherinae Pury/' 



sclanderous in tliis payutc. Aud it is veil knowcn that none of tbcim ever 
reeled aclander upon nnj mim Ijvjng, nor ever delighted in timt vice, but 
allwnyes detested and abhorred it utterly. And of that whithe tbej have 
written of you, they were not the devyaera but the reporters, and reported it 
not of malice towBrdes you, whomc they never aawe nor kiicwc, but of love 
towardes the trutbe, iind for conscyence sftke, as they hud heard and iearoed, 
accordyng to the scripture wbiche saytb, Proverb 21. A true man hMely 
tpeakeOi as ht hathe heard. And that the worst of theim is utterly voyde of all 
EOcbe faultes aa you here charge theim withall, as good profee wiibe brought 
as ever you shnll bryng t^i clere your unnesclfe from those vices that here in 
theentrye of your book you burtbcn theim with. 
Thefirtl Section. 

" Gentle reader " yon saye, &c. In dcde jou repete this woord so oft and 
manifold tymcs in your short aunswere, that it maye be thought (consyderyng 
the weakcnes of your cause) you supposed it very nedefull for you to crave 
favour, to flatter the reader, aud to trye rather bis gentlenea then his justice. 
Atid here it standeth you in Ijlle steade to insinuate youre selfc to youre 
"gentle reader," with the rehersall of your good dedea, as did the proude 
boustyng pbarisey r for many wicked men have bene knowen to have inter- 
teyned godly men ; and the ungodly have often interteyned the godlj by 
Uoddes appoyntmcnt, who hathe eompelled his enemys gometyme to deale 
frendly with his frendes. And God graunt that it be not proved that you 
wrought your good dedes then with as good devooion as did that phurisey in 
the Ghoapell. 

It were hard to kncm wlio this preacher was, and at what time be liignetyed 
this thing unto you, so darkly, that you had loasour to bethink yourselfc of all 
these good dedes : Was he not rather ployne with you, and did not you make 
hiro as unreaily an answere as you aunswered one at Ciceater, that charged you 
tberwith ? at what tyme you so faltered and fayntcd, and had so litle to saye for 
yourcselfe, that the partie was bothe sory and nshained on youre behalf to henre 
it- But now that you have taken heart of graaa, and after good conference 
with certeyn that favour your cause, and bcore now ij faces in one whood, as 
you have heretofore done, have well betliought youraelfe and serched out howo 
they be aflected, you have faced rather then fasshoned out an aunswere, (jod 
wote full weake and worthy of your doyngea. 

And to begyn withall, you that with sochc nuctlioritie and so Imperious as 

if the catt had Ijeked yoii cleaue, reprehended others for lyeng, when they 

tolde you the truthe: couldc not yourselfe absteyne from one lye at the first 

dasbe, even in the narracion of your benefieiall good dedes toucbyng Joiin 

CAUD. 80C. N 


Bolton, where you tell a long tale how he was deljvered by youre meanes at 
the maior's handes, and that you were bounde for his appearance, &c. The 
story of Bolton and dyverse in Readyng do testefye that he was set at libertie 
and discharged without bondes, a^d that by sir Fraunces Inglefielde of his 
owne mocion, and not by the maiour through your meanes and frendship. 
Moreover I heare saye that mr. Bowyer * was then maior, and not mr. Ed- 
mondes, and thus one of your good dedes is cut of by the waye. As concemyng 
that good lady Vane, there is no doubt but if she were now lyvyng she 
woulde declare many thinges that should sound smally to your prayse, as 
dyverse at this daye do knowe by the reporte that she gave you many tymes 
in their heryng. Further, lyke as you would seme to conceave a good opinion 
of Palmer and of mr. Foxe, even when you insinuate and declare the contrary, 
so here, although you prayse Bolton, to have bene taken for a rank heretike 
(as you terme it) and of good religion, yet you would that men should take 
him to be skant an honest man, in purposyng never to save you harmeles from 
your bande, leavyng you to paye the forfeyt, whiche I beleve was woorth as 
many pence as there be shelynges in a grote. Youre benefits were not registred 
in the booke, as you saye, some smaller were, because belyke they were 
so small that they passed awaye invisible, and could not be felt, sene, nor 

Ailer the vauntes of your good dedes, rehersed to purchase the reader*s good 
will, whome so often you crye upon, callyng hym " gentle reader," and after 
you had (bey ng conscius propria iniquitatis^) sought for the story of your awne 
mocion, fearyng least somewhat that laye hid would come to light : you 
connyngly saye, that you were put in mynde of others to searche for the story, 
and founde matters farre otherwise then you loked for, or coulde suspect. 
Then, least by sayeng nothing you should seme to yelde yourselfe guyltie, you 
endevour to make somewhat of nothing, chargyng yourselfe with more then 
you are charged with in the storye. And, least you should seme to saye to title, 
you take upon you to saye moche more then enough, and more then ttandeth 
with truthe. 

The story nameth suche popishe enemys as Palmer had in Readyng, or 
thereaboute, *Uhe viperous generacion ; ** it calleth theim in generall ypocrites 
and dissemblers, but whether you were to be counted among theim allwaye, or 
whether he had none other enemys there but you and those men that con- 
veighed the writynges out of his study or not, the storye sayth nothyng. But 
you, that knowe best belyke to whome the sayd termes ought to be applyed. 

• Robert Bowyer waa mayor of Reading in 1553, the first of queen Mary, and again in 
1558 and 1570, and one of the burgesses to parliament in 2 Mary. 



d*re to ttffiroie, that tbe slnunclkTer meaneth you and calleth you a breaker 
up of Palmer's studye, and a theft. Yet lie meaneth jou not : npytber maye 
it be gutliered by the wordes of the storye that he meant you : wherfor, here 
ii another lye, for you are called neither study e -breaker, nor thefe. But 
nowe, «eyng you will have all referred unto you, take it to you hardelye, fur 
yoa knowe best whether yon be beet worthy of it or no. 

Also, whereas you will nedes be one of theim that brake up his studye and 
stole out h» wrytynges, he Ijke you knowe Boraewhat, or elles you would not 
so ttpplye it to youratlfe. But because you hope that now by the meanes of 
their duntbe that would have confessed the truthe, you should skape free, you 
charge the gatherers of the story with more than you are burthened withall. 
For where sayth lie i(orye that yon stole tbeim oute, or consented to the 
stenlyng F It snyth, that aoche men as you had suborned to beare wytnes 
against him, did it, and yet whether they altogether, or the more parte of 
them, the etnrye doth not playnly and precisely defyne, but speaketh in tiie 
plurell nombre thus, that there were iij faliic witnesses by you suborned, 
whiehe men or witnesses had robbed hia study. And after it foloweth weli, that 
you and they bothe, you by aecusyng, and they by nitneasyng, burdened him 
with dyverse crymea there reheraed. This plaync meanyng and wordea of the 
text, beyng a gramnuLrian, you coulde not chose but see and understand ; yet 
you gayc that you are called thefe, which wordea your boylyng conscience (a» 
it may be supposed), knowyng youre selfe gwyltie, or at the least accessory to 
i% caused you to utter by the mcanea of some humane infirmitie, ether to 
advoyde all suspicion, knowyng that eoche as were hable to advouche it to your 
face be dead, and hopyng to face out soche as yet lyvyng will testefy that they 
heard it, or hopyng that you are not espyed at all, and that no man dare saye 
ought against you. Or elles God, which is a just opener of secretes, forced you 
to wrest the wordes into this sence, that men maye gather that, if no inun cilea 
niaye be foonde to teatefye this truthe agaynst you, yet you yourselfe should 
minister occasion of suspicion agaynst your sell'e. Moreover, by these your 
wordes, you bryng a certeyn man iu mynde, and cause hiin tu call to remem- 
brauncc that Palmer hiinsetfe had toldc him, that by one Thackham's procure- 
ment certeyn writynges tbatconteyned matter of greute daungicr were conveyed 
out of his study, whiche portie will be foorthcoinmyng to depose the same at 
all calles. The Lorde mende your heart with repeutaunce I that you maye 
rather chose a litle shame in this worldc, then cverlastyng shame in the worldc 
to come, for God will reveale abicondila leuebrarum. Verely if you had stand 
in nwe of Goddes just judgementea, bcyng this strykco as it semcth with the 
rnmorsc of youi- awne conscience, you would have left this joly ahewe of 



bravery, and seeretly to God alone cryed pceaivi, besechjng lilm to 
rygour of his -wrfttli by this gratious wuriiyng, least a worse chaunce befall 
you lierenfter. But now in theae your procedynges, and by your wordes, you 
gevc men a tOKte what luaner of man you hare b«ne, and what you yet seme 
to be. And who would not merrell that you, beyng now a minislfir and a 
preacher, should thus rashly and without nil regard or discreclon of persons, 
cither threaten tnr. Poxe with Buytea of lawe (for you sayc, you were counsayled 
to trye the lawe with him ; and I here laye also that you threatened mr. Foxe 
to have out an action of the cacc against him), cither with soche odyous and 
sclanderotu titles to upbrayd the re[)OrterB of this storye, without all regard 
of oETenue, caueyng tbc woorde of God to be cvell spoken of among tbe wicked, 
and the pnpistes to triumph when they ehatl heare of socho diaseucion among 
theim that indifferently profease the GhospcU ; wherby the truthe of the 
doctryne, that bothe parties maye nowe profcaae, were lyke to be alaundered 
by theiui whome you call the sclaundercr, and the aiictborite therof elevated 
and debased by you, and therewith (asmoche as lycth in you) the whole 
Btorye ol' Alartera discredited, whiche thing you forget not, but consyder full 
well, where you saye that the sclauuderer hathc herein more sulaundered the 
volume whcrin it is written then you of whome it is written. And this you 
would gladly have knoweu and brought to pnsse, aa may be gathered by the 
gredy degyer that you liave to publishc your ehildyahe ounawere, full offaUe- 
hoode and stomack and coutrarietie, na playnly apereth in the same. 

Mr. Foxe is not bo eiuldyshe a man, and so lighte of credtte, to aufier 
himaeife to be abused, as you saye, and woulde the worlds aboutd thinke 
(tiiough you cloke and dissemble it) and to gcve eare to soche a maniics repurte 
as you make the sclaundercr to be. Soche is your charitie, that to justcfy your- 
Belfc, you care not what nor whome you deface, God, his wordc, the truthe, 
the indicter, the pryuter, the reporters, the story and all. It woulde better 
have beuonmied you (if you were in dede the man that you deayer to be 
coumptcd) to have sought laufull and juBt meanes to make it aperc, that 
Palmer and you contynued lovyng and foithfull frendea to tbe ende ; and so, 
after you bad informed ur. Fuze of the same, to have desyred htm, cither to 
clcre youre name in some cither eiiicion, as he cleretb certcyn men in this later 
cdicionofa great slander that they were charged wlthali in the former volume 
even in this story of Palmer : or at the Icasl to omytte your name, as he hathe 
omytted moche in this later edioion, that by oversight eskaped him in the first. 
Uut now it semclh that you have bene provoked and egged forward, by some 
crudie and envyous papislcs ; or ctles God of purpose woulde liavo you to 
uttfr your awne shame and rebuke in your awne hand wrilyng: trxl iitinc, nc 


nimis extra caUem^ I will louche a worde or two more, and so make an ende of 
this section." 

This will suffice to show the spirit and stjle of the Beplj : other portions 
will be found in the notes, and at the close of this article. 

[MS. Uarl. 425, No. 15, f. 18.] 

An answere to a slaunder imtruely reported by mr. Foxe, in a 
certen boke intytuled the seconde volume off the ecclesias- 
tical! historye, conteynynge the Actes and Monumentes off 
Martyres, whiche was broughte unto hym, and, as it maye 
be supposed, by some unchary table andmalycyous slaunderer, 
agaynste Thomas Thackham mynister, wherby yt maye well 
appere unto the gentle reader bothe how much the wryter of 
that historye hathe bene abused, and howe wrongfullye the 
sayd Thomas Thackham hathe bene slaundered. 

Gentle reader, after that I was secretly advertysed by a godlye 
precher that I was in the Boke of Marters, I began to call myselfe 
to an accompte wheather yt were for persecutinge any godlye per- 
sone in the trublesome tyme of queue Marye, other for helpinge and 
dely veringe any that was in daunger. After longe debatinge with 
mysellffe for whether off theyse twoe causes I was cronycled, at the 
laste, I take God to wytnes, by the verye testymony off my con- 
scyence (which is a faythfull register off thoughts and workes) I 
fownde myselffe innocent from the blode of all men, and from evyll 
dealinge towardes any lyvinge creature. 

Than I began to thynke that some frende off good wyll had en- 
formcd mr. Foxe, howe that in the tyme off persecutyone I kepte 
secretlye the ladye Vane,* which for her zeale, vertew, relygyone, 

* Styled by Foxe *' the good lady Vane/* when he prints a letter of John Bradford, re- 
solving certain qurations which she demanded. " This lady Vane was a speciall noorse 
and a greate supporter, to her power, of the godlie Saints which were imprisoned in quene 
Maries time. Unto whom divers letters I have both of maister Philpot, Careles, Traheme, 
Thonias Rose, and of other rooe ; wherein they render unto her mo«t gratefoll thankes 



godly lyfTe, and bouotyfulncs townrdes tlie poare bretharne, deaervecl 
as greate comeiidacyone as any one man or woman lyvinge at that 
tyme, which saycd ladye Vane was with me xxjt'. wekes;" for 
whose cause, imedyatlye afftcr her departinge, at the cominandtnent 

and lealimonie ilIhi of her clirtitun ttale towanlei Qoil'i alDiclad priAoiicra, and la 
tlie veritiu of lib Gotpell. Sbea departed ot IVc it Holbunio, anno IBQB ; whwe ende 
ytta more like a sleepe then anj death : bo qnietlj and miwkly flbee deccMed and de- 
parted heneo in the Lord." Foiq, edit. 1676. p. 1569. Again, '■ Unto nbom (ladj 
Anne Knevct. at WimonilliatD, near Norwich,) not unn'orthid}' maj be compared the ladie 
Eliiabeth Vana, who iikawisH being a groat harborar and Buppartar of Ibo afflicted martyn 
and confiaion of Cbnit, «u in great hiBiardeB snd daungen of tlie enemiH. and jet nut- 
wiOnlatiding, Iboruugh the mcreifoll prondenee of Ibo Lorde, remainod Kill nnloutbod." 

Ibid. p. leas, 

A large nnmber otlbelelten mentioned bj Foxe vera puUiihed bjhim both in "Tlie 
Lettanofthc Martjn, 1S51," 4(o. (reprinted in 1337), and in the Actes and Monumenta, 
Among them isone letter uf lady EIiEabeth Vane's own writing, addrewed to Pbilpoti it 
'"^ (nsd F. E., probably meaning E(liiwbctli) F(ane). It appmn that Philpot had re. 
a scarf to wear at the aloke. " Because (writes the lady) you deiire toshowyour- 
V* worthy soldier, if need so require, I will aupplyyour requoil of llie scarf ye wrote ot, 
It je tnaj present my hnndywork before your Captain, (hat I be not forgotten in the 
odonn of incense which our beloied Christ olTereth for his own ; to whom I bequcBtb both 
ourioiils ami bodies." That this aot on the pari of Fhil|)nt was not singular is shown by 
tho following passage : "Some /or (rfumjiA would pat on their scarfes, some their wedding 
garmcDls, going to the fire; othon kissed Iha stake, soma embraced the fagots,*' &c^ 


. B73. 

No personal parlicnlors of the lady Vane are to be colleoted from ber correaponden™ or 
from the ecclesiastical historians, — except the date of her death, ta abate stated by Fois. 
She has been supposed (Index to tbo Works of the Parker Society) to haie been the widow 
of air Ralph Vane, who was hang in 1551-3, as one of the principal adherents of 
tho duke of .SDmamit : and such may lie accepted as the truth, though her name does 
not appear in the pedigree of the family of Fane or Vane. Sir Ralph died without issue, 
when, thuugli his principal estate of Penshnrst was forfeited, and granted to the Sidnaji, 
his more oncient [amllj properly of Hadlow in Kent went to a cousin, ilenry Fane, wlio 
wo* compromtsed in Wyat's conspiracy, and narrowly escaped with his life, but lived to 
become the tincKl ancestor of the dukes of Cleveland. (Hev Bssted's Kent, i. I1 1, note k, 
ii. SIS.) The following entry, conSnnator; of Foie's statement OMpecting Iho laily's de- 
cease, is from the register otburialsal St, Andrew's Kolbom : "lasa. Thellthof June. 
The lady Elizabeth Vane." A book ot the lady Elisabeth^ Psalms and Proterbs was 
published by Kobcrt Crowley : see aditilional note in tlie Appendix. 

■ "As touching the fricndiliip showed unto tlit lady Vane, and his seal theri-iu 



off syr Francis Ingletjlde,* one off the queues majesties prevye coun- 
Bell, my studye was broken up and my bokes taken awaye by one 
Clement Burdette, paraone off Inglefyldc,'' and I kept fyrate in close 
prysone at Inglefylde ten daycs and after sent prysoner to Keadinge, 
wear I was kepte at one mr. Aldewurtlies Kowse, tlien beinge 
mayore," wliear nethar my wyfe neatlier any other myglite speake 

Dt(erfl<], CnitL it 

wordi and geelu 
tbe malMr well 
good lad J, bein( 
I being her n» 

tbst be received her into hia homo for monej for mmall spies, in tha 
ro did not well agree, tar that she could not autTer liii wickadasBi of 
unreproTed, bat thai hii wife mui; times, being ot mare honalj, made 
un ; but, to be short, ancb wna his friindship in the end towardi (hat 
lit gt his haute, that she feared no man mare far her life llian him. And 
■he gaiB mo great charge alwajs to beware of bim." Letter of John 
Hojcr to Tbomit Purje, printed bjr Poxe. Among the " Informationa gathered at 
Residing, In 157 1," we read—" Item. Jhon Qalant sajth, thai the lidje Vane, talking 
with hym, uiUled Tbockham ' diMemblynge hjpDcrite ;' and told hym how he doceated 
poore people, witli that which she d;d Bkjnmie off, uid would not geve to her dog." 

■ Sir Francis Ingledeld, son of sir Thomu Ingldleld a judge of the cnmmon pleai, was 
one of queen Mary's household before her aoceuion to the throne, and suffered imprison- 
ment with air Robert Rochester and air Edtnrd Waldegraye in defence of the religion 
therein maintuned. He waa rewarded after her accession with the office of master of the 
court of wards and liverii», and a seat in the priiy council. Ho was member of parlia- 
ment for Berkshire tliraugbout that r«gn, Retaining his dcTotcd attachment to the 
church of Rotae, be afterwarda went abroad, was indicted for trensou and outlawed in 
S Eliz., and attainted b; Parliament in 28 £lii. He died at Valladolid about the jear 
1£92, The family uf baronets, who enjojed that title from 1612 until the death of the 
diatinguisbed antiquary «r Uenrj Chsiles Englefleld in 1822, were desciended from his 
brother. See further of him in Wotlon's English Baronetage, ITtl.rol. i. p. 2SS. 

■> Clement Durdettwai the aeoond son of Thomas Burdett esquire, of Bnuncote, ca. War- 
wick, bj Mary daughter of sir Robert Throckmorton, of Coughlon in the same connty. 
(Wolton's Baronetage, 1741, Tol.i. p.333.) He wascoosin-gcnnan toiir Francis Engle- 
fleld, whose mother WM Elisabeth daughter of sir Robert Throokmorton, (Ibid. p. 258.) 
Foie, in his story of John Bolton, speaks of sir Francis Englcfield with hia blcodj brolhr 
the panon of Englefleld. Burdett was official to the bishop of Salisbury, and at Palmer's 
examination held a long altercation with him on the doctrine of tmnaubatantiation, whieb 
U detailed in Fcxe. 

' Thomaa Aldworth, mayor in 1557, as before in 1551, and afterwards in 1671. He 
waa also one of tbe burgesses for Reading in the last parliament of Philip and Mary, and 
the first of Eliiaboth. During his inayoralfy in 1557 he received king Edward the Siilh 
It) Uio town, as described in Man's Fliatoiy of Reading, 4to. 1816, p. 23. 


with me, as mr. Vatchell ^ off Colee and many in Keadinge at this 
daye can testyfie. 

And yff uppon this accasyone I was not named thear^ I sup- 
posed that one John Bolton,** somtyme off Readinge, had informed 
mr. Foxe how frendlye I delte with hym when all the firendes he 
had durste not helpe hym; which Bolton (as it was supposed) 
feyned hymselfe mad, in wych his madnes he rayled upon quene 
Marye, and therefore was apprehendyd and cruelly tormented in the 
prysone at the towne off Readinge, wyche Bolton at the lenght 
becam sober and off a bettar mynde, whose beinge their I with others 
muche pytyed, and the more because he semed off a good relygyone; 

* Thomas Vacbell, one of the burgesses for Reading in five parliaments, 80, 32, 86 
Hen. VIII., 1 Mary, and 2 and 3 Philip and Mary. He occurs as " master Fachel of 
Reading/* one of the commissioners for the trial of Marbeck and others at Windsor in 1543. 
A remark he made is said by Foxe to have been the cause of Marbeck's being cast; and, as 
he was the lowest of all the bench, he gave judgment on that occasion. He was made 
surveyor of the demesne of the dissolved abbey of Reading in 31 Hen. VIII, and his de- 
scendants were baronets : see Coates*s Reading, pp. 78, 125. 

^ John Bolton's story, which was written by himself, is printed by Foxe under the year 
1554 ; and a commentaiy upon it, pointing out several misstatements, is given in Strype*s 
Memorials, vol. iii.' Appendix, No. ltiii. This is signed, " By me, John Moyer,** and 
dated ** At Wotton, this 18th of March, anno D'ni 1564 :'' which Moyer (already men- 
tioned in p. 88) had been the real author of the libel for which Bolton was prosecuted, and 
a fellow-sufferer with him. The same writer in his letter to master Purye, comments thus 
upon Thackham*s statement in the text : " As touching his frendship towards John Bolton 
in prison, I am sure he never found any, as they that used to visit him can somewhat 
say; except you count this friendship that, he (Bolton) being bereft of his senses, Thackham 
brought him to yield unto the papists, and as a right member of them became his surety 
that he should be obedient unto them. And he (Bolton) being burdened in conscience 
therewith, fled away unto Qeneva; in the which flying Thackham had nothing said unto 
him, which showeth that he was their instrument. And this [was his] friendship to John 
Bolton." But this is partly contradicted in the *' Informations gathered at Reading anno 
1571,** in which it is stated that, ** Bolton, of whom Thackham speaketh, was set at 
lybertie by sir Fraunces Inglefleld, without any suerties, as appeareth in the storye of 
Bolton. Also Jhon Ryder of Readinge capper and WylPm Dyblye weaver do beare wit- 
ness therunto. And of this Bolton hymselfe, dwelling in Longe lane by Smythfield in 
London, can tell more. He ys a sylke weaver.** 



wliearrore I traveled wUIi one rar. Edmunds, tlion mayor there,'and 
Lesowghte hym, synste all he had spoken paste hym in the tymeoff 
his marines, that he wolde stand his good mnster, and take some 
charytable waye for his delyverance. After a loage suete hee 
graunted his delyverance, upon coodycyone that he wolde put in 
two Buartyes besydos hymselffe, which wolde be bowndc in v H, 
apece that lie shold appeare the nexte sessyons; but when by rea- 
sone off the tyme his verye Ireiidea durstc not become suertyea for 
Buche a trcator and ranke an hcretyke as Bolton was then thoughte 
to be, then 1 desyred nir. mayor to take me alone with Bolton, 
which he gentlye graunted, and bownde us in vli. a pece for 
Bolton's appearaunce the nexte sessions, and thus was this myserable 
captyve set at lybertye and dep^trted; but purposinge, as yt proved 
after, never to save me haruielesse, for when the sessyons was he 
lefto me to paye the forfyte; and because 1 fynde smaller benefytes 
bestowide upon gooii men and women at euch tymes regeatred in 
that volume, 1 thoughte that this mighte have bene the cause why 
mr. Foxe sholde made some mentione off me. 

But after I hud gotten the volume and had reade in the hystorye 
off one Jtdins Palmer, wheare my nauie was, I fo\inde an other 
matter. One had tolde an other manner off tale to mr. Foxe for 
me, farre otherwyse than I loked for, eathcr coulde suspecte; but 
whearas this pryvie accuser and malyt^ious slaunderer calleth me 
dyasemlinge hipocryte, false brother, a suborner off false wylnesscs, 
a breaker up off Palmer's studye, a thcfle, a blodye acusar, bestow- 
inge upon me more off his liberalytie then off my deaartes, with 
dyvarssc other names, as in that he causeth mr. Foxe to laye to my 
charge jt will bettar appeare, my purpose ys not, gentle reader, to 
matche hym with lykc skolding termes; but by answearinge trulye 
for mysellfe (as yt shall be well tryed) to prove liowe falselye he 
hathe bclyed me, and howe muche he hathe abused mr. Foxe, the 

> William Edmnndi, m^or of BauJing in ISSO. «nd previoiul; in 1S40; burgcM bi 
Ifaa town la Llis pu-lianKnl or 14 Hen. VIII. 


wiyter off the hystorye. But now to come to my answer. This he 

(Second Section.) The Slaunderer. 

" Afterwardes, as Palmer went alone musinge and ponderinge off 
matters, yt came into his heade to leave his appoynted jorneye, and 
to retume closelye to Readinge, trustinge by the helpe off frendes 
to receave his quarter's stypend, and convey his stuffe to the custodye 
off some trustye bodye." 


Duringe the tjme that Palmer kepte the frescole in Readinge, 
he was payed his stipende by the auditer every halfe yeare, and dyd 
never receave yt quartarly, as it is well knowne; thearefore the 
cause off his returne to Readinge coulde not be in hope to receve his 
quarter's stypende. Besydes this, Palmer was not put from the 
scole, but dyd willingly resigne the pattent unto me for suche 
monye as we dyd agree uppon; which monye he recevyd off me 
before I had the patent,* as I can prove and have to shewe, Thear- 
fore be no meanes can yt be true that this slaunderer hathe sayed, 
that Palmer came to Readinge trustinge by some frendshipe to re- 
ceave his quarter's stipind. He sayethe his intent was also to con- 
vey his stuffe to the custodye off some trustye bodye. When 
Palmer yeldid the scole to me, he condycyoned that I shoulde place 
hym with some honeste gentilman wheare he myghte teche childeren, 
and ly ve to his conscience ; wyche I performed, for I placed hym at 
Horsyngtone with one mr. Raffe Lee,** whose sone and heyre he 
taughte; wheare he was setled, and all that he had; from the which 
his master, he came to Readinge off very purpose to see his hosties, 

* This was doDied : " where it apereth that within five dayes heforc his swete sufferyng 

for the testimony of Christes tmthe, he apoynted a faithful! frende of his, then a felow of 

"Magdalen college, to he his latifull deputye or attorney to receave for him and to his use a 

certeyne some of money at the handes of Thomas Thackham skoolmaster at Ready ng." 

^Beply, f. 88.) 

^ See a note in a subseqiietit page. 


With whome lie had bourdcd befor, and to delyver to one mr. 
Edmundes a letter which he wrote at his master's howyse, as yt is 
well knowne. Concernynge his stuffe, which he sayethe here that 
Palmer wold convey to some trustye bodye, yt is to be provyd that 
when Palmer went to his master he lefte not one penyeworthe 
bchynd hym. As for beddinge he had nevar non. His apparell 
was no more then he daylye ware. He had nevar above fyve or 
syxe bokes, which he toke to hym to Horsyngtone, wheare he 
dwelte, and was well placed ; but by tliis slaunderer's informatione 
yt should appeare that Palmer was dry ven to forsake his scole, 
and that he was at his wyttes ende, not knowinge what to doe, that 
he was unprovyded for, that he fled from Keadinge and durste not 
tarye to take up his wagis, that he reacevyd the same quarterly, 
that he left when he fledd his stufFe behynde hym in daunger to be 
loste; wheroff thear is not one worde true, so that when this 
slaunderer had proposed to present mr. Foxe with this infamatione 
agaynste me, he knewe that yt shoulde be nedefuU for hym to 
frame suche an entraunce as myghte brynge with yt some she we o t* 
that sholde foUowe, whear, as a connynge poet, he feynethe that 
Palmer went alone musynge and pondred off manye matters, had 
purposed to jomeye one waye and then closly returned an other 
waye, tellethe whether he came and feynethe too causes off his 
thyther resorte, wych was to obtayne his quarter's wages, and to 
convey his stuffe from his hostyce howse unto some trustye bodye ; 
whearoff thear is nothinge true. But, gentle reader, even as the 
begynninge ys, suche mydell and ende doythe he make, as yt shall 
playnly appere. 

(Third Section.) The Slaunderer. 

" To Keadinge he comythe, and takethe up his lodgynge at the 
Cardinalles hatte, desyringe his hosties instantlye to assygne hym a 
close chamber, whear he myghte be alone from aU resorte of com- 



Durynge the tyme that Palmer dwelte with mr. Lee he neaver 
came to anye other hosties but to the cokes howse wheare he 
bourded when he was scolemaster theare; to the wyche howse he 
came from Horsy ngtone, and thear dyned the same daye that he was 
taken and brought before the commyssyoners ; and yff it can be 
provyd that ever he came to the Cardinall hatte in Readinge,* and 
called for a closse chamber,** as this slaunderer hathe heare feyned 
and informed master Foxe, I am content to sufiar suche punishment 
as shalbe due for a moste wycked offender, to the triall whearof 
I put myselffe to the worshipfull of the towne of Readinge and 
others wyche knowe the matter, as the good-man Gatley, mr. Ed- 
ndundcs, [and] those that dwell in the Cardinall hatte. 

(Fourth Section.) Tlie Slaunderer. 

** He came not so closly but that this viperouse generatione had 
knowledge thearof; whearfore withowte delaye they layde thear 
heades togeather, and consulted what waye they myghte moste easely 
pxoceade agaynste hym to brynge thear olde cankred malyce to 
passe; and so yt was consydered, that one mr. Hampton, wych 
then bore twoe faces in one hoode, and under the pretence and coler 
of a brother played the parte off a dyssemblynge hypocrite, shoulde 
resorte to hym, and under the pretence off frendshipe shoulde feel and 
fyshe owte the cause off his relume to Readinge." 

* *' That mr. Palmer was fet from the Cardinal hatt in the night tyme, eontraiy to 
Thackham's assertion, the goodwyffe of the Cardynall hatt, with her sonne in law Harrye 
Singleton, and Stephen Netherclief ostler of the howse then and yet, do beare witnesae. 
The tyme was, to theyr judgment, betwene x and xj of theclocke at night, or thereabowt.** 
Informations gathered in Reading, 1571. 

•» " And whether Palmer called for a close chamber or not, yt ys confessed by them of 
the howse that he was lodged in the cloeyst chambre in the howse, to wyt, in the chambre 
beyond the hall, and that there he was fetched owt. Also Stephen Nethercliefe the ostler 
■aith that he called for a close chambre. The goodwyfe of the Cardynall hatt saith she was 
iii a menreilous feare when they did fetch hym, and therfore bdyke there were more than 
one seargeant'* (Ibid.) It is probable that at this period the ostUr of an inn was one who 
had the direction of internal arrangements, and not merely of those of the stables. 



Tbia alauudftrer caUetbe iis a " viperousc geperatione," and sayette 
tlist I wyth other, that is, Cope, Downer, and one Giatelye, made one 
Hampton an instrument, by whose practyse we soner myghte 
brynge ower mysclievous purpose to passe. Let this be examined 
within the towne of ReadJnge, aodyffitcan be provid that evar 
Palmer came closley to the Cardynall hatte there, that evar I and 
my confederates knewe oiF his bcyng thear, that we dyd ever 
consulte to betraye hym, as this slaiindcrcr roportcthc, that one 
Hampton became a instrument to compasse anye vjllanye agaynste 
Palmer, that Hainptone dyd ever talkc with Palmer there, and dyd 
seke to fyshe owte the cause off his retume to Keadinge, I submitte 
myselffe to be punished as a murtberer. I saye farther to the 
gentle reader, let yt be provid that I ever spake with Hampton 
in Readinge or in any other place, or that ever I was acqtieynted 
with this Hamptone, or was ever in his companye to my knowledge," 
I crave to be punished to the example off all wycked offendourea 
and shamlyse hipocrites. I assuar the gentle reader that it grevethe 
me more that he bathe so muche abused the wryler of the hystorye 
to whome he gave this informationc, then that he bathe so slaun- 
deied mc, because he hath herein more slaundered the volume 
whoarin yt is wryten, then me off whome it is wrylten. Thear 
was neaver information geven as I tliynke by any man, were his 
inalyce neaver so greate, but that some sentence and portione off 

> In UiB B«pl; >t tliiB point a the bllawing pBOBg'i wttich I qnote for tfaa idie of tha 
itnaAtii\e BoVif.e oS m Flaitdtrt lock whicli thi BimiJe prSHDtg: '' Also, tbougb jon uid 
jroure Fonfederalei knawe not of hia (IlBmplan) bcyug (here, jet either jou alone, ot^dd 
whh lonie Dtlier, or yoaie conrederatn mlone or with »m« other, knewe it. You tllwuTa 
Mke to mfngle thyngu tngelhsr nrhen tliej ihoultl be teyeni, or lo diMCver Ihem wben 
Ihey ibould bo Jojincd togelhar, to the ooteol jou nuja the Letter bljode i!ia simplipilie 
of tha iDAtter, l^rke unlo (he men thai uu to moke »che Flnnndjirs Iwkei as be opened 
bj order of certajine lettern, who dk Id mjngU other letCcn with thou IhU serve \o the 
pnrpoH, to blende and hjnder them that iwke to ^de out the true placjrng of the 
lellen wherbj the lockw are opened." (f, 9.) 


it was true; but from the begynninge off his information to the 
ende yt shall neaver be provyd that one sentence off this slaimderer's 
reporte is trew, for the'triall whearoff I put myselff to be tried by 
the inhabitantes off the towne of Readinge, 

(Fifth Section.) The Slaunderer. 

" Palmer, as he was a man symple and withoute all wT3aickles off 
cloked colusyone, opened to hym his whole intent; but Hamptone 
eamestlye persuadid hym to the contrarye, declaringe what daungear 
myghte ensue yff this were attempted. Agaynste this counsell Palmer 
[replied] very muche, and as they waxed hotte in talke Hamptone 
flongea waye in a furye, and sayed as he had fysshed so should he 
fowle for hym." 


Yff thou remember, gentle reader, what I sayed before, I nede 
not use many wordes to dysprove that wych the slaunderer hathe 
here reported; whearfore to this I brefflye answere, I knowe not 
wheather Hampton wear acqueyntcd with Palmer at Oxforde or 
not, but yt shal be neaver provyd that they mette at the Cardinall 
hatte and talked togeather, as this malyciouse slaunderer hathe 
informed mr. Foxe; yet, yff his tale be well marked, he handlethe 
cunninglye, fyrste in declarjrnge ho we symple Palmer was, and 
withowte all cloked colusyone, and how Palmer and Hampton 
debated the matter and waxed hotte in thear talke, and howe 
Hampton departed in a furye, saynge that he shoulde fyshe as hee 
had fouled. Maye not this bcweche, nay, daftly persuade the reader 
off this hystorye that it is very likelye to be all treue, or at the 
Icastwyse that some parte off yt is treu? and yet I assuar the gentle 
reader, let this his informatione be examyned in the towne of 
Readinge, and yff ever yt be provyd that Palmer and Hampton 
ever met at the Cardynall hate thear, or had any suche talke, let 
me be punished to the example off all others. 


(Sixth Section.) The Slaunderer. 

" Palmer, not suspectinge suche prepensed and dy vised myscheffe, 
as by this crouked and pestyferouse generatione was nowe in bruinge 
agaynste hym, called for his supper and went quyetlie to bed ; but 
quietlye he coulde not rest there, for furthwith the offycers and 
thear retynue came russhynge in with lanterns and bylls, and required 
hym in the k3nige and quenes name to make ready hymsellfli and 
quyetlye to departe wyth them*" 


There was never godly man so shamefully used or handled as 
the wryter of this historye by this wicked slaunderer. He sayth 
that Palmer called for his supper, and he was apprehended betwene 
twelve and one of the clocke in the afternone ; he sayeth he went 
quietly to bedde at the Cardinall hatt, and he laye the night before 
he was apprehended eightene miles off at Horsyngton in his master's 
house, from whense he came to his hostys' house by tenne of the 
clocke in the forenone, and was commytted that day to prison before 
thre of the clocke in the afternone ; he sayth that the offycers with 
their retynue cam russhing in apon hym with lantemes and bylles, 
and, as yt ys to be proved, one sergent only, whose name I knowe 
not, was sent by mr. Eklmundes to his hosties howse to fetche Palmer 
to hym; of whose comynge when Palmer had warnyng, he gott 
hym prevelye by a backe dore into his hostys' gardeyn, whom the 
offyccT espyed runnynge into the gardeyne, which offycer thruste 
oppen the wyckett and made after Palmer, and caught hym upon 
the toppe of a wall leaping into another man's backesyde. And 
thus hath this slaunderer lyed to mr. Foxe in saying that Palmer 
was taken at the Cardynall hatte, and he was taken in his hostyes' 
garden ; in saying that yt was after supper, and yt was ymmedyatly 
after dynner; in saying that he was in bedde, and he was upon 
the toppe of a walle ; in saying that many russhed in apon hym with 
lanterns and bylles, and one only sargent, which I thynke be yett 


lyvyng,* fett him with owte any weapon, God graunte that never 
godly writer mete with many suclie informers as ** this ys ! Gentle 
reader, I submitte myself to the whole town of Reading to be tryed 
wheare this was done. 

(Seventh Section.) The Slaunderer. 

** So the selly younge man, perceyving that he was thus Judaslye 
betrayed, withoute oppenyng his lippes was ledde away as a lambe 
to the slawghter, and commytted to warde; whome the keeper, as a 
ravening wolfe greedy of his prey, brought down into a vyle stynk- 
kyng and blynde dungeon prepared for theves and murtherers, and 
there he kept hym hangynge by the legges and fete in a payre of 
stockes so highe that [well near <^] no parte of his bodye towched the 
grounde. In this prisone he remayned x dayes." 


This slaunderer here sayeth that Palmer was ledde from the 
Cardinall hatte to the prison ; but he lyeth every worde ; the sergent, 
takyng hym as he was lepping over the walle, brought hym to mr. 
Edmondes, which went with Palmer straighte-waye to the vysyters, 
which as yt happened satte the same daye at the Bare,** in a parler 
on the lefte hande as ye enter in, which ys at this daye to be proved; 
whome after the visiters had examyned, and founde hym nothing 
conformable to them, they sent ymedyatly for one Welche the keper 
of the towne gayle, which when he was come they delyvered Palmer 

* ** Yet, when all is done, 70Q buyld all your bravery herein upon the credyte of one 
poor catchepoUe.** (Reply, f. 11.) I quote this merely to show that the terms terjeant 
and eatehpoU were synonymoos. In modern times our seijeants of police are officers in 
command of inferior constables ; in the sixteenth century the Serjeants were the men 
under the orders of a commanding eotittabU. See in UnderhilKs narrative hereafter, 
Newman the ironmonger serving as constable of the night watch at Newgate. The chief 
of the whole force was sometimes styled the keadborough, ^ In, MS, and. 

c These words are supplied from the printed text of Foxe. 

d ('The Golden Bear inn, a very old building, now a dwelling-house.** Coatee, 
Histoiy of Reading, 1802. p. 832. 


to hyin, wylling that he shulde be kept in close prison, and that no 
man might 5|peake with hym ; at what tyme I was present myself, 
as I wyll after more at large declare. And concernyng his hanging 
by the legges so highe that no parte of whitte * of his boddy might 
towche the grounde, this slaunderer doth belye the jayler; for so 
sone as he hadde broughte Palmer to the jayle, which ys no depe 
dungeon to spekc of, he shutte the nether dore and the upper dore, 
which being shitte no bodye might come at hym. The same 
evenyng the keper, whose name was Wclche, came to me, and 
moche lamented Palmer's treble, and sayde that he, as he was moche 
bounde to hym for teaching his sonne when he was scole-master, so 
would he nowe be gladdc to shewe hym all the favour he mightc ; 
** but, (sayeth he,) Mr. Thackham,you harde what charge I hadde to 
kepe hym so close that no boddye shulde come at hym ; he walketh 
in the prison, butt I have shutte the upper dore." I sayde unto hym, 
" Albeit I knowe that ye be nott of his religion, yet syns he haith 
by your owne confession done you pleasure, I pray you shewe hym 
all the favour that you may ;" which he promysed to do. And when 
he parted from me he sayd that he had no money; then I delyvered 
the keper iij». to geve him ; not that I owed hym anye,** but trusting 
he shulde have byn delyvered, and have payde me agayne. And after 
that I sentc hym at thre sundrey tymes iij^. at a tyme, wherof he 
never payde me any penye, butt at the stake he requested his 
keper, which of a weaver became a sumner, and after dwelte in 
Salysbury, to desyer me to forgive hym the xij*. which I lente hym in 
the prison. And I assuer the, gentle reader, that this keper whome 
this slaunderer calleth '*ravenyngwolfe, gredye of hispraye," was to 
Palmer a very frende, and shewed hym all the frendcshippc that he 

* Sic MS, qu t or whit. 

'' In tlio Reply, this and nearly every other stutemeut of 'rimckhani is discredited, and 
combated to the uttermost, and from point to point. As already stated, tjio special plead- 
ing, whether one side or the other was right, is not worth the space it would occupy. But 
many phrases and expressions are remarkable. And here the writer says, ** but in dede 
this is another BaiUmrff glott to make your cause probable.** (f, 12 b.) 

CAMD. soc. r 


colde during the tyme of his abode there; and therefore moche ys 
this slaunderer to be blamed for so raylyng at hym, and if the keper 
be deade I dought not butt his honest neighbours will repete the same. 

(Eighth Section.) The Slaunderer. 

Tliefirste eaaminacion and accusacion of Palmer, 

" After this he was brought before the maior, and there, by the 
procuerment of a false brother, one Thomas Thackham, not mr. 
Thackham of Durresley in Glocestcrsherc, butt another of the same 
name yett alyve and no kyn to hym, which had obteyned the pre- 
fermente of the free scole for hym and his assignes, he had dyversse 
and enormiouse crymes layde to his charge." 


Gentle reader, this slaunderer ys no chaungeling, for as he lyed in 
the begynnyng, soe he nowe lyeth in the myddle, and wyll doe unto 
th' ende. Suerlye, except he had of verye purpose abused the wryter 
of this historye, and of the [like] shameles spight slaundred me, he 
colde never have had the mynde to have forged so false a reporte, 
nether the face to have brought hym siiche an untrothe. He 
sayeth that by my procuerment he was broughte owte of the prison, 
where he hanged by the heles, before mr. mayor; but I assure the, 
gentle reader, that after he was fyrste examyncd at the Beare in 
Reading, before the coiuniyssioncrs, and by them sent to the prison, as 
ys affore sayde, as farre forth as I knowe, Gode I take to wytnes, he 
neavcr came owte of prison untyll he was sent for to Ncwberye before 
the same commyssioners, nether dyd the maior ever see hym after 
that he had presented Palmer to the commyssioners at the Beare in 
Reading as ys afForesayde ; and for my parte 1 take Gode to wytnes 
after tliatdaye I never sawe hym, butt sent to hym as ys afforesayde, 
and therefore nether dyd I procuer this godlye younge man to come 
before the mayer, netlier dyd the maior ever after that day talke 

^ Foxe altered this to '* the procurement of certain false brethren (the Lord knoweth 
what they were), who had been convenant with Palmer, and robbed his study.*' 


with Palmer, as I harde, for other commyssioners appoynted for the 
same purpose had that matter in hande. He calleth me ** false 
brother/* Because his tonge ys no slaunder, and that all he hath 
sayde shall tome to his owne shame, I am nott angrye with hjrm. 
Gode make us bothe trewe brotherne ! I waye not his colorycke 
t^rmes; hespeaketh lyke hymself. 

He sayeth '* one Thomas Thackham, not mr. Thackham of 
Durresleye in Glocestershere." Trulye mr. Thackham ys moche 
bounde to this slaunderer, whatsoever ITiomas Thackham ys. As 
lyttle as this rayler estemeth me, and wolde have other esteme of me, 
I was nether cobbler nor taylor before I was made a mynyster; • but 
of that degree of scole as mr. Thackham. But I tell the, gentle reader, 
if one of us twayne muste be the worker of this villaynous acte agaynste 
Palmer, as this slaunderer semeth to inferre, I assure the yt muste 
nedes be mr. Thackham of Durresley, for ytt ys nott I, as yt shal 
be well proved ; butt yf nether he nor I dyd ytt, what shulde move 
this slaunderer to name ether of us? He sayeth I had obteyned the 
preferment of the free scoole for me and myne assigns. Yt is well 
knowen in the towne of Reading that I nether hadde nether ever 
sued for any other pattent ^ then that which one Coxe hadde graunted 

• (( 

Iq deede, as the gatherers of this story, when they wrote it, had not heard that you 
were a minister, nor of what religion you were : so they knew fuU well that mr. Thackham 
of Dursley was bothe a learned devyne, a phisicion, and a godly preacher, and that he 
hathe a brother of the same name, not unlyke unto himselfe; and therefore in conscience 
they thought it their partes (seyng eache of theim is called Thomas) to exempt theim from 
the name of this quarell that perteyned nothing to theim. And yet is mr. Thackham of 
Dursley nothing the more beholdyng to theim for doyng this their duetye. Where in 
disdayne that you are not called *mr.' you seme to signeiy that you are of some 
degree of Schoolo : trulye, although you be so, it forceth not moche. Yet verely some do 
suppose that you are of greater degree of schole than a cobler or a taylor, of whome you 
speake so contempteously and disdeynfuUy, as if no cobler nor taylor in England were 
worthy of the name of a master. Agayne, I doubt not but some shal be found that have 
bene taylors and coblers, and are at this present as worthy ministers as you.** (Reply, 
fol. 16.) Tho writer (f. 26) admlto his knowledge that Thackham (\m opponent) was 
also ** a phbioian." 

*» The letters patent were granted to Leonard Coxe in 1541, with a yearly pension of 
10 11.: the same sum having been assigned to the school, out of the crown rents of the town, 
by king Henry VII. (Ck>ates*» History of Readhog, pp. 16, 811.) 


unto hym and to his assigncs by kynge Henry,* which Coxsys tyme 
came to Bylson,^ then to me, after to the vicar of Sajmt Gyles,*^ 
then to Pahncr, after to mc agayn by Pahner's owne offer, as yt shall 
afterwards appere; and when Coxc dyed, to whom yt was fyxstc 
graunted, then was that patent of no longer force. 

After whose death the towne of Reading obteyned all the quenes 
landes there in fee-farme, and haddc the placing of the scole-master, 
with alowaunce to payc hym, and have at this day; and if I had 
sued for a newe patent in my owne name, as I neaver dyd, what 
coulde this have hurte Palmer? seeing he had resygned the scole to 
me longe before, and had receyved his money for the pattent, as I am 
well able to prove. 

He sayeth that when I hadde broughte Palmer before the maior I 
layed dyverse and enormiouse crymes to his charge. Yt shall never 
be proved that I and Palmer came before the maior; yt shall never 
be provyd that I ever layed any thingc to Palmer's charge. He was 
an honest vertuouse younge man, and I never knewe any hurte by 
hym, neathcr shall ytt be proved that I dyd at any timelaye oughte 
to his charge, as this slaimderer sayeth I dyd. 

(Ninth Section.) llie Slaunderer, 

** For this Thackham, takyng upon hym the offyce of an accuser, 
hadde suborned iij. false wytnesses, to wytte Coxe, Gately, and 
Downer, which men under the name of brethem hade bene conver- 
sant with him and robbed his study e, as ys afforesayd. These 
burde3mcd hym with treason, scdicion, surmysed murther, and 

*■ Leonard Cockes, or Coxe, author of The art or craft of Rhetoryke, 1532, and other 
works. (See memoirs of him in Coates's History of Reading, 1802, pp. 822-827; and 
Athense Cantabrigienses, 1858.) 

i> Leonard Bilson, of Merton college, Oxford, M.A. 1546. He was uncle of dr. Thomas 
Bilson, bishop of Winchester. (See Coates^s Reading, p. 827.) 

c John More was presented to the vicarage of St. Gileses by sir Francis Englefield, and 
instituted Nov. 14, 1540. He appears to have held it to 1561. (Coatos^ History of 
Reading, p. 350.) 



Coxc ys deddc,* which lyving was never acquaynted with Palmer^ 
which was of that honestye and goode nature, and so lyved in the 
fere of Gode, well knowen to be an honeste professor of his worde, 
that by my ^ meanes in any respecte he wolde have byn proved a 
false witnes for any rewarde, which y f he were lyving wolde answer 
this to the shame of the slaunderer. Downer ys also dedde, which 
lyving was alwaye Palmer's frende and never sough te to hurte hym, 
as the towne of Reading woU wytnes. Gately I thynke yett lyvyth, 
which to the shame of this slaunderer wyll both teste fye that I never 
procured hym to be a false w)rtnes agaynst Palmer, and also that he 

* In the '* Informations gathered at Reading, 1571/' it is remarked that '' Tbackham 
npeaketh of one Coxe in his answer ; and the story meaneth another called William Coxe, 
the cooke which was Palmer's hoete." This charge of presumed duplicity is thus enlarged 
upon in the Reply. ** Now, as before you playde the sophister, biyndyng the truth some- 
tyme with the difference and otherwhilo with the confusion of tyme, place, and order of 
thinges, so here also you endevour to cast a myst before our eyes er differencia persona- 
arum, convertyng your talke from that Coxe whicho is meant and touched in the storye, 
and implying it to another verye honest man of the same name, not meant nor spoken of, 
and now dead. Belyke you were so moche ashamed of your olde frende William Coxe, 
that is to(o) well knowen, and also by you confessed, to have bene a great doer against 
Palmer, that you thought best to bewteiie the deformitie of him with the honestye of a very 
godly man of the same namo, and it is a worlde to se what peynes you take with many 
wordes to commend a verie good man, knowen to have bene so godly that he litle neded 
your prayses. Dut you would not have wrested the senco of the storye to this Coxe, nor 
praysed him so moche, savyng that you thought that tlio worthynes of his name would pur- 
chase great credite to your lyes and tales, and for every childo that knoweth you and 
William Coxe the cooke, that was Palmer's hoetc, knoweth, that you could not do this^by 
errour and ignorance, but of a set purpose to helpe up your market. And because you be 
very lothe to have your frende Coxe yet lyving to bo knowen, or youre alone legerdemayn 
and craftie conveyaunce to be sene, whensoever you speake of William Coxe, or of any thing 
that concemeth him (as you do often), you never call him by his name, but sometyme he is 
the cooke, sometyme the woman's housband, sometyme Palmer's hoste, sometyme his 
hottesse' housband; but his name you dissemble still, lyke a craftie crowder expert in 
these feates, not by wit and arte, but by often practice and long contynuaunce. You walk 
naked in a net, and thinke you go invysible, and yet you are afrayd of the light. The 
Lorde stryke your olde hearte with repentaunce before he pluck you awaye !" (fol. 16 b.) 

^ So in MS. qu f no. 


never robbed his studye. Gentle reader, whatsoever this slaunderer 
haith here malyciously reported, yt shall neaver be proved that I, 
Coxe, Gatelye, or Downer * dyd come before the maior with Palmer, 
or ever layed any thinge to liis charge, or ever came into his studye; yett 
doth this slaunderer call us theves, and sayeth we robbed his studye. 

Yt shall also be proved that when Palmer was apprehended he 
had no studye nor chamber in Reading, for he then dwelled, as I 
sayde before, with mr. Raff Lee, at Horssjmgton, in Buckinghamshire, 
eighte miles from Reading; from whence he came that daye by 
tennc of the clocke in the forenoone; at the which Ilorssington his 
bokes and rayment was, wheare he taughte scole; so that we colde 
nott robbc his studdyc butt we muste goe to Horssington, for at 
Reading he hadde nether chamber, studdye, bokes, apparell, scrippe, 
nor scrowle. Except the dyvell hadde dyrected his penne, he colde 
not have presented mr. Foxe with so manye lyes in so fewe wordes, 
but he muste sometymes have hytt apon some truthe. 

This slaunderer sayeth that I, with false wytnesses as I hadde, 
charged Palmer before the mayer with treason, sedition, surmysed 
murder ^ and adultry. Yf I, with my [three *^] false wytnesses Coxe, 
Gately, and Downer, dyd ever bringe Palmer before the mayer and 
burdeyn hym with suche crymes, yt ys to be thoughte that eyther 
the mayer's wyff, which I thinke ys yett alyve, or some of his 
brethem, or some of the offycers, or some of the towne, can wytnes 
with this slaunderer that this ys trewe; butt nott one lyving in that 
towne wyll testefie that we ever so behaved ourselves towardes 
Palmer, or that I ever came before the maior with Palmer. I take 
Gode to wytnes that I ever was pers waded that Palmer was free from 
treason, sedition, murder, and adultery; and that I have here sayed 

• '* For Downer, I havo heard no evil of him. For Gatelj, and Radley, now Ticar of 
St. Lawrence [John Radley, instituted Nov. 29, 1565» resigned 1574J» and Bowyer a 
tanner, they three left no means nnpraotised to catch and persecute the members of Christ, 
as I myself can well prove.** (Letter of John Moyer to master Purye.) Gateley was the 
man who, being the constable (see p. 117), really searched Palnier*s study: which was in 
the school-house. (Informations, Ace.) 

>> matter in MS, <" Blank in MS. 


I dought nott butt the inhabjtaunce of Reading wyll aff3rrme to be 

(Tenth Section.) The Slaunderer, 

" To whome Palmer answered that yf suche horrable and heynous 
crymes might be proved agaynst hym, he wolde pacyently submytt 
hjrmselfe to all kynde of tormentes that colde be devysed; * butt, 
ye cruell bloodsuckere I (sayeth he,) ye folowe the olde practyses of 
your progenytores, the wolvyshe generacion of pharyses and papists; 
butt be ye well assured that Godes eye aUreadye seeth your subtyl 
devyses and craftye packyng, and woll not suffer this owtragiouse 
furye of your venemouse townges and fyrye hartes to eschape un- 
ponysshed I ' All this whyle no mencion was made of heresye or 
heretycall wrytting." 


Here the slaunderer bringeth in Palmer answering for himself and 
raylyng at me and my procured false wytnesses; but lett the hoUe 
towne of Reading be examyned, and yt* shall never be proved that 
we ever broughte hym before the maior,^ and that we thus charged 

• MS, yet. 

^ ** Iq the begynnyng of thU section, you seke to dasyll our eyes in the clere daye, even 
as the fiahe called a cuttell, to shift himselfe in the clero water that he maye not be sene, 
caatetb foorth a certeyn black substance to darken the water, so you here, to hide the truthe 
from mennes eyes, oast foorth wordes to darken the true sence of the storie, and to leade 
awaye the reader's mynde to another meanyng ; for where as the storye sayth that by your 
procurement, when he was brought before the maior, dyverse crymes were layde to his 
charge, (whiche thing might have bene done without company, betwene the maior and 
and Palmer alone, or elles in the presence of fewe besydes,) yet you woulde the reader 
should thinke that the maior sate formally pro tribututUi that Palmer, together with 
Thackham, Gateley, Coxe, and Downer were solemply brought foorth ; that the playntif 
and defendant, with the witnesses, aooordyng to forme of lawe, were openly called in the 
fiice of the courte ; that the accuser pronounced openly against him; that the witnesses 
were formally charged, and did in open audience depose and testeiye against him ; that 
Palmer was openly convicted, the maior pronounoyng sentence against him in publique 
assembly. But the story importeth no soche thing; and the worlde knoweth that in those 


hym, and that he thus answered for hymsclf and rayled on us. 
There ys of this, gentle reader, not one worde trewe : lett the people 
there be judge. 

(Eleventh Section.) The Slaunderer. 

" The greatest proves agajmst hym were these: First, that Palmer 
said the quene's sworde was nott putt in her hande to execute 
tyrrannye, and kyll and murther the trewe subjectes.* 

2. That her sworde was to(o) blunte towardes the papistes, but 
towardes the trewe Christyans yt was to(o) sharpe. 

3. That certayn servantes of sir Fraunces Knowles and other [re- 
sorting to his lectures ^] fell owte amonge themselfes, and were lyke to 
have commytted murther, and therefore he was suer ^ of sedition 
and prevyer ^ of unlawful! assemblies. 

4. That his hostys had wrytten a letter unto hym, which they had 
[intercepted^], wherin she required hym to returne to Reading, and 
sent her commendacions by that token that the knyffe laye hyddo 
under the beame; wherbye theye gaythered that she hadd conspyred 
with hym to murther hur husband. 

5. That they founde hym alone with his hostyes by the fyer-sydc 
[in the hall ^'], the dore being shutte to them." 


This shamelesse slaunderer bringcth in fyve artycles which I, Coxe, 
Gately, and Downer dyd laye to Palmer's charge before the mayor, 
and makcth me the ringe-lcadere in promoting the same to the 
maior; wherefore of necessyte I muste answer them. 

dayes fewe thinges were done formalize and justly, and that the martin were hardly 
Saffered at that tyme to plead for theimselves openly, but that most thinges touchyng theim 
that professed the Gospel were handelod in hucler mucler against all order of lawes, 
reason, and conscience, «cc." (Reply, f. 19.) In an earlier passage tlic li^Titer had 
expressed himself in the same way: ** Many tbinges were handeled in those dayes in 
kucker mucker y and with moehe percialitie." 

» servantes of God in Foxe, ^ Foxo* c ^ sower. »» a procurer in Foxe, 


1. To the firste I answer that I take Gode to wytnes I never 
harde Palmer saye any suche wordes as in the firste artycle this 
slaunderer sayeth that I with others dyd laye to his charge, neather 
can ytt be proved that we ever broughte hym before the maior to 
charge hym therewith. 

2. To the seconde article I answer in lyke manner. 

3. To the thirde artycle I answer that I neather knewe of any 
suche disscntion, neather dyd I laye any suche matter to his charge; 
and further I saye that I never harde of yt, much lesse colde I laye 
suche a matter to his charge, except I wolde have done then by 
Palmer as this slaunderer doth by me, off malyce devyse agaynst 
Palmer that which I never knewe, muchc lesse had byne able to 
prove, which wolde have fallen owte to my greate shame. 

4. To the fowrth I answer that when this letter was intercepted 
I was at Salysbcrye, and knewe nothing of yt untyll my retume, 
which was fy ve dayes after ; and when I went to bedde my wyff tolde 
me what had happenyd to Palmer syns my departure; ho we the 
cokes wyff, which was his hostys, had caused a letter to be wrytten, 
and sent to Palmer, and howe the same letter was taken by the 
waye upon Cawsome brygge,* and broughte to the maior; and howe 
that Palmer came from mr. Lee's the next day folowing, nott know- 
ing of anye such matter, for whome the mayer sent ymmedyatly, and 
after examinacion had at the sute of the husbande. Palmer was sent 
to the cage. All this was done, and Palmer was returned agayn to 
mr. Lee's, before I came home, as I shal be well able to prove; of 
which his treble I knewe no more then the childe newe borne, I 
take Gode to witnes, yet doth this slaunderer make me the chief 
hearin. Also I doughte nott, gentle reader, nay I am suer that yt 
ys yett to be proved, who wrotte the letter, whoe carryed the letter, 
who dyd entercepte the letter, and that I herein shalbe clered, though 
this slaxmderer layeth all to my charge; but trewthe yt ys that 
Pabner's hostys' husbande shewed me the letter a weke after, 

■ Cavenham bridg^. 


declaryng what his wjrff and Palmer ment to doe, to whome I 
answered that in conscience I dyd verelye belevo that Palmer neaver 
ment any suche vyllayny towardes hym ; to the tryall of which I 
commy tt myself to the whole towne of Reading. 

5. To the fyfte, I answer that yt might be that they were founde 
sytting alone by the fyer, and the dore shutte to them; butt I dyd 
never see them sytt alone together and the dore shutte, neather dyd 
I ever present any suche thinge to the mayer; neather dyd I heare 
that any other man dyd signifie so moche to the mayer at any tyme, 
I take Gode to recorde. And by that which I have sayde before yt 
may easely appere, gentle reader, how falsely this slaunderer belyeth 
me in that which foloweth. 

(Twelfth Section.) The Slaunderei\ 

**When this evydence was geven uppe, the mayer dysmyssed 
them, and went to dyner, commanding Palmer to the cage,* to 
make hym an open spectacle of ignominie to the eyes of the worlde ; 
and Thackham, the better to cover ^ his owne shame, caused ytt to 
be bruted that he was soe punished for his evyll lyflf and wyckednes 
allreadye proved agaynst hym." 


Here this slaunderer bringeth me in for the chieflf worker agaynst 
Palmer, and telleth howe to cover my shame I conveyed the matter 
after that I with others whome I procured had layed all these 
artycles to Palmer's charge ; and this too, reader, may seme a lykely 
tale ; butt lett yt be proved that I was there, or as I sayde before 
knewe of Palmer's treble, or was there when he was sent to the 
cage, and I wyll be gyltye of all that this slaunderer haith and shall 

• '* The cage then stood over the entrance into the churchyard belonging to St. Law- 
rence*8 parish, and now forms part of mr. John Blandy's house : it was rented of the 
parish by the corporation, at the yearly rent of twelve-pence." (Note in Man*s History of 
Reading, 4to. 1816, p. 198.) 

'' colon* in MS. 


herafler laye to my charge; and wheras he sayeth that I, Coxe, 
Gately, and Downer procured Palmer this troble, he belyeth us all; 
for Palmer came before the mayer and was from thence sent to the 
cage at the onelye suetc of the coke, his hostyes husband, which 
layed to Palmer's charge that he with his wyfF had agreed to kylle 
hym, and thus moche I harde after my retume by the coke hymself 
when he shewed me the letter. But marke, I beseche you, gentle 
reader, howe this shameles Iyer haith forgotten hymself He sayde 
before that Palmer was fett from the Cardinall hatte owte of his 
bedde in the night by offycers, and had to the dungeon, and so forth, 
as ys afforesayde; and nowe ys Palmer fett owte of prison, broughte 
before the maior, accused by me and others, and from thence sent 
to the cage; and true yt ys that when his ostys sent the letter. 
Palmer was at mr. Lee's, eightene miles of; which Palmer returned 
from thence to Reading very shortelye after, knowing nothinge of 
the letter that was intercepted, which shuldchave come to hym; and 
ymmedyatly upon his retume he was sent for by the mayer at the sute 
of the coke, and so commytted to the cage, and went nott from the 
prison to the cage as this slaundcrer falsclyc reportyth. Yt was 
long after before he was commytted to the prison, and that was done 
by the commyssioners, and not by the mayer, as yt ys well knowen ; 
for after he came owte of the cage he went to his master agayne; 
and yf the well-meanyng wi-y ter of this historyc kncwe howe moche 
this malliciouse slaundcrer had abused hym he woldc beware of 
suche a fellowe all the daycs of his lyff. As I sayde before I sayc 
agayne, I take Gode to wytnes I knewe no more of his commyng 
before the mayer nor of his being in the cage then the childe that 
was borne the same nighte, and yett this slavmdcrer ys nott ashamed 
to make me the cheefFe instruement and doer herin. 

(Thirteenth Section.) The Slaundcrer, 

" In the afternone Palmer came to his answer, and dyd sjo 
mightelye and clcrlye deface their evydcnce, and so dcfendc his 
owne innocencye, provyng also that the sayde letters were by 


themselfes forged, fliat the mayer hymself was moche ashamed 
that he had borne with them, so that he soughte meanes he might 
conveye hym awaye prevelye." 


What tyme of the day Palmer was flfett owte of the cage, howe 
he clered hymself," and whether the mayer were ashamed of his 
doinges or nott, I cannot tell, for as yt shal be proved I was nott 
at home. I knewe nothing neather of his fornones examynacion, 
neather of his aftemones examynacion. Gatelye, whome he here 
slaundereth, the mayer's wyff, with others there yet lyving, can 
declare the trothe; butt I dare affyrme, that yf the mayer were 
lyving, he wolde soe answer this slaunderer which sayeth he was 
ashamed of his doinges, that this slaunderer wolde be ahsamed 
of his sayinges. 

(Fourteenth Section.) The Slaunderer. 

" But now to the bloodye adversaries. When they sawe the 
matter frame so evill favouredly, and fearinge least if he shold 
escape privily, ther doinges wold tend no lesse to ther shame and 
daunger then to the maior's dishonesty also, they devised a new 
poUicye to bringe to passe ther longe hidden and festred malice 
against him, which was their'' extreme refuge; for wheras before 
they were partly ashamed to accuse him of heresye, seeinge they 
had bene counted earnest brethren themselves, and partly afraid 
bycause they had broken up his studye, and committed theft, yet 
now, lest ther iniquitie shold have bene reveled to the worlde, they 

» " Albeit you knowe not (aa you saye) how Palmer clered himselfe, and be also certeyn 
that ho clered not himftelfe, as the story© reporteth, yet I woulde you should right well 
understand that the Qod of truthe hathc made it knowen to the godly : yea, heaven, 
earth, and hell shall, to his everlastyng comfort, and to the confusion of his cnemyes, and 
all blooddye papistes, perceave and knowe, that, by the assistance of Gk>ddes holye spirite 
the Comforter, he niightely and clercly confounded his enemyes and defended his owne 
innocency against them." (Reply, f, 21 b.) 

i> MS, this. 



put both feare and shame aside, and beganne to rcfricate and rippe 
up the olde soare, the skarr wherof had bene but superficially 
cured, as ye have hard, and so, to coloure ther former practises, 
chardged him with [the] writinges that they had stoUcn owt of 
his studye." 


Now this sclaunderer, well armed with railinge tearmes, leapinge 
from lye to lye, from falshoodc to falshoode, as though he were 
never to be reproved, goeth on still after his accustomed maner, 
and saith that Thackham, with the other bloody adversaries and 
theves, to avoide the shame and 'daunger that was like to insue, 
and to kepe the maior from dishonesty, beganne a new practise 
to bringe an olde grudge to passe, saith we brake up his studye, and 
fetched owt writinges, wherwith we charged him before the maior. 
Yt shall never be proved, gentle reader, that we brake up his 
studye, or ever were in his studye, or tokc one paper from thence, 
or that we ever brought him before the maior, or laid any suche 
matter against him; and seeingc this sclaunderer calleth us theves, 
it standeth us upon that be lyvingc to clcare it, or els ther is no 
time past but that we may rcsceivc a felon's rewarde, which is to 
be hanged; and if I ever was in his studye, or can tell whether 
he had a studye or not, I desire to have a shamcfuU deathe ; and 
I doubt not but Gatcly is as well able to clcare him sclfc of this 
robberye.* Let it be proved that I ever complayned of Palmer to 
the maior, or ever came with Palmer before the maior when he 
was examyned, and I will be giltye of all that this sclaunderer hath 
laid to my chardge.'' 

* " Where you doubt not but Gatelyc is well liable to clero liim aelfe of this great 
robbery, you are the bolder so to saye, because he was at the tyme constable [see note 
in p. 110] and might do it by good authorite. Notwithstandyng, good men maye bo bolde 
to call him thefo for his laboure, seyng that before Qod it was playne robbery ; and in the 
judgment of the Godly learned, that thingc maye well be sayd stollen, whicho is by 
fraude, sleight, or Tiolence taken from a just man, even by an oflScor/^ (Reply, f. 23.) 

^ <* The worst that ye could then do was to accuse him wrongfully, and to laye that 


Trewc it is that one only letter was the cause of all Palmer*8 
troble that he had before the visiters, and so consequently of his 
deathe, which letter at the earnest request of Palmer I carried to 
the maior; which letter Palmer wrot in Buckinghamshire, and 
brought with hira to Readinge the same day that the visiters 
sate at the Beare ; to the writinge wlierof if I had bene priveye 
(as I was not) I had bene hanged, as the maior and the comissionera 
tolde me afterwards; of the which letter, I assure the, gentle 
reader, that Coxe, Gately, and Downer never knewe, which they 
never towched nor sawe, nether any creature lyvinge but Palmer, 
I and the maior, of the which letter I will speake more hereafter. 

(Fifteenth Section.) The Sclaitnderer. 

** Thus Palmer was once againe called owt of prisone to appcare 
before the maior and Burdet • the officiall and two other justices, 
to render an accompt of his faithc before them, to answerc to sutche 
informacions as were laid against him ; and when they had gathered 
of his owne mouthe sufficient matter to trappc him, they devysed 
a certificat or bill of instructions against him, to be directed to 
doctour Gefferv,* who had determ%'ned to hold his visitation the 
next Tuesday at Newbury, which Avas the xthof July;* and thus 
were these false witnesses and blooilve accusers w^Tickcd at, and the 
innocent delwered to the Ivon to bo devoured. When it was 
concluded that Palmer shold bo sent over to Xewburv, the said 


letters tcstimoni*iIl woro conveioil over toirither with him." 

thing to hb chance, mhiche if he wouMe lu\o ivnounctxl mud fomkeii, he m^t htre 
lyTed in «anh moK piwpenHisiT than tfT«r nm couM, o>r have done, bj often chaiingjng 
yo«r trppet and tuniTng xoar coate.^ (fUpW, f. 2S K) 

• Clenmt Bordett, rertor of Rnclefield. Npforv notaccsl. 

* Se* before, \k T4. 



Whether Palmer were called againe owt of prisone after he was 
comitted thither by the commissioners which sate at the Beare as 
aforsaid, I can not tell; but to my knowledge he was never brought 
owt of Wclche his prisone before he was sent for by the comissioners 
to Newbury, and if he were brought forth of the prison to be examined 
before the maior and others as he saith here he was, I take God to 
wytnes it was not by my procurement and my confederates the inno- 
cent Palmer was delyvered to the lyon to be devoured, and that we 
bloodye accusers were wyncked at. The sclaunderer shall well 
knowe that I will not be wincked at; but loke what may be proved 
against me I will have the ponishement with all extremitie, and thus 
end to answer so shameles a sclaunderer. And albeit^ gentle reader, 
that whosoever shall reade this that my adversary hath caused the 
godly writer of this history to put in writinge, and by printinge the 
same to publishe it to the worldo against me, Coxe, Gately and 
Downer, bloodye accusers and false witnesses against Palmer, as he 
tearmeth us, consideringe how boldly he reporteth us, with what 
reasons he perswadeth it, with what order he telleth it^ with how 
haynous offences and felonous actes he chardgeth us, with how 
spitefuU and railinge wordes he useth us, what uncharitable and 
odious names he giveth us, might easely be perswaded that he hath 
not lyed every sentence from the begynnyge. 

But, gentle reader, marke well my offer. If this sclaunderer shall 
ever be able to prove that of all he hath informed against me, and 
hath procured mr. Foxe to publishe abroade, one sentence be trewe, 
I beseche the counsell that I may have suche ponishement that all 
other wycked hipocrites may beware by me. If I were not cleare, 
and yet wold be so bolde to take upon me to reprove that which 
mr. Foxe, a godly preacher, by his informacion hath published, as it 
were to deface him, and his so famouse a worke, I were worthy to 
be handled to the example of all others. But to deface mr. Foxe 
was never my purpose, blessed be God for him ! I reverence him as 


a most excellent Jewell of this our age, and accompt of him as of a 
principall piller of relligion. But a worshipfull knight of our 
contiy , sir Robert Lane,* and one mr. Yelverton ^ a counsailor of 
the la we and recorder of Northampton, wher I dwell, ofte times 
tolde me, and divers of my friendes sent me worde, that they mar- 
vailed that I wold neither confesse my faulte, neither answere it if I 
were innocent. Some gave me counsell to have an action of the 
case against mr. Foxe for sclaunderinge me ; some said that mr. Foxe 
was not in faulte, but that I shold answere the sclaunderer, wher- 
unto I agreed. 

I assure the, gentle reader, if I had in queue Maries time per- 
secuted Palmer, and xx^ more besides him, I wold be as ready now 
to confesse it in open audience, as ever Paule® was to confesse 
what a tyraunt he had bene, or as ever this sclaunderer was willinge 
to lay it to my chardge; for it were nothinge to my shame so to do, 
but to the glory of God, to my singuler comforte, and rejoysinge of 
all my frindes; but the matter standinge as it dothe, and that not 
one sentence is to be proved trewe that this sclaunderer hath informed, 
whether it were better for me to be evill thought of, and hold my 
peace, or els by some meanes to defend myne innocencye, be thou 
judge, gentle reader. 

Here hast thou, gentle reader, myne answere to this sclaunderer, 
which he shall never be able to disprove. Nowe will I telle the 
howe Palmer behavyd himself in Readynge, howe he lefte his 
schole, whither he departyd thence, and by what meanes he came to 
his trouble. 

Palmer had the schole when he came to Readynge of one sir John 

* Of Horton^ co. Northampton : see a note in Machyn's Diary, p. 394. 

^ Afterwards sir Christopher Yelverton, seijeant at hiw 1599, judge of the queen^s 
bench 1602, died 1607 : ancestor of the earls of Sussex. See an account of him in Gol- 
lins's Peerage, 1779, iv. 338. 

c «* In deede S. Paul (whose example for a shewe to mocke an ape withall you bryng in) 
was never a tyrant, but a persecutor we reade he had bene : yet when he persecuted, he 
never bare ij. faces in one whoode, as you did in quene Maries tyme, and God gjaunt you 
be voyde of it now !" (Reply, f. 26.) 


More, vycar of Sayncte Giles,* in quene Maries tyme, which he taught 
diligently, behavyd himself honestly, came to the churche many 
sondaies and holidayes with his schollars, and satte in Sayncte 
Johnes chappell, [and] lyved so quyetly among them, that I dare 
swere he had not one enemy in the towne. This Palmer taught a 
Sonne of one John Rydgies, the quenes servaunte and one of the 
stable;^ which boye, ether for his negligence in learnyng, ether for 
some shrewd turne, he bette in the schole. Rydgies, thincking that 
he had gyven his sonne more correction then he deservid, in a great 
rage came into the schole, and boxed Palmer about the eares, and 
so departed. Palmer taking this grevously, that he had so muche 
misused him, toke a pitche-forke of his hostyes, and laye iij. or iiij. 
dales in wayte for Rydgies in the Vasterne,® beneath one John 
Ryder's garden,** to have done him some displeasure, as he wente 
to a close that Rydgies had toward Causam bridge, but could at 
no tyme mete with him. After that he had thus watched Ridges, 

• See p. 108. 

*> At the ditsolution of monastio houses king Henry detennined to maintain the abbey 
of Reading as a royal palace; and, though it was not often occupied in that capacity, yet 
we find king Edward YI. lodged there; as ** the Kinges Place/' on bis visit to the town in 
1552, and king Philip and queen Mary in 1554. Camden says, ** The monastery, wherein 
king Henry the First was interred, has been converted into a royal seat; adjoining to 
which stands a fair stable stored with noble horses of the king's." It was on account of 
this royal stable that mr. Ridges, the officer mentioned in the text, had his residence at 
Reading. The abbey was still regarded as royal property in 1650, when it was surveyed 
as parcel of the late possessions of king Charles : see Coates*s Reading, p. 267. 

^ To the north of the town, at the back of Friars' street, in the map given in Coates's 
History of Reading, will be found fields called, The home Vastem, The little Vastem, and 
The farther Vastems. There is now a short street called Vasterne street. Fasteme £^at 
park near Wotton Basset was subject to right of common for the inhabitants of that town, 
(see the Topographer and Genealogist, vol. iii. 1858, p. 22,) and perhaps the derivation of 
the name is from waste or common land, in the Latin vattum. Otherwise, they might be 
old inclosures in which cattle were kept /<ut. 

^ ** Master Rider of Reding, a faithfull &vourerof Goddes gospell," as Foxe terms him, 
who sent his servant to Palmer the night before his departure to Newbury, ** with a bowed 
groat in token of his good harte towarde hym," offering to provide him with any neces- 
saries that he lacked. He has been mentioned before in p. 96, note >>, as " John Ryder of 
Reading capper." 



he told me howe he had done, and what he had purposed. I told 
him that Kidgies was to(o) good for him, willing him not to seke to 
be revengyd of him, but to tell the maior and the masters of the 
towne. *' No, (sayd Palmer,) for by that meanes I shall never pre- 
vaile, for he can make moe frendes then I." 

One fortnight after, Palmer came to me and said, that he would 
geve up his schole, yf he might have reasonably for the patent, 
which hunge but apon the liflfe of one olde man called Coxe.* I 
told Palmer that synce queue Marie came to the crowne, I was put 
from my vicaridge there, and was constrayned to labour sore for my 
lyvynge. For, as it is well knowne, I went every weke foure-score 
myles save foure, on foote, to bye yeame, and sell it agayne at 
Reading, of which tedyouse journeys and paynefull travayle I waxed 
werye. Wherfore I sayd that yf in time to come he were disposed to 
leave the schole, so that I could gette the good wyll of the towne to 
kepe it agayne, I would geve him with reason for the patent. 
Palmer said that he was content that I should have it before an other, 
y f he did yelde it up ; and so we partyd for that tyme. 

A moneth after, he came to me againe, and said that he was come 
to be as good as his promysse, which was to graunte me his good 
wyll to have the schole before any man. I thanckyd him, and 
demaundyd of him what he would requyre for the patent. He sayd 
I should do iij thinges for him : the one was that I should geve him 
fourty shillinges in his purse ; the other was, that I should geve him 
foure poundes to bye him apparell, or els be suerty for as muche 
apparell as came to foure poundes; the third was, that I should 
provyde him some place, where he might teach a gentleman's 
children, and ly ve to his conscyence. I aunsweryd him agajme, that 
I must requyre lykwyse iij thinges at his handes ; first that I might 
procure the good willes of the worshipfiill of the towne, to become 
the schole-master agayne; secondarily, that I might have a tyme to 
procure such a place for him, where he might lyve safely, quyetly, 
and to his conscyence; thirdly, that he would take xl" in hande, and 

* Leonard Coxe : see before, p. 108. The patent granted to Coze will be found in the 


the residue at ij convenyent tymes, and therwith bye that he kckyd 
himself; which Palmer grauntyd with good wyll. 

Then rode I first to Horsynton in Buckinghamshire to one 
master Baffe Lee,* which had one sonne, whom I had taught before; 
and tolde him that, yf he would have a scholmaster with him, to 
tcache his sonne Edward Dunne Lee,^ I could provyde him of an 
honest, quyet, sober, and learnyd young man ; wherof master Lee 
was glad, and requestyd me so to doe^ and he would compound with 
him for such a stjrpend as he should reasonably requyre. I returned 
to Reading and told Palmer what I had done, and howe I had sped ; 
wherwith Palmer was content. Then we appoynted a day to 
repayre to the gentleman, and to bargajoie for his stypende, and so 
we did ; whome master Lee and his wyffe lyked very well. 

Then after we were retumyd unto Readinge agajme, I wente to 
master Edmundes,® mr. Edward Butler,* master Thomas Turner,* 
[and] master Aldworth,' my very frendes, declaryng to them that 

* Honington is Honenden in Buckinghamshire. The manor, with that of Saunderton^ 
belonged to the family of Donne, but appears to have been temporarily held by Ralph Lee 
esquire. He presented to the rectory of Horsenden in 1554, and to that of Saunderton in 
1572. In the latter year he receired a grant of arms, being then styled of Saunderton. 
In that year also his wife Frances, daughter of Thomas Joanes, was buried in the Savoy 
church, London, Somerset herald attending. Ralph was the son of Thomas Lee, elder 
brother of Francis the grandfather of sir Thomas Lee who married the heiress of 
Hampden of Hartwell. His name, with that of his son and heir Edward, the pupil of 
Julins Palmer, occurs in the Lee pedigree. (Compare Lipscombe's Buckinghamshire, 
vol. i. p. 163, vol. ii. p. 334, vol. iu. pp. 626, 628.) 

^ This occurrence of two prctfunnina, so unusual at the period, is very remarkable. It 
seems to imply a relationship between Ralph Lee and the Donnes. Was his wife a widow 
of one of the Donne feunily ? 

^ See before, p. 97. 

<* Edward Butler was mayor of Reading in 1554, 1559, 1575, and 1581; and a fifth 
time (perhaps at the close of the mayoralty of a mayor dying when in office), according to 
his epitaph formerly in St Lawrence^s church : which will be found in Ashmole^s Berkshire, 
and in Coates*s Reading, p. 174. In Ashmole*s time there existed brass-plates, now lost, 
representing master Butler in his gown, his wife, his three daughters and his grandchildren. 
He died July 7, 1584. 

' Thomas Turner was mayor in 1556, 1560, and 1567. 

' See before, p. 95. 


Palmer would leave the schole, and dwell with a gentleman ; and 
desyred them that I might have their good willes to teache yt agayne, 
for I was wery of playing the packe-man, and of my tedyous journeys 
to Salesbury wekely; which aunsweryd that they thought no lesse, 
and that I should have their good willes to kepe the schole agayne. 
This done, Palmer and I came bothe to master Edmundes, steward 
of Readinge,* to have our wrytinges made, where it was agreid that 
I should paye Palmer xl» in hande, and enter into bondes, to paye 
him the other iiij " at ij other tymes by evyn porcions, and yf the 
said sommes were not aunsweryd according to covenantes, that then 
it should be lawful for Palmer to resume his patent, and enjoye the 
same as in his former estate. It was also agreed apon, that master 
Edmundes should kepe the patent and resignation, and all other 
wrytinges, untill the laste xl' were payd. And thus I entrid to kepe 
the schole, and Palmer went to master Lee's to dwell, and there con- 
tynewed. And after Palmer had recey ved his last payment, master 
Edmundes delyvered me the paten tes, resignation, and all other 
wri tinges. 

But albeit Palmer was well, and where he might have lyved 
quyetlye, yet (as it is well knowne) he could not tarye x dayes from 
his hostyes, but often resortyd unto her, so that he grewe to be evill 
thought of, and her husband began to mystruste him, albeit I 
thincke he gave never any suche cause. But so often resortyd 
Palmer from Horsyngton to his hostyes, that her husband began to 
suspecte him. Then was a letter interceptyd, which she wrote to 
him; which being sene, her husband kepte. And at Palmer's next 
returne to Readinge, (as was tolde me,) by the cookes meanes his 
hostyes' husband, Palmer was brought before the maior, and com- 

• Steward of the estates formerly belonging to Reading abbey, and now to the crown, 
(see before, p. 121.) In July 1562 the office of steward of the borough and lordship of 
Reading, and of the possessions of the late monastery, was granted to the marquess of 
Northampton. (MS. Reg. 18 C. XXIV. f. 244 b) The same office was afterwards held 
by the family of Knollys, who resided in the mansion formerly the abbey, and there enter- 
tained queen Elizabeth for some days in the year 1572. 


mytted to the cage; at which tyme, whatsoever the slaunderer hath 
sayd of me, I was not at home, nether knowe I any thinge therof, 
iintyll fyve daies after yt was done, God I take to recorde. 

Then was Palmer brought fourth of the cage, and warned by the 
maior to come no more at his hostyce, and was let returne againe to 
Horsyngton, where he dwelled with master Lee, Whether his 
master knewe of his trouble or not, I cannot tell. 

Notwithstanding this punishment and warnyng geven him by the 
mayre to com no more to his hostis, Palmer came to his hostis 
agayne on Tuesdaye as I thinke about x. of the clocke in the fore- 
none; and as I sat at dinner he sent his hostis' sister^ alitle wentche, 
for me to come and speake with him. Be twelve of the clocke I 
came to him, and when I was come he sayde unto me, ** Mr, Thack- 
ham, I thinke ye have harde howe I have bene used here of late by 
the meanes of my hoste, who as I thinke is perswaded that I resorte 
to his house for some yvell purpose. I have a letter here which I 
have written to mr. Edmundes, wherin I have declared how I have 
bene abused and wherin ; and have therin so clered myselfe that, 
when he hath red yt, I dowbt not but he will thinke better of me 
then at this present he doth; which letter I beseche you to deliver 
for me unto him." I answered, ** Mr. Palmer, I thinke yt better 
that ye deliver it yourselfe." ** Nay, (sayd Palmer,) he so reviled 
me when I was here laste, that I knowe he cannot abyde me ; but 
by your meanes, and at your requeste, he will receave my letter, and 
read yt. Herein you shall doe me a great pleasure." ** Mr. Palmer, 
(sayd 1,) yf the deliverye of your letter may stand you in stede, I will 
carrye yt unto the mayre, and further doe you what pleasure I can.'* 
So I toke the letter, beinge faste sealed, with the superscription to 
mr. Edmundes; and when I cam to master Edmundes he sate in his 
studye writinge an obligation ; to whom I sayd that master Palmer 
had requested me to bringe a letter, besechynge him to read the 
same; wherein he should perceive howe innocent he was of all 
that his hoste or any other had layd to his charge. ** Well," (sayd 
mr. Edmundes,) laye yt downe, and I will loke apon yt anone." 


And so I departed. Within one halfe bower master Edmundes sent 
for me agayne. When I came he sayde, *' Mr. Thackham, Palmer 
hath written here no suche matter as ye tolde me of, but doth rayle 
at the quene and her lawes. I am her majesties officer, and maye 
not conseale yty nether will,'^ *^ Sir, (sayd I,) yf be have overshote 
bimselfe in any thinge, I beseche you take him not at the worste.*^ 
** Well ! (sayd mr. Edmundes,) goe your waye, I maye not conseale 
yt, neather will I.'' And as I was departinge out of his wickette, 
he wbisteled (as his maner was) for one of his sargentes. I went home 
to my scbole, wher I walked, marvelinge what wolde come of yt. 

So sone as I was gone, the mayre, mr. Edmundes, oommaunded 
the sergent to goe to the cookes bowse, and call Palmer to him. 
When the sergent knocked at the cookes dore, his bostis' sister spied 
him, and told Palmer who was at the dore. Palmer, heringe that 
an officer was come for him, conveyed bimselfe out of the kitchen 
dore into the bac-side, and so into his bostis* garden. The sergent 
at the dore sawe him goe that waye, and thruste open the dore and 
folowed him, and tooke him at the ende of [his] bostis' garden about 
to leape over a wale; and broughte him to the mayre. 

Yt happened that the very same daye ther sat at the Beare in 
Reading doctor Jefferye,* the parsone of Inglefelde,** with diverse 
other commissioners. When the sergent was come with Palmer, 
the mayer commanded him to goe with him ; whom Palmer folowed, 
not knowing (as I thinke) whether he would bringe him. The 
mayer went streyght-waye to the Bere, wher the commissioners 
were, in a parler apon the righte hande as ye come into the inne. 
When the niayer was come to the commissioners, be declared unto 
them how the man whom he brought had sent him a letter, wherin 
was contayned matter which he would not conseale, and so he 
delivered the letter to them; and then the commissioners ^Ued 
him to sit downe at the table's ende which is nexte to the strete; 
and when the mayer was sett downe, they asked who broughte him 

<» See pp. 74, 118. ^ Clement Burdett : see p. 95. 


the letter. The mayre answered one mr. Thackham, ther schol- 
master. " I praye you, mr. mayer, (sayth docter Jeflforye,) let him 
be sent for." So the mayer commanded his sargent to goe for me. 
When the sargent came to me, I was walkinge in the schole. The 
sergent sayd that the commissioners commanded mc to come to 
them. I went with him. When I came before them, doctor 
Jeflferye (as I thinke), or some other of them, asked me whether 
I delivered the letter to the mayre or not.* I sayd that I did 
deliver the letter to him. They asked me whether Palmer and I 
did devise yt ; and which of us wroughte it. I answered that yt 
ys to be thought that I would answere that I did neather write 
yt nor knowe of the wri tinge therof; " but, sir, (sayd I,) I will not 
answere the question, let this man (meaninge Palmer, which stode 
by me,) answere how it was." Palmer then immediatlye answered, 
" Sir, I wroughte yt, and I will stand to yt; and as for this man, 
he nether wroughte yt, nether knewe what was in yt, but delivered 
yt to mr. mayre at my requeste." Then sayd the parsone of 

* *' At the laat, to make your tale credible, you saye that one, you knowe not who (yet 
no man knewe the commiflsionen better then you), asked you, whether you were prery to 
the letter that you delyvered, whereunto you saye that Palmer as a man yet once agayne 
willyng to dye, though he ranne awaye first from the sergeant, or rather as an impudent 
man, not content to write raylyng matter against his prince and the lawes, but redely to 
advouche it, made quyck and spedy aunswere immediatly without any deliberacion or 
craving of pardon (as a desperate Dick desyrous to dye without cause), and boldly sayd, 
* Sir, I wrote it, and will stand to it. As for mr. Thackham he knewe not what it was. 
Quare si me queritiSf nnite hunc dbire.^ O trym tale ! now mr. Thackham (teste se ipso) is 
dered, and Palmer become giltie of his awne deathe ! But if Palmer did confesse it to be 
his letter and hand.writyng, why were you sent for and ezamyned aboute the writyng 
therof? shall we think that they did not first demaund of Palmer, whether he wrote the 
letter or no ? no doubte they did ; wherunto when he had aunswered that he wrote it not, 
then were you immediatly sent for ; and to be playne with you, it shalbe proved by the 
witnee of honest and godly men, that Palmer himselfe, beyng in prison, did greatlye 
oomplayne to his frendes, that he was betrayed, that his hand was oounterfeated, and that 
Thackham had forged a letter in his name, and brought it to light, to cause him to be 
examyned of his conscience. And therewithall you presented also, accordyng to your 
awne tale, other thinges of his awne hand writyng, howbeit greatlye against his will, and 
not at his request, as you write.'' (Reply, f. 32.) 


Yenglefelde to me : " Master Thackliam, I wishe that ye teache 
gramer and let divinitye alone." 

By this tyme was Wellche, the keper of the prisone, com into the 
parlar, and I was bed depart; whcr I lefte Palmer talking with 
them stoutly; but when I was agaynst one master Borne's dore* 
I loked backe, and sawe Palmer cominge with the keper of the 
prison ; and after that daye I never sawe Palmer,^ nether came he 
out of prison so farre as I knowe any more, before he was sent for 
to Newberye, wher he was areyned, condemned, and burned. 

He that had Palmer to Newberye was a wevcr with a blacke 
beard, which became a sumner, and went after to dwell at Salsberye: 
whiche tolde my wife that Palmer, beinge at the stake, requested 
this sumner to have him commcndid to master Thackham^ and to 
pray him to forgeve hym the twelve shillinges that he owed him, 
which xij* I lent him when he lay in prison; for in consideration 
that I had a benefite at his hand I thoughte yt my duetye the rather 
to helpe him in that extremyte. 

Thus haste thou hard, gentle reader, howe I delte with Palmer; 
ho we his troble begane, how he was used, and by what occationes: 
which yff you compare with that the rayler hath caused mr. Fox to 
wryte, you shalt not find one sentense trewe. 


From Northampton, the xxx^ of January, 
the yeare off ower Salvation 1571. 

By me, Thomas Thackham. 

* John Bourn, mayor of Reading in 1546, 1547 and 1552 ; boigefls in parliament for 
the town 6 Edw. VI. and 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. 

•> ** Where you saye that after that daye you never sawe him, I saye agayn, the lease 
grace was in you, and the greater token it is that you had dealt Judasly with him; for 
ellos, seyng (as you saye) that you were Palmer's great frende, and that the keper was 
his speoiall good fk^nde and yours also, it maye be thought you were either wicked, or 
very colde and without godly zoale and charitie, that in all the space that he laye in that 
dongeon, you would neither visite him, nor finde meanes once to beholde him along, as 
Peter folowed Christ. But, alas ! Judas also never sawe Christes face after he had 
betrayed him." (Reply, f. 32.) 



In additjon to the pasat^ea of the Replj whith hare alreadj been given in 
the introduction and the notes, the foIloniDg inaj be appended, as containing a 
summary of the several points in dispute. The severity and acrimony of the 
writer has been already manifested; and perhaps vfe may in charity conclude 
that to a great eitent he wrote rather from zeal than knowledge, parliculwly 
tu he admits that he bad never bad any personal act] u sin lance with Thackham : — 

"Whether your aanswere be reproved or no, first reade this Replye, and 
understand of further profes that nre to be brought foorth, and then at length 
God graunt that you mnye Hpealte and professe aa your conscience liotbe and 
shall leade you to do ! And, if joti compare ynur awue wnrdee indifiercntly 
with the story, you Bhali the better and the aoner see your awne follye. 

" The ftorye aaytli thai Palmer clered hiniselfe from all aoche crymes as were 
objected against him. But you, to clere your awne selfe, doubt whether he 
clered himselfe or noe, nt the least you aaye that he did not so clere himselfe as 
the story reporteth, Bclykc, because you ore o pbisician, you have some other 
purgacion for him in store, if you might have your awne foorth. The storye 
aaytli that you and others presented certeyn letters against him, full sore 
against his will, that were written with his awne hand, wbiche letters bad bene 
by ecrtpyn enemyea of his stollen out of bis study, conteynjng soche malter 
against him, as wherby he was detected and first knnwen to the magegtratcs to 
be a protestant: you denye it, and lo make up your awne mouthe, you aaye 
that he wrote the letters of purpose to have theim shewed, and tbnt in dede you 
delyvered theim ; but though they were danngerous, yet he bi^sougbt you with 
I aamest sute and request lo be the instrument wherby bu might procure bis awne 
1 dealhe. The storye ahcweth honest causes of his last repayr to Readyng: you 
, liardiy (jn'r) to confute thesame,Bffirmjngthat hecamepurposelytoseeawoman 
for whome he had bene vehemently suspected, accueed, ponysshed, and froiu 
whose company althuugh he had bene by speciall commaundment forbydden by 
the maior, yet he coulde not kepe himself ten dayes together from cuniyng xviij 
myl«s to see her. The storye snytb, he was taken in an honest inne : you saye 
he was taken in a suspected house, from the wbiche he conld not absleyne or 
withbolde iiimselfe. The storye sayth that the maior was asbameil that he had 
executed ponyshment unjustly upon him by the intimocion and ante ofcerttryn 
uncharitable men : you saje those men were godly, and that the m^or was not 
nahamed, nor neded not to be oahnmed, of his doyoges. The story excuscth him 
of the adulterye that was blowon up upon him by the envyous popisles ; but you 
seme to augment that wicked suspicion, and, ns farre m you dure, you signely 
that he was giltle. The story uommendeth his simpllcitie, patience, and lung- 
tnimitie: you saye that be was a lighter, and coulde not sufler iiijutye, but 



refusing the ayde of publique authoritie, he CRught a pickforkc in hia hand, and 
ranne foonh lyke a madman, and wayted upon the high-wajes, eekyng private 
advcngement of his enemy. The storye saylh, that righteousnes' sake was the 
c«a»e of his deaths ; you saye that a letter whiche youdeljvcred was the cause 
of his dcathe. The story aayth he was betrayed by soche men as had bene his 
Jrendca: you saye it is not so, but he betrayed himself without any just cause, 
even when he might huve lyved quyetly to bis awne conscienoe. The story 
saytb he dyed a martir unto the Lorde ; you Mye in effect that he ended his 
life as a cast-awaye and wilfull destroyer of himselfe- To be short, the storie 
juatefieth the martir: jou, to justefie yourselfe, deface the martir. The storye 
aeketh to clere him whome God hathe clensed, yea, whume God bathe juateGed 
and glorefied : you seeke to deSle the Lordes anoyntcd, ahewyng yourselfe 
therein subject to the cursse of God, accordyng as it ia written. Plague ttieim, 
Lorde, that defyle tkg prieitkood. 

" Thui let all the chosen faithfull of the Lorde both in Rcadyng and out of 
Beadyng, to whose judgement herein I appenle, nnd by whouie the Bloriu tnaye 
stand or full, let theim I snye now testefy and pronounce who deaerveth the 
name and bathe playd the parte of a tlaunderer, who is the Iyer, who bathe 
rayled, &c." (f. 26-27.) 

Again, "You hide youraelfe proiierly among the bushes, thinkyng that thing 
to be matter sufficient to diacrediie the whole, and to clere the dymnes of your 
owne cause. But if shall please Gud to geve you the grace once Co heare his 
voycc, from among these thornuy thickettca, you shall tremble and quake, and 
beyng strokcn with contrie ion, and remorse of conscience, you will eiye peecaei. 
And thus I make an end, warnyng you yet once agayne, that if every thing in 
the story be not rehersed in socbe order as it was done, or that the due course 
of tyme and place be not thoroughly observed, it is not greatly material!, nor 
moche to be merveyled at, seyng that the gatherers of the stiirye were not 
present at the doynges, and the informers neither did nor collide so exactly 
instruct theim of the tymes, orders, and places as they wisshed. For the dayes 
were snchc that the godly whiche were hable more diligently to have observed 
circumatanees, durst not be preaent (very few excepted). And the gatherers 
thought it not expedient to counaayll with the dull, doubtfull and dissemblyng 
papistes. As well as they were hnble to do, they have done, and have not 
erred in the substaunce of the matter; if any defect bo founde in certeyn 
circumstances the want therof ahnlhe supplyed (I hope) in the next Edicion." 
(f. 27 b.) 

In the "Informations gathered at Reading, 1571," occur these paragraphs 
respecting Thackham's conduct in the reign of Mary : — 

" Thackham protested in the pulpytt in the begynnynge of queen Marie 


reigne that he would seale his doctrine with his blud, and stand to it even unto 
deathe. Yet afterwards he shranke backe, and sajd that he would never be 
minister agayne." 

But soon afler he is stated to have contributed to the performance of the 
popish service : — 

" Wjlliam Djblye wjtnesseth that Thackam brought into the church leaves 
of olde popishe service, and that he with others dyd helpe to patche together 
the bookes, and to sing the fjrst Latin even-songe in the churche of St. 

These charges receive some support from the records of the parish of St. 
Lawrence. In the churchwardens' book in 1553 is a memorandum of a desk 
left **in the hands of mr. Thackham, being vicar," and in 1554, *^Rec^ of 
Thomas Thackham for his wifes seate vj<*." In 1559 (this is after Elizabeth's 
accession) the following entries occur in the parish accounts : — 

" Item, paid to Thackham for iiii. salter bookes, vj«. 

" To Thackham, for one month's service, vj* viij**. 

" To mr. Thackham, for ij weeks service, v»." (Ibid. pp. 224, 225.) 

From these entries it appears probable that Thackham continued to officiate 
at St. Lawrence's throughout the reign of Mary. 

There was a Thomas Thackham presented to the rectory of St. Mary at 
Wilton, by Henry earl of Pembroke in 1572, and to that of Hilpington, by Joan 
Longe, widow, in 1573. (Wiltshire Institutions, printed by Sir R. C. Hoare.) 

There was a second Thomas Thackham master of Reading school in 1662 : 
he was born in 1619, being the son of Thomas Thackham and Susanna Wood- 
cock, who were married in 1617. See further of him in Coates's History of 
Reading, pp. 342, 343. 

There was a Thomas Thackham married at St. Mary's Reading in 1697, and 
a-Francis Thackham of Oakingham in 1722. (Ibid. p. 127.) 

Note. — Among the errors in Strype^s copy of Thackham's defence, ifl that of misreading 
the date at its close, (p. 128,) as 1572 instead of 1571. This error occurs in the Eccleai- 
astical Memorials, vol. iii. p. 356 and p. 862. 



The partial publication of the following anecdotes has made Edward Under- 
bill well known as an actor and relater of the events of his time. From the 
pages of Strype his name has passed into those of Miss Strickland and others 
of our popular historians, whilst in Mr. Ainsworth's romance of " The Tower of 
London *' we see " the hot Gospeller " — as by his own testimony he was called, 
again presented to our acquaintance, and resuming his busy and zealous part. 

The writer's grandfather, John Underbill, originally of Wolverhampton, 
acquired, in the year 1509, a lease for eighty years from sir Ralph Shirley, of 
the manor of Eatington, in Warwickshire, having married Agnes, daughter and 
heir of Thomas Porter, a former lessee of that manor in the reign of Henry VI. 
John lefl issue, I. Edward, who in 1541 had a fresh lease of the manor of 
Eatington from the Shirleys, for the term of one hundred years, and whose 
posterity continued at that place*; 2. Thomas, of Honingham, in the same county. 

Thomas Underbill, of Honingham, married Anne, daughter of Robert 
Winter, of Hudington, co. Worcester, and died before the 36th Hen. VIII., 
when the estate of Honingham was sold by bis son Edward, the author of the 
ensuing autobiography. 

Edward Underbill exchanged the life of a country gentleman for that of a 
soldier and courtier. In 1543 be served as a man-at-arms under sir Richard 
Crumwell, captain of the horsemen in the contingent sent to assist the emperor 
in the siege of Landreci, in Hainault ; and in the following year, when king 
Henry went to Boulogne, sir Richard procured for Underbill a nomination 
among the men-at-arms who were embodied to attend upon bis majesty*s person, 
being a band of two hundred, attired in a uniform of red and yellow damask, 
with the bards of their horses and their plumes of feathers of the same colours* 

At the revival of the band of Gentlemen Pensioners, in 1539, Edward Under- 
bill was appointed one of its first members, and he continued to serve in it at 
the period of the ensuing anecdotes. 

» The pedigree is printed in the Collectanea Topogr. et Genealogica, vol. vi. p. 382. 


In the year 1549 he a second time went to France on military service, ac- 
companying the army of six thousand men sent under the command of the earl 
of Huntingdon, to check the French, who were then aiming at the recapture of 
Boulogne. On this expedition Underhill served as comptroller of the ordnance. 

His subsequent history, except as connected with the religious persecution 
which forms the subject of the ensuing narrative, is merely that of domestic 
life. lie had taken in marriage, in the year 1545, the daughter of a citizen of 
London, of an obscure and unknown family. It is difficult to ascertain the 
orthography of her maiden name ; but according to the most credible account 
she appears to have been Joan, daughter of Thomas Perrynes.» She presented 
master Underhill with five sons and seven daughters*^, of whose births the 
following full particulars have been preserved:*: 

1. Anne, borne on St. John's day in Chrystmas 1548. 

2. Chrystyan, borne the 16 of September 1548. 

3. Elenor, borne the x^** of November in A° 1549. 

4. Rachae^l, borne the 4 of February 1551. 

5. Unyca, borne on Palmes Sonday (April 10) 1552. 

6. Gylford, borne the xiij of July in A** 1553, and dyed yong. (This was the 
godson of Queen Jane, as related in the ensuing pages, and named after 
her husband the lord Guildford Dudley.) 

7. Anne, borne the 4 of January 1554. 

8. Edward, 2. son and now heyre, was borne the 10 of February 1555. 

9. John, 3. son, died yong in A° 1556. 

10. Prudence, borne in A° 1559, and dyed yonge. 

11. Henry, 4. son, borne the 6th of September in A<» 1561. 

On "The xiiij of April (1562) was buried at St. Botulph without Aldgate, 
mistress Underhill, with a dozen of scucheons of arms; and there did preach 
for her — ^" one whose name is not recorded.** 

In two pedigrees (Vincent 126, f. 25, and MS. Ilarl. 1 167) Edward Underhill 

■ It is Perrynea in G.ll Coll. Ann., Perynea iu H.12 Coll. Arm., Peromcs in MS. 
Harl. 810 ; Perrins in MS. Harl. 1167 ; and Price in MSS. Ilarl. 1100 and 1563. In 
Dugdale*8 Warwickshire, edit. Thomas, p. 607, it is printed Percones. Underhill himnclf 
has written the name Speryne, hereafter, p. 153. 

•> Thomases Dugdale's Warw. ut supra, on the authority of a pedigree sho^-n to Cooke, 
Chester herald, at Warwick, July 16, 1564. 

« MS. Ilarl. 810, f. 9. 

** Machyn's Diary, p. 280. The arms of Underhill were, Argent, on a chevron between 
three trefoils slipped vert three bezants ; quartering Porter, Sable, three bells argent, a 
canton ermine. "Thus by Clarencyeulx Uarvy." (MS. Harl. 810, p. 9.) An old seal of 
the Underhill family now in the possession of Evelyn Philip Shirley, esq. M.P. of Katington 
Park, displays the coat of Underhill without bezants, and for crest a buck trippant. 


is styled **of Bath Kington." This was not improbably Baggington near 
Coventry, to which neighbourhood he mentions his removal, in p. 171. The 
date of his death has not been ascertained. 

The following anecdotes were written after the storm which fired the spire 
of St. PauPs cathedral in June 1561. Portions of them were introduced by 
Strype in his Memorials of Cranmer, book ii. chapter vii. and book iii. chapter 
xvii., and a further portion in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. book i. 
chapter vi. Foxe had not made any use of them; but he had published a pre- 
vious communication from the writer, being an anecdote of king Edward*8 
inquiries respecting ** good Saint George," made at on the feast of the Garter 
in 1551, when Underbill and his fellow pensioners were waiting in the presence- 
chamber at Greenwich (see the Appendix). 

(MS. Harl. 425, f. 85.) 

jReceaved of M, Vnderyll, hya examinations, 

A NOTE off the examjmacyon and impresonmenttoff Edwarde Undere- 
hylle, sone and heyre off Thomas Underhylle, off Honyngham,in 
the countie off Warwy eke, (gentleman, altered to) esquire, beynge 
off the bande off the pencyoners, for a ballett that he made 
agaynst the papistes, immediately after the proclamacyone of 
quene Mary att London, she beynge in Norfoulke. 

The next daye after the quene was come unto the Tower,* the 
foresayde ballett ^ came unto the handes off secretary Borne,*' who 
strayte wayes made inquiry for me the sayde Edwarde, who dwelled att 
the Lymehurst;* wiche he having intellygence off, sentt the shreffe 

* The queen came to the Tower on the 3rd of AuguBt, 1558 : see Machyn^B Diary, p. 38. 

^ This ballad is perhaps not to be identified, even if a copy should chance to be in 
existence. It appears, however, from what passed before the council, that it was printed 
and published, and that the authority of Tyndale was asserted in it (see p. 140). Underbill 
afterwards mentions that be had written a ballad against dicers. One of his poetical pro- 
ductions will be found at the close of his anecdotes. 

c Sir John Bourne, of whom Underbill gives some remarkable anecdotes hereafter. 

d Limehouse was at this period a hamlet in the parish of Stepney. It was constituted a 
distinct parish by act of parliament in 1730. Its earlier name was Limehurst, as Under- 
bill writes it, and as we are told by Stowe, in whose time " Radcliffe itself hath also been 
increased in building eastward (in place whereof I have known a large highway with £ur 
elm trees on both sides,) that the same hath now taken hold of Lime-hurst, or Llme*hoBt, 
corruptly called Limehouse, sometime distant a mile from Ratcliffe."' Snnray of London. 



of Mydellsex,' with a company off bylles and gleves, who came unto 
my housse, I beynge in my bedde, and my wyffe newly leaydc in 
ohylde-bedde. The hygh constable, whose name is Thgmas Ive, 
dwelled alt the next bouae unto me the sayde Edwarde, whome the 
shreffe brought also with hym ; he beynge ray very ffrende, desyred 
the aiircffe and his company to staye withowte ffor i'ryghtynge off 
my wyffc, bcyng newly leyde ; and he wolde goo fcche me unto hym, 
who knokede Btt the doore saynge he must speke with me. 1 lyinge 
BO nere that I mygbt here hym, called unto hym, wyllynge hym to 
come unto me, lor thatthe was alwuyea my veryefrende and earnest 
in the Gospelle; who declared unto me that the shrefl'e, with a greate 
company with hym, weare sentt for me. WLereuppon I rose, made 
me redy, and came unto hym demaundynge what he wolde with 
me. " Sir, (sayde he,) I have comniaundementt fromme the coun- 
celle to aprehende yow, and forthewiili to brynge yow tmto them." 
" Why, (aayde ],) it is now x off cloke in the nyght, ye cannott 
now cary me unto them." "No, syr, (sayde he,) you shall go with 
me to my house, to London, wheare yow shall have a bedde, and 
to-morrowe I wyll brynge yow unto them att the Tower." " In the 
name of God!"" (sayde I,)andso wentt with hym, requyryng hym yff 
I myght understande the cause. He sayde, he knew none. "This 
nededc not then, (sayde 1;) any one meaenger myght have feched 
me unto them ;" suspectynge the cause to be, as it waa indede, the 

On the morrow, the shreffe, seynge me nothynge disraayde, 
thynkyng it to be sume lyght matter, wentt nott wyth me hymselfe 
butt sent me unto the Tower wyth too of his men, waytpige upon me 
with two bylles, presoner-lyke, who brought me unto the councell 
chamber, beynge comaundyd to delyver me unto secretary Bourne, 

Thus standynge waytynge at the councelle chamber doore, too or 

• Sir Wiiliini Oimfd. aflerwarili loril in 
» " In the name of God !" ui eitns.gBii 

a Maeiijn'i Diuy, 


thre oflF my fellowes the pency oners, and my cosyn jarmene Gilbarte 
Wynter," jentylman ussher unto the ladye Elizabethe, stoode 
talkynge with me. In the meanetyme commithe sir Edwarde 
Hastynges^, newly made master oflF the horse to the quene, and 
seyng me standynge there presoner, frownynge earnestly uppon 
me, sayde, **Are yow cume? we wylle talke with yow or yow 
parte, I warrantt yow," and so went into the councell. With that 
my fellowes and kynsemane shranke away from me as men greately 

I dide then parseave the sayde s)rr Edwarde bare in remembraunce 
the contraversy thatt was bytwyxt hym and me in talke and questions 
off relegyone att Callis, when the ryght honorable the yerle off 
Huntyngetune ^ his brother wentt over generalle off vj, thowsande 
men, with whom I wentt the same tyme and was comtroler off the 

* UnderhilPs mother, as already mentioned, was Anne, daughter of Robert Winter, 
who had an elder brother Gilbert, named in the pedigree of Winter, MS. Harl. 1566, f. 
108 b. : but the Gilbert Winter of the text does not occur in that pedigree. 

b Sir Edward Hastings was a younger brother to Francis earl of Huntingdon ; knighted 
by the duke of Somerset in the Scotish campaign of 1547. He had been one of Under- 
hill's comrades in the band of gentlemen pensioners (as hereafter mentioned, p. 144.) 
Having signalised his activity in promoting the accession of queen Mary, he was made her 
master of the horses in July 1553 ; a knight of the Garter 1555 ; lord chambeiiain on 
the 25th Dec. 1557 ; and created lord Hastings of Loughborough on the 19th Jan. 
following. He died without issue in 1572. See copious memoirs of him in Nichols's 
History of Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 577, together with an engraving of his figure in stained 
glass at Stoke Pogeis, co. Bucks, which is also given in Gough's Sepulchral Monuments. 

<^ Francis second earl of Huntingdon 1544, K.G. 1549, died 1561. He married Ka- 
tharine Pole, daughter and co-heir of Henry lord Montagu; and the royal blood (of 
Clarence) thus derived to his heir apparent Henry lord Hastings, attracting the ambitious 
regard of John Dudley duke of Northumberland, led that aspiring man to court his alliance. 
Lord Hastings was married to the lady Katharine Dudley at the same time as lord Guild > 
ford Dudley espoused the lady Jane Grey. This led to the temporary imprisonment of 
the earl of Huntingdon and his son at the accession of Mary, but the queen soon released 
them, probably from regard to sir Edward Hastings. The son's imprisonment was very 
short, for we are told that when the earl of Arundel brought the duke of Northumberland 
to the Tower on the 25th of July, he " discharged the lord Hastings, and had him away 
with him.*^ The carl received two pardons, dated the 4th Nov. and 8th Dec. 1 Mary, and 
lord Hastings another. (Nicholses Leicestershire, iii. 580, 583.) 



srdjnttunce." The earle beynge veseted with ayknes when he came 
thethcr, for tliatt I weott over in liia company, and could pley and 
eynge to the lute, tberwitli to pass awaye the tynie on the nyghles 
beynge lounge, for we wentt over in the Cristmas, wolde have me 
with hym in his chamber, and hadde also a greato delypht to heare 
hb brother reasone with me in matters of rekgione, who wolde be 
very hotc when I dide ovci'ley hym with the textca oif the screptiire 
ooncernynge the naturalle presens of Crist in thesacritmentt of the alter, 
and wolde sweare greate othes, specyally *' by the Lord's foote," thatt 
after the words sjwkyne by the prist ther remayned no breade, but 
the natiirallo body thatt Mary bare. " Naye, then it inuste needes 
be so, (wolde I saye,) and ^ yow prove it with souclie othes." 
Whereatt the earle woldo lawghe hartely, sayinge, "Brother, geve 
hym over ; Undcrhylle is to(o) goode for yow." Wherwith he wolde 
be very angrye. The greatest bolde thatt he toko was off the 
thyrde off John, uppon those wordes, "And no mane aasendithe 
upe to heavine butt he thatt came downe from heavene, thatt is to 
saye, the sone of mane wiche is in heaven." I drove hym from the 
vj'*' off John, and all other places thatt he coulde aleage; but frome 
this be wolde nott be removed, butt thatt those wordes proved bis 
naturalle body to be in heaven and in the sacramentt also. I tolde 
hjrm he as grosely understode Cryst as Nieodemus dyde in the same 
piace, off beynge borne anew; in my oppinnione any mane that is 
nott gevyne upc of God mayo be satysfydc concemynge the naturalle 
presence in the supper of the Lorde, by the goapell off saynt Jolin, 

' Wbilsl Boulo^e ilill retDtined in the powraaioa of an English gnrriun, Ilie French 
" placed tliii Rbioegraie, nitb diven regimenU of Alouini, lincequeuets, ind certain 
entigni of French, to Iha nmnbarof foor orfivB thiiuaand, in the lown of Morguison, miJ- 
waj between Bulloina and Caluia, to impeach all intervuurae between the two plocoB. 
Whenipau the king of England oauied all the slrangen Ibat had acrved the jear [in Eng- 
land] sgRitut the rehati, to the number of 2,000, to be trannported to Calais, and to them 
were added 3,000 Engliih, nnder the command of Fnnols earl of Hanlingdon and sir 
Edward Hasting* hii brother, to dulodge the French, or other viae to anno; them." 
(Uajword'a Life and Keign of Edward VI.} The negocialiona ■hoitl; after cniued 
which ended in the mrrender of Boulogna. '' i. '. if. 

CAUD. 80C. T 



redynge from tKe fyrst chapter unto tLe ende off tlie xvij*"", with t' 
witnes of the first of the Acte3 of the Apostles, off CrUt'a assencyonej 
and coniynge agaync, yff ever he wilbe satiafyde, withowte the liealpc 
of any doctors. 

Uudoutedly the aprehendynge off me was for this matter; butt 
the grcatc mercy off God so provided for me thatt mr. Haatynges 
was not att my examynacyonc, for taryjnge thus att the councelle 
chamber doore, doctor Coxka" was within, who came fortlie, and 
was sent to the Marshalsc; then came forthe the lordc rcrais,'' and 
was committed to the Tower; thene it was dyunar tyme, and all 
weare commaunded to departe untylle after dynnar. 

My too waytynge mcne and I wente to ane alehowseto dynnar, and, 
loungynge to know my pajne, I made hast to gett to the councelle 
chamber doore, that I myght be the fyrat. Immcdiatly as the(y) 
hadde dyned, secretarye Bourne came to the doore, lookyngc as the 
wolffe dothe for a lambe, unto whome my too kepers delyvered me, 
standynge next unto the doore, for iher was moo behyndeme. Hetoke 
me in gredely, and auhutc to the doore ; Icvynge nic at the netlier ende 
of the chamber, he went unto the councelle, showynge them off me, 
and then beckoned me tocorae neare. Then theybegayne the table and 
sett them downe; the earle of Bedfordc<l sat as chefest uppermoste 

■ Richard Coid, then ienn of Wdlmimler and ■Iterwu'ilB bisbop of EI7, who hod been 
HhoolinuUr tad almoner to the late king Edwud. Underbill lUtea hereafter Hut tbe 
Gth dF August wiu the da; when be wu cisuined and oammitied to prison : and Uie 
accorac; of wbal he here relates witb regard Id drKtor Cone and lord Pcrren wiil be Tound 
conHniied in tlaobyn'a Diary at p. 36 : doctor Coie wu cammitted Id the urae lodgings 
n Ibe prbon ol the Hanholiea whiab had bfen Ibe ume ilaj vacated bjbisbnp Bonner, 
M lUtEd bj Machjn, and al» in a letter iiuerted in The Chronicle el Queen Jane and 
Queen Maij, p. 15. 

" Walter Ferrer*, firat ybcount Hereford, » created in 1519-BO ; bat bo Mill oin- 
tinned to be called ■' lord Perrji," >. e. tbe lonl Ferren of Chartle;, aa here in tba text; 
and by Mach;n in The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 2«-. and by Siswe 
on tbe wnie ocoaiion. Ho had married the lady Mary Qny, grcal-aunt to the Udy 
JiiDB. He wairelEMtd from the Tower on the eib of September, "with a great fine." 
(Machin. p. iS.) 

• John Runell. fint carl nt Bedford, who bad bevn appointed lord privy teal by Henty 
Till, in 1G12, and continued in IhM office until hit deaib, March 14, lEGl-G. 



tippon the benche; next unto liym theearle of Sussex'; next him syr 
Ryohnrde Southwellc"; on the s_yde nexte me sate the yearle of 
Anindell"; uext hym the lorde Pagetf*; by them stood syr John 
Guge, then constable of the Tower ■; the earlc of Bathe ^; and mv. 
Masone"; att the bordea ende stoode sargant Morgane,* that after- 
wardea died mad'Ic, and secretary Borne; the lorde Wenthworthe ' 
stood in the baye wyndoo, talkyng with one alle the whyle of my 
examynacyone, whome I knew nott. 

• Thomu Ratctiffe, iieBOad earl of Sunex 1512—1556.7, K.Q. 15S4. He wu 
caplaia of the band of gentleman peniionEn, u Underbill atterwarila raentioni. Bee 
note on him in Machyn'ii Dim-;, p. Z55. 

^ Sir Riebsrd SoQtbwell, before tnentioaed in thii Tolunie b; archdeitcon Laiitbs, 
(p. 41,) bad Dot been employed in the rciga of Edward VI. but gave his zenloiu adherenos 
Id queen Maiy. Sj lettera patent dalod 4 Deo. lnS3, he received a yearly penaion of 
100/. for hia eervicM against the dnke ot NorthuniberLmd, (Rjmer. it, 355.) 

•^ Henry FiU-Alan, lost carl of ArundeJ of his name 1513-1571). K.G. 1513. He waa 
restored, on the aecessian of Mar), to his office ofgnsBt master of the household, of wliich 
he had been deprived in favour of the dnke of North umbcrUnd. 

' William lord Fagot, also restored la bvour and fortune bj the an^euion of queen 
Mu7, after be bad been degraded from the order of Ibe Qsrter In the reign at Edward VL 
Qaeen Marj made him lord priij seal June S9, 1555-0. 

' See note in Klaebyn's Diar;, p. 319, He was constaMo of the Tower of London 
from 1S4D until liis death in 1550, and lord chamberiain from queen Mark's accmioa 
in 1553. 

' John Dourchier. scoond earl of Bath 1539— 15(!0. 

> Sir John Masan. tomelimc secrelarj for the French tongue. 

>> Richard Morgan, autumn reader at the Middle Temple and at Linooln's Inn 1516, 
called to the degree of 1,517. He waa nolorioon aa a lenlous Romanist in 
Ihe reign of Kdward, and with air Anlhonj Browne wu sent la the Fleet on the 22nd 
Haroh, ISSO-l, "for boanng maaa." (King Edward's Journal, p. 31U.] He waa 
made lord chief justice of the common pleas Sept. 5, 1553, and knighted on the morrow 
ofthecoronatian of queen Mbt;, Oct. 2 rnliowing. Ilia name Is locmorable in hiator; as 
haling preuded at the condemnation of the lud; Jane : and Holintbed and Poxe both 
relate that "Judge Morgan, tliat gave (he sentence against htr, sbortljt niter fell mad, and 
in hja iSTlng ciyed continosllTe to have the ladie Jane taken away from him, and aa 
ended bia life." Hia funeral at St. Magnua London Bridge, on the 2nd June, 1551, will 
be found desorihed in Maubjn'a Diary, p. 106. 

■ Thomas ai 

ind lord Wentworth 1552—1 590. He wu lord deputy of Call 

[ loM in 166T: see hia trial thereon in Haehjm's Diary, p. IDS. 


Me lorde off Bedforde (beynge my very firende, for thatt my 
chaunce was to be att the recoverynge off his sone me lorde 
Russelle,* when he was caste into Temes agaynst the Lymehurst; 
whome I caryed to my howse and gott hym to bedde, who was in 
greate parelle off hys lyff, the wether beynge very colde ;) wolde 
not seme to be famelyare with me, nor called me nott by my name, 
butt sayde, " Come hither, surray,** dydd nott yow sett forthe a 
ballett of late in printe?" I kneled downe, sayinge " Yesse, truly, 
my lorde; is thatt the cause I am called before your honors ?'' 
" Eae, mary,c (sayde secretary Bourne,) yow have one off them 
abowte yow, I am sure." " Naye, truly have I nott/' sayde I. 
Then toke he one owt of his bosome, and reade it over distynkly, 
the councelle gevynge diligentt eare. When he hadde endide, 
** I trust, me lordes, (sayd I,) I have not offendid the queen's 
majestic in this ballett, nor spokyne agaynst her title, but mayn- 
tayned it." ** No have, syr, (sayde Morgane,) yesse I cane devide 
your ballett, and make a distynkcyon in it, and so prove att the 
leaste sedicyon in it." *' Eae, syr, (sayde I,) yow mene off lawe 
wylle make off a matter whatt ye list" " Loo ! (sayde syr Eycharde 
Southwelle,) howe he cane gyve a taunte. Yow mayntayne the 
quene's title, with the healpe off ane arantt herytyke, Tyndale." 
'' Yow speake of papistes ther, syr, (sayd mr. Masone,) I praye yow, 
how defyne yow a papist? " I loked uppon hym, tumynge towardes 
hym, for he stoode on the syde of me, *' Why, syr, (sayde I,) it is 
nott lounge syns you could defyne a papist better than I." With 
thatt some off them secretly smyled, as the lorde off Bedforde, 
Arundelle, Sussex, and Pagett. In greate haste syr John Gage 
toke the matter in hande. ** Thow callest mene papist ther (sayd 
he). Who be they thatt thow jugest to be papistes?" I sayde, 
*' Syr, I do name no mane ; nor I come nott hether to accuse any, 
nor none I wylle accuse; butt your honors do knowe thatt in this 

* Francis lord Russell : see p. 145 hereafter. ^ Sirrah. 

* roarry, i. e, by Mary. 



contravcrsy thatt hathe byn sumo be called papistes and Bume 
pratcslaynes," " Butt we mustt knowe whome tliow jugest to be 
papUtes, and thatt wo coinmaunde thee uppon tliyne alegcns to 
declare." " Syr, (sayde I,) I thynkc yff yow loke amonge the 
pristes in Poolles, ye sball fyode some old mumsymussis' ther." 
" SIuinsymussiB, knave, (sayde he,) mumsymussia ? thou arte an 
herytike knave, by God's bloude!" " Ee, by masc!'' (sayea the 
earle of Eaythe,) I warrantt hym ane heritike knave in dede." " I 
beseche your honorea, (aaydc I, spekynge to the lordes thatt satt ott 
the table, for those other stode by and weare not then of the coun- 
cclle,) be my goode lordes ; I have offeudid no lawes, and I have 

• Thin waa ■ tonn proverb inll; applied to tboae wbo were iaietenle anppoKen of 
ancienl enon, and >Btisfled in old auge diJ net care lo inquire further. TjndaJe, in bit 
Prsotice of PrclBte* 1S30, apeulu of "mumpHmiiHs of divinity" UDung the doclora 
HUramoned to diipate upon tbe kiat;'s divorce from queen Kathsrine. lAtimer introducHIhe 
term in two of hi> lermoiu: in that preached on the first Suodajr in Ad>eDtl652, — " wh<D 
mj nei^boar i> taught, and knoweth the truth, and wilt not believe It, but will abide in 
hia old num^'oiM), then," &c., and in tbal preached an SexBgedma Sandnj fbllawing, — 
" Bomo be Mj obUiuata in their old ntunjui'iniu, that tbe; cannot abide the true doctrine 
ot God." And king Henry himsetf, in bit lut speech to parliament, made in 1545, lel 
forth the import of the term verjr plainly -. " I see and heare dayly (he remarked) that 
yuu at the clergy preach one agajnat an other, tench one contrary lo an other, inveigh one 
aguyiiil an other, without charity or diacreliod. Some bs lootliltin their old mtunpiimud, 
oilier be too biny and curioui in their new jum/iiimiu. Thue all men almoil be in variety 
and discord, Bod few or none do preach tmely and sincerely the word of God, Bucording 
as Ihey ought to do.*' tipon which paaaage Foie makes the fallowing comment : " Princea 
which exhort to concord and charitie doe well, but princes wliicb soeke out the causa of 
discord, and refonne the same, do much better. The Papist and Proteataut, Heretick and 
Pharisee, the old Mumpiimiuini the newe Sampiimia, be terms of variance and dinention, 
and be ([ grsunt) lynfoniufii of a sore wound in the common wealth," &a. The term 
may bo traced up so early as 1617, when Richard Pace, in his treatise " De fnictu qui » 
doctriniL percipltnr," tells a story of an ignorant Eoglish priest who for thirty yean 
together had read mumpiimui in his breviary Instead of nmpiiwuu, and when a learned 
mati told him of hia blunder reptied, *' I'll not change my old mumptiiavt for your new 
/nunpiimail" " Quidam indoctus aacrificus Anglo* per annus Iri^uta munpiimm legeie 

Se nolle mutare iumn antiquum nmnijiiiiiiiu ipsiui novo lumpn'miu." Paceus, De fruetu 
qui ea d^nrinl perolpltur liber. Uasil, ISIT, p. SO, 

<" ■' By the niaas," an ordinary mode of assoveration with Uoman Calholica. 


earved tUe quenes majesties fatter and her brotlier lounge tyme, and 
in ther sarvia have spentt and consumed parte off ray lyvynge, never 
havynge as yett any prefcrmcntt or recompence, and the real off 
[my] felowa lykewyse, to ower utter undoyngcs, unless the quenes 
hyghnca be goode unto us; and ffor my parte, I wentt nott forthe 
agaynst her majestie, notwithstandynge thatt I was coramaundid, nor 
lyked those doynges." " No, butt with your wrytynges you wolde 
Bctt us together by the earea," saythe the yearle of Arundcllc. ' ' He 
hathe spentt hys levynge wantonly," saythe Bourne, "and now 
saythe he hathe spentt it in the kynges sarvis; wiche I nm sory ffor. 
He is cume of a worahipefutle howae in Worsetershere." " It ia 
untruly sayde off yow (sayde I,) thatt I have spentt my levyng 
wantonly, for I never consumed no parte theroff untylle I came 
into the kyngea sarvis, whiche I do not repentt, nor do u ted 
off recompence, yff ether of my too masters hadde leved. I parseave 
yow Borne's sone of Worscter," who was bcholdon unto my uncle 

■ air John Booma, probablj u being known to be a. stsaab &nd iwloua Roaianitt, WM 
mitetl to sudden eminence on the acceuian ot Mbtj. He vu knigtited on Uie moirow of 
lier coronation, October 2, 1GS3; and [icenxKl to keep /ortj retunen. He oontinned 
■eorelBij through Marjr'a reigD, *nd figures frequently in llie pages of Foxe, who temu liim 
"a chief itirer of perset-utioiu." Thore ia no pedigree of Bourne in the viutiitioi] of 
Woreeelenbire, and one in IhM (or the countj arSoincrMt, 1623, doe* not give the name 
of the hther of ur John DoDme. Biittenhall near Worcnier, a manor and park, formerlj 
the countrj naidenco of the prior* of Wnreoster, vaa granted to sir John Bourne in 30 
l!enT7 VIII., uid >o1d by his nn Anthonj in 13 Elii. It appean from Naah'a Wurcea- 
tenhire (ii. 201) that the nune of urJahn'a wife, nho bii«alt«adr occurred in p. eS of the 
prnent Talamo, waa Dorothy. In the reign of Eliiabelh air John Bourne, who nm 
ateward of the obBroh of Worcester, entered Into great disputes with the new Protcalaut 
biihop, Edwin Sandya, whirb led lo varioas fmjt in Worcester, and evenlually la air 
Johu's impriaonmunt (or six or seven weeka in the Maishalsea: of the particutara, full 
dotoUa will be found in the Hnt lolnme of Sli^pa'a Annals. Sir John died in 1GS3, 
leaving hia nlatos to his son Anthony (sUo mentioned in p, GS), and who waa leated at 
tloll Caitie, once the rcaidenw of the lords Bcanchunp of Holt ; but which, with m««t 
of hia Dthar estates, he sold to lord chancellor Bromley. Naab (ii. 81 1) terma him the 
" unfortunate son " of air John. He tigum in (he ftaya with "the hiahop'a boy* " above 
noticed. One of his daughlcn and cotidn waa married to air Herbert Croft. Gilbeit 
Bourne, made bishop of Balli and Weill by queen Mury in IflDl, (after having been ■ 


Wynter," and therforeyow have no cause to be my enemy; noryow 
never knew me, nor I yow before now, wiche is to Boone." " I 
haveliarde inoughoffyow," saydc lie. " So have I offyow, (sayde 
I,) how that mr. Sheldone ** diave you oute off Worseterehire 
for your behavyoure." 

With thatt came 3yr Edward Hastyngea from the quene in greate 
hast, saynge, " Mc lordca, yow must sett all thynges apartc, and 
come forthwitli to tlie quene." Then sayde the earle of Sussex, 
" Have this gentleman unto the Flete untyll wc naaye talko farther 
with him," although I was "knave" before off mr. Gage. " To the 
Flete? {sayde mr.Southewcll,} have hym to the Marshalse." " Have 
the gentleman to Newgate, (saythe mr. Gage agayne;) call a couple 
of the garde hero." " Ee, (saythe Borne,) and ther shalbe a letter 
sentt to the keper howe he shall use hym, for we have other maner 
off matters to hym then these." " So hadd ye nede, (sayde I,) or 
else I care nott for yow." " Delyver hym to mr. Garctt the shreffe, 
(sayde he,) and byddehym send hym to Newgate." "Me lorde," 
sayde I unto me lorde of Arundello, for thatt he was nexte to me as 
they weare ryaynge, " I trust yow wylle not se me thus used to he sende 
to Newgate; I am nother theffe nor trayter." " Ye are a noughtie 

!T to ur John : he left bii 
!■ or WivelBOomhe in ! 
Jenut, and Cuun'a Li 


canon of Worceater from 1G11,) wuton of Philip 
to hii brother Richud, from whoio desconded the Bodtt 
■hire. OrhlmmemoinuL'girenin Woud't AtbonxOio 
Biifaops ot Bath and Wells. 

• Robart Winter of Wjcb, co. Worcntsr, bj bia ucond wife Kalliarine, daughter of ilr 
Qeorge Tbroakmartoii, had irauo George, who marriod Jans daughter of lir William 
Ingleby of Riploj, co. York; which George Winter wai npparentlj Ihe nnrle to vhoni 
Dnderiiill alluda. 

* Tbefomiljof Sheldon had at tbli period ipread into severnl bran chea, and it iadiffioott 
to identify Ibo gcDtleman named in the text. See the pedigree of thia snoieut «nd long 
mduring honte in Nuh'i Worcutcnbire, *ol. i. p. 64. Moat probably, however, the 
irriter allude* to William Sheldon of Bcolej ctqoire, who died it bii houK called Skillea 
in WariFickabire. 23 Dec. 1573, and wat brought to Beolej and there buried; baring 
married for hi> aecond wife Margnret danghler (o >ir Richard Brooke lord chief barun, 
widow of William Whorwood Bttomoy. general to Henry VIII., which Har^SKt la buried 
■t St. Thomw ApoaUe'i London. ( W»rc. MS. llirl. 1352, 1. 38.) 



fellow, (saydehe;) you wearealwayes tutynge in the duke of North- 
umberlandes eare, thalt you weare." " J wolde he hadd gevyue 
better eare unto me, (sayde I ; } itt hadde nott byne with hym then 
as it ia now.*" Mr. Hastyngoa'' passynge by me, I thought goode to 
prove hym, although he thretnede before none (noon). " Syr, (sayde 
I,) I praye yow speake for me thalC I be nntt e-^ade unto Newgate, 
butt rather unto the Flctc, wicho was first namedc; I have nott 
offended; lama jentylmanc, as yow know, and one of yourfcllowes 
when you weare off tliatt bands off the pcncyonara." Very quyetly 
he sayde unto me, " I waa nott att the talke, mr. Underehylle, and 
therfore I cane saye nothynge to it," butt I thynke he was welle 
content with the place I was apointed to. So went I forthe with 
my too fellowes of the garde, who weare gladd they hadde the 
leadynge off me, for they weare greate papiates. " Wtere is thatt 
knave the printer?" sayde mr. Gage. " I know nott," sayde I. 

When we came to the Tower gate, wheroff ayr John Abryges hadd 
the charge" and his brother mr. Thomas, with whome I waa well 
aquaynted, butt nott with syr John; who, seynge they t(w)o off the 
garde leadynge me withowte ther halbartes, rebuked them, and 
staydc me whyle they wentt for ther lialbartes. His brother sayde 
unto me, " I am sory yow shuldo be ane offender, mr, Undcrhylle." 
" I am none, syr, (sayde I,) nor I went nott agaynste the quene." 
" I am glade of thatt," sayde he. 

And so forthe we wentt at the gate, where was greate throunge 
off people to heare and se whatt presonara weare committed, and 
amoungst whomo stoode my frende mr. Ivo, the hygh constable, ray 
next neyghboure. One off the garde wentt forthe att the wokcd before 

■ Tbs duka < 

* sir Edward Hutings, 

• Sir John BrjdgM wm made lieDtcnant of Uio Tower npnn the acoemon of queen 
Muxy. «ud she creatud him lord Cbnndoi of Sudeli^ in April 1061. He wm ■ui<c«xled 
u liHulBDiiTil. in the following Jane, by hit brother Tliomag, who hid pre%-ioiiiily aniated 
him In the dutiea oT the oSiee. (See the Cbrouicle ot Queen J>ne >nd Queen Muj, pp. 
18. 63, 67, 78.) 


me to t^ke me by the arme, the other helde me by the other arme, 
fearjmge be lyke I wolde have shifted frome them amongst the 
people. When my frende sawe me thus leade, who hadd wachede 
att the gate all the forenoone, he followed afarre off, as Peter dide 
Crist, to see what shulde become off me. Many also followed, sum 
thatt knewe me, some to lame whatt I was, for thatt I was in a 
gowne of sattene. 

Thus passed we thorow the stretes welle accompanyed unto 
mr. Garett the shereffe's howse in the stokes-markett My frende 
mr. Ive tarryed at the gate. These t(w)o off the garde declared 
unto mr. shreffe thatt they weare commaunded by the councelle to 
delyver me unto hym, and he to sende me unto Newgate, saynge, 
" Syr, if it please yow we wyll carye hym thether." With thatt I 
stepped unto mr. shreffe, and, takynge hym a litle asyde, requested 
hym thatt, forasmoche as ther commissyon was butt to delyver me 
unto hym, and he to sende me unto Newgate, thatt he wolde sende 
me by his offycers, for the request was off mere malyce. ** With 
a goode wylle," sayde mr. sherffe. ** Masters, (sayde he,) you maye 
departe; I wyll sende my oflfycers with this jentyllmane anone, when 
they be come in." " We wylle se hym caryed, syr, (sayde they,) 
for ower discharge." Then the shreffe sayde sharpely unto them, 
** Whatt! do you thynke that I wyll nott do the councelles com- 
maunderaentt? Yow are discharged by delyverjmg off hym unto 
me." With thatt they departede. My frend mr. Ive, seynge 
them departe, and leave me behynde, was very gladde theroff, and 
taryed stylle att the gate to se farther. 

All this talke in the shreffes halle dide me lorde Russelle,* sone 
and heyre to the carle off Bedford, heare and se, who was att 

* FranciB lord RuMell, afterwards second earl of Bedford 1554—1585. At the end of 
July 1553 (says Machyn) " came to the Fleet the earle of Rutland and my lord Russell 
in hold.'* (Diary, p. 38.) Two of Bradford's letters are to lord Russell ** being then in 
trouble for the veritye of God's gospell.'* He commends him as being highly privileged 
in being counted worthy to suffer for Christ's sake, and very strongly exhorts him to 
constancy and perseverance. (Letters of the Martyrs.) Two of Becon's works am 



commaiindement in the sherffe's howse, and his chamber joynynge 
unto the halle, wherinto he myght loke; who was very sory for me, 
for thatt I hadd byne familiare with hym in matters off relegyone, 
as welle on the other syd the seies, as at hoome. He sentt me 
on the morowe xxs., and every weke as moche wyle I was in 

When these too companyons off the garde weare goone, the 
shreffe sentt too off his offycers with me, who toke no billes with 
them, nor leadde me not, butt followed a prety waye behynde me, 
ffor as I sayde unto mr. shreffe, butt for order sake, and to save 
hym blameles, I wolde have gone unto Newgate myselffe att the 
coimceles commaundementt, or his other. 

When I came into the strete, my frende mr. Ive, seyng me have 
suche libertie, and souche distaunce betwyxt me and the offyceres, 
he stepped before them, and so went talkynge with me thorow 
Chepesyde ; so thatt it was nott welle perseaved thatt I was apre- 
hendide, butt by the greate company thatt followed. 

The offyceres dclyvered me \mto the kcper off Newgate as they 
were commaunded, who unloked a dore, and willed me to goo upe 
the steares into the halle. My frende Ive wente upe with me, 
where we founde 3 or 4 presonars thatt hadde the libertie off the 
howse. After a littelle talke with my frende, I requyred hym nott 
to lett my wyffe know thatt I was sendc to Newgate, butt to the 
Counter,* untyll suche tyme thatt she weare nere her churcheynge, 
and thatt she sulde sende me my nyghte gowne, my bible, and my 
lute ; and soe he departede. 

dedicated,— <' The Christian Knight '' to lord Russell, and '*The Monstrous Merchandize 
of the Romish Bishops '* to Francis earl of Bedford. On the 8rd Dec. 1551, was held, at 
the house of sir Richard Morysin, a friendly conference concerning the sacrament between 
divers learned persons of the clergy and laity of both persuasions : among those present 
were the marquess of Northampton, the earl of Rutland, lord Russell, sir Anthony Cooke, 
sir William Cecill, and sir John Cheke. (Athenic Cantabrigienses, i. 144.) These 
notices of lord Russell^s religious sentiments are not included in Wiffen*s Memoirs of the 
House of Russell. 
* The Compter was the prison pertaining to the sherifb of London, and at this period was 



In a. wyle after it was supper tyme. The borde was covered in 
the Bflmo halle. The keper, whose name was Alesaundcr,* and lua 
wyffo came to supper, and lialSe a dosyn presonars thatt weare 
ther for feloneya; for I was the fyrst for rclegyon thatt was sentt 
unto thatt prcsone, butt the cause why the keper knue nott. One 
off those presonars toka acquayntaunce off me, and sayde he was 
a Bodyaro under syr Kycharde CrumewelP in the jumey to 

in Wood Street, ubitlier it had lieen recently removed fhini Bread Street in tile year 
ISGS, far ruaom itited at foil in Stowe'a Survay. 

■ Foie relatei that " Alexander the keeper of Newgate, a oruell eoemje to tliew tbat 
taf there for religion, dyed reiy miaenbly, being lo awuUen that hee wu more like a 
mUDiler tban a man, nnd to rotten within tlmt no ouin could abide the <i[Dcll of him. 
This emell wretch, to haiten the poore lamlie to tlie elnughleT, would goe lo Doner, Story, 
Cholmle; and othen, crying out, ' Rid my prison, rid my prinon ; I am too much pestered 
with thfie bereUkea.' The nnne of the said Alexander, called James, having leR unto 
him by hit bther greale lubttanoe, within three yearea waited all lo naught, and when 
■ame nurveled how hee ipCQt those goodi to fntt, ' O, (ujd be,) evill gotten, evill spent i' 
and ihorlly after, at he want in Newgate msrkol, he /ell downe suddeoly, antt there 
wretchedly died. John Peter, lonne-in-law to this Alexander, an horrible blasphemer ot 
Qod, and no imte cmell to Iha uid priioners, rotted away, and to most miserably dyed. 
Who eommonly when he would affimie any thing, were it tnie or faiie, uied to »y, ■ If it 
bee not true, I pray God I rot ere I dye ! ' Wilnesie Ibe printer herof [John Dty], 
with divan other." 

•> Sir Richard Crumweli is stated to have been the son of one Morgan William*, by a 
sister of Thomat Orumwoll earl of Essai, lord privy seal and vicar-general of Henry VIII. 
This relationship has been doubted (tee (tough "t Momoiri of the Cromwell Family, 4lo, 
IT8B, p. i); but a loltflT of bis to the groat man, in vfhich hoiiffns himielf " Yourlordnhipps 
most bounden nepliewe," will be found in Letters on the Suppression of the Monaateriea, 
(printed for the Camden Soeiety,) p. H6. Daring his uncle's supremacy there was a 
"great and triumphant jousting held at Weitmlnster, commeneing oti Hay-day IfilO, at 
which the sii ahallengen wen— sir John Dudley, lir Thomas Seymour, (both afterwards 
so distingHished in onr political hiatory,) sir Thomai Poynlngs.sir George Carew, Anthony 
Kingston and Richard Crumweli ■. who kept open household at Durham house in the 
Strand, and there fenatod the king, queen, and court. On the tecond day Anthony 
Kingston and Ricliard Crumweli were made knights. On the third day sir Richard 
Cmmwell overthrew master Palmer and hit horse in the field, to the groat honour of ibe 
ohallengcra,"— probably Ibe sir Thomas Palmer noticed in p. IGB; and on the Gth May 
at Ihe barrien sir Richard overthrew master Culpepper in the fleld. "The King gave la 
L nsry of the lud ahallengen, and tlieir heirs for ever, in reward of ttieir valiant activity, 1 DO 
uand* house todwel In of yecroly revenue, out of Ihe lands pertaining lo the boapitall 


Laundersey,* where he dide knowe me, whose sarvant I was at 
the same tyme; who the next yere follow3mg, when the famous 
kynge Henry viij^** wentt unto BoUene, he putt me unto his 
majestie in the rome of a mane att armes, oflF the wiche bande ther 
was ij^ off us uppon barded horsses, alle in one sute off readde and 
yalloo damaske, ower bardes off ower horses and plumes off fethers 
of the same colars, to attend uppon his majestie for the defense off 
his parsone. 

After supper this goode fellow, whose name was Brysto, procured 
me to have a bedde in his chamber; who coulde pley well uppon 
a rebyke.^ He was a talle mane, and afterwardes on off quene 
Maryes garde, and yett a protestayne, wich he kepte secrete, for 
eles he sayde he shulde nott have founde souche favour as he dide 
att the keper('s) handes and his wjrff, for to souche as loved the 
gospelle they weare very cruell. *' Welle, (sayd I,) I have sende 

of St. John of Jerusalem/' Stowe (in Survay). On this occasion the king is stated to have 
presented a ring Arom his finger to sir Richard Crumwell, in token of his approbation, 
saying, ** Henceforth you shall be called my knight ** : and this incident is supposed to be 
commemorated in the Cromwell coat-armour — a lion rampant holding a ring. Sir Richard 
was in the same year made a gentleman of the privy chamber ; and in that year also he 
was sherifT of the counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon ; and he successively acquired 
the sites of nearly all the monastic houses in the latter county, — Hinchinbroke and Saltrey 
in 29 Hen. VHI., Ramsey in 31 Hen. VIII., St Neot's and Huntingdon in 83 Hen. YIII. 
He converted the monastic buildings at Ramsey into a dwelling house ; his son sir Henry 
and grandson sir Oliver (the latter the uncle of the protector) resided at Hinchinbroke. 

• *' In the month of July (1543) the king sent over sixe thousand men, under the leading 
of sir John Wallop, accompanyed with sir Thomas Seymour marshall, sir Robert Bowes 
treasurer, sir Richard Cromwell captaine of the horsemen, and sir Geoi^ Carew his 
lieutenant. There was likewise sir Thomas Palmer, sir John Ransfoorth, sir John Seint 
John, and sir John Qascoigne knights, that were captaines of the footmen. They were 
appointed to joyne with the emperor^s power, and so to make war into France." The 
town of Landreci in Hainault was beseiged, but the French king came to the rescue vnth 
a large army, and finally both parties separated without a battle. The particulars of this 
campaign will be found related in the introduction to the Life and Times of sir Peter 
Carew, recently edited by John Maclean, esq. F.S.A. 1867, 8vo. p. xzviii. 

■> A stringed instrument resembling a fiddle. 1530-1, March 11, " paied for a rebecke 
for great Gnilliam, zx^.'' (Privy.purse Expenses of Henry VIII., p. 114.) 


for my bible, and, by Godes grace, therin shalbe my dayly 
exersyse; I wylle nott hyde it frome them." ** Syr, (sayde 
he,) I am poore; butt they will beare with you, for thatt they 
see your estate is to paye welle; and I wyll show you the 
nature and maner off them, for I have byne heare a goode wyle. 
They bothe do love musyke very welle ; wherfore yow with your lute, 
and I to pley with yow on my rebyke, wylle please them greately ; he 
lovethc to be mery, and to drynke wyne, and she also; yff yow 
wyll bestowe upon them every dynare and supper a quarte off wjme, 
and some musyke, yow shalbe ther whyte sone, and have alle ther 
favour thatt they cane show yow/' And so it came to pase. 

And now I thynke it goode a litle to dygrese frome my matter 
concernynge my impresonmentt and my delyveraunce ; and to note 
the greate mercy off God showed unto his sarvantes in thatt greate 
parsecusyone in quene Mary's tyme; ho we myghtelie and many 
wayes he presarved souche as dide feare hym, evyne as he presarved 
Danyelle, Jeremy, PauUe, and many in the olde tyme. Sume weare 
moved by his spirite to fle over the seyes; sume weare presarved 
stylle in Londone, thatt in all the tyme off parsecusyone never 
bowed ther knes unto Balle,» for ther was no souche place to shyft 
in in this realme as Londone, notwithstandynge ther greate spyalle 
and shearche ; nor no better place to shifte the Easter tyme** in ther 
quene Maryes courte, sarvynge in the rome thatt I dide, as shalbe 
showed hereafter. A greate noumber God dide strengthen con- 
stantly to stande to his worde, to glory fye his name, wiche be 
praysede for ever and ever, worlde withoute ende! And sume 
he presarved for these dayes. 

And now agayne to prosecute the matter of my trouble and won- 
derfuU delyveraunce owt off thatt lothsume gayle off Newgate, 
When thatt I hadde byn ther abowte too wekes, thorow the evylle 
savers and greate unquyettnes off the logeynges, as also by occasyon 

' Baal. 

^ At the seasoD of Easter in particular it was expected that every person should be 
houselled, that is, partake of the sacrament of the mass. 


off drynkenge off a draught off stroxinge (malmesey era««d)holloke» 
as I was goynge to bedde, wyche my chamber fellow wolde nodes 
have me to plege hym in, I was cast into an extreame bumyngo 
agne, thatt I coulde take no reste, desiryngeto chaunge mylogenge, 
and so dide frome oon to another ; butt noone I coulde abyde, ther 
was so mouche noyse off presonars, and evyll savours. The keper and 
his wyffe offered me his owne parler where he laye hymselffe, wycho 
was fforthist frome noyse, butt it was nere the kechyn, the savour 
wheroff I coulde nott abyde. Then dide she lay me in a chamber 
where she sayde never no presoner laye, wiche was her store-chamber, 
where she sayde all her plate and money laye, wyche was mouche. 

So mouche frendshepe I founde att ther handes, notwithstandynge 
thatt they weare spoken unto by dyvers papistes; and the Wood- 
moungeres of London,** withe whome I hadde a greate conflycte for 
presentynge them for false markynge off bylettes, they requyred the 
keper to show me no favour, and to laye yrones uppon me, de- 
clarjmge thatt I was the greatist heretyke in London* 

My very frende mr. Recorde,^ doctor off phesyke, syngularly 

* A kind of sweet wine, mentioned in Gucoigne^s Delicate Diet. Lend. 1576. (Hal* 
liwelPs Dictionary of Arobaio Words.) Florio hat ** Aigliucc vino, sweet hoUooke wine,** 
Qneen Annans New World of Words, fol. 1611, p. 17. 

*> At this period the population of London was dependent for fuel chiefly on wood, and 
next on " coal/* i*. e, charcoal, made at Croydon and its neighbourhood, the supply of 
mineral or ** sea ** coal being very small. The woodmongers had their tricks of trade, and 
were subjected to frequent interference. Fabyan has recorded that in the winter of 
1542-8 *' a frost dured so longe, that many of the poore people cried out for lacke of woode 
and coalesi that the maior went to the woode-warfes, and soldo to the poore people billet 
and faggot, by the peniworthe. Also this yere was an acte of parliament for wood and 
coal to kepe the full sise, after the Purification of our Ltdie that shall be in the yere of 
our Lorde M.D.xliii. that no man shall bargaine. sell, bryng, oroonyeigh of any other size 
to be uttred or solde, upon paine of forfeiture." In 1561 we find " a woodmonger let in 
the pillory for false marking of billets, with billets hanging about him.** (Maohyn^ 
Diary, p. 267.) The Company of Woodmongers was not inoorporatei until 1605, but it 
had, like many others, existed as a voluntary association for long befox^. 

« Robert Record, bom at Tenby, co. Pembroke, in 1513, was elected fellow of AIlsouls* 
college, Oxford, in 1531, and took the degree of M.D. at Cambridge in 1545. In 1549 
he was comptroller of the mint at Bristol, and in 1551 was appointed suireyor-general of 
the mines and money in Ireland. His will was made in 1558, in the queen's beneh 


sene inallethe Beven ayencia,*and a greate ilevyne, visited mcin tlie 
presone, and also after I was delyvered, to his greate parrclle yff it 
hftdde byne knoivne, who lounge tyme was att charges aud payne 
with me gratis. By ineancB whereoff and tho provydence off Gtod 
I reseaved my healthe. 

My wyffe then was churthed befoore lier tyme to be a suter 
for my delyvoraunce, who put upe a supplycacyone unto the 
councelle, declai'ynge my extreamc sykues, and amalle cause to 
be committed unto eo louthsome a gayle; requyrynge thatt I 
myght be delyvered, puttynge in sureties to be forthecumynge 
to aunswere farther when I sliuld be called; wiche she obteyned 
by the heaipe off mr. John Throiigemarton, beynge the master 
off the questes, and my cunetremane and kyucsmane ;*" he, un- 

prUon, urben be booh uSter dieJ a pritoner fgr debt. Ills glciU in vu-ioiu dsputmeutj of 
Kience, >nd tbeeffnrli h« had nude to imparl bis koowlgdge tu olhcra, were wortb; of > hap- 
pier bio. See ■ utalo^e of hii DUtnerout «'ork» in Atheoie Cantabngien>«a, (ol. i. p. ITS. 

* Tbo Seven SoiencM were ucounted to be Qnunniu', Rhetoric, Logic, Aiilhaetic, 
Geomelrj, Muaic, ud Aitrononi; ; ind ibae ate penonined, to Ute u 16JS, in the en- 
gnved title-page of Howell'a Funiliu- Letten. But when ai TbomBii Qredum rounded 
hii eoUi^ ID Loodon in 1 5TA he made a Hunewhal diffarenl aetection, Ibougb Kill rebiin- 
iag the number o( loven, — liz. Diiinit}', Aitronomy, MuiJc, Qeomclrj, Law, Medicine, 
and Rhetoria. Forlheta lie foandod Ibe protswonbipi which nill mbiiat, thus proTiding 
a lentara for eier; daj of the nraek. The idea prabablj originated with Ibe aiiflrtiDn of 
Solomon, Wiidom hath tmitdid hir honsi: At haih hiien avl Iut SeiiiP. Pillara. <Pn>- 
Tcrb), ix. 1.) An jatereatlog diawrtatlon on lbs A^uont and wide-ipread adoption ol ■ 
mjatical nlgii ill cation or " The Number Seven " will be found In Houiehold Wordi, Maj 
SI, 1S56; aad repriuteJ in " Lecturea and Eiujb on varioua lubjeota, Hiitoricat, Topo- 
gnpbioal, and Artiatic. B; Wm, Sidney QibHin, Eaq. M.A., &o. 1853." Svb. p. 183. 

' Younger brother lo air Nicholaa (aee p. 42) ; in conjunction with whom be lat in par- 
liament Tor the borough of Old Samm in 1 Mary. In hi« epitaph at Cougliton bo it de- 
»cribedai"irr John Tbrokmorton knjght of l''akanhain [co. Wore.], the aetenth aonne 
of >yr Qeorge Throkmorton knygbt of Cougbton, aometime master of the nquett* unto 
queen Marie of bappie memory, trho in retpect of hii (aythful Krvice bestowed upon him 
the officD of Juatice of Cheater, and of ber counaayle of Ibe marchis ol Walaa, in whichc 
atrvioe be oontinueJ ixii). jearcs, and aupplled within the same lime the place of mr. Vioe- 
Pnaidonl the apace of itj. yearn." He wan knighled by queen Eliiabetb at KcDilworth 
in the ant year of her feign, and died May 23, 1B80. Seo further in Wolton'i Engtiib 
ge, lT41,ii, 3G9. 


derstandjmge who weare my enemyes, toke a tyme in ther absens, 
and obtejmed a letter to the keper, subscrybed by the yearle 
of Bedforde, the yearle of Sussex, Wynchester,* Rochester,^ and 
Walgrave,® to be delyvered, puttynge in suretye, accordynge to 
the requeste off my wy ves supplycacyon ; with whome Wynchester 
talked concemynge the crestenjmge off her chylde att the churche 
att the Tower hylle, and the gossipes, wichc weare, the duke of Suf- 
folke,^ the yearle of Penbroke,® and the lady Jane then beynge 
quene, with the whiche he was moche offendide. My ladie 
Througemartone, wyfe unto syr Nycolas Througemartone,^ was the 

* Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester. 

^ Sir Robert Rochester, comptroller of the household and chancellor of the duchy of 
Lancaster. He had served the lady Mary in the capacity of comptroller daring her 
brother's reign, and in 1551 was committed to the Tower, together with the subject of the 
next note, and sir Francis Englefield, for resisting the order of the council which forbad the 
performance of mass in his mistress's family : see the Literary Remains of King Edward VI. 
pp. 336, 339, 348. He was one of the knights of the Bath at the coronation of queen 
Mary, and died on the 28th Nov. 1557, having been elected a knight of the Garter on the 
preceding saint George's day. 

« Sir Edward Waldegrave (mentioned in the preceding note) was by queen Mary made 
master of her wardrobe and knighted on the morrow of her coronation, Oct. 2, 1553. His 
mother was Lora sister to sir Robert Rochester, on whose death in 1557 sir Edward suc- 
ceeded as chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. In 3 & 4 Philip and Mary be had 
been appointed a commissioner to inquire into heresies, &c., and false rumours, &c. 
against their majesties. After the death of his royal mistress he was in 1561 a second time 
committed to the Tower of London, and for the same reason, — " for hearing of mass, and 
keeping a priest in his house." On the 22nd April (writes Machyn) ** were had to the 
Tower sir Edward Walgrave and my lady his wife, as good alms- folk as be in these days." 
The same writer records the unfortunate result : ** The first day of September died the 
good and gentle knight sir Edward Walgrave, while in the Tower." His body was buried 
on the dd by the high altar of St. Peter's in the Tower; and on the 8th his wife was re- 
leased. (Machyn's Diary, pp. 256, 266.) Lady Waldegrave was Frances, daughter of 
sir Edward Neville : they were progenitors of the earls of Waldegrave, as will be seen in 
Collins's Peerage. ^ Henry Grey, duke of Suffolk, father of the lady Jane. 

« William Herbert, first earl of Pembroke, brother-in-law to queen Katharine Parr. 

f Sir Nicholas Throckmorton has been already noticed at p. 42 of the present volume. 
His wife was Anne, daughter of Sir Nicholas Carew, K.G. and sister and heir to sir 
Francis Carew of Beddington in Surrey; by whom he had two sons and three daughters. 
(Wotton's English BaroneUge, 1741, ii. 358.) 



quenes debetie, who named my sone Gylffbrde ■ after her huaebande. 
Immediately after the crcstenyngc was done, quene Marye was pro- 
clamed in Chcpesyde,'' and when me ladic Througemarton came into 
the Tower, tbo clothe off estate was takone downe and all thynges 
defaced: a aodene chaunge ! She wolde have goone fortlie agayne, 
butt colde nott be suffered. Butt nowe agayiic to the matter. 

When ray wyff hadde obtayned the letter, joyful! she waa, and 
brouf-ht her brother with her, John Sperync of Londone niarcbantt, 
a very frendly mane, and zelous in the I-otde, who waa bounde witli 
me before mr. Chedely justice off peace,* accordynge to the councclea 
lettres, who came into the piesone unto me, for I was bo syke and 
woake thatt I was conatrayned to tary a wyle longer, and my wyffe 
with me daye and nyghte. Duryuge alle the tyme off my sykness, 
I was constrayned to payo viij d. every meale, and as raoche for my 
wj-ffe, and for every frende thatt came to se me, yff they weare 
alone with me att dyncr or supper tyme, whether they came to the 
table or uoo; and payde also xl s. for a ffyne ffor iernes, wyche tbey 
aayde they sliowede me greate favoure in, I shulde eles have payd 
iiij or V li. 

Thua when they parseaved I dide nott amende, butt rather worse 
and worse, they thought it best to venter the matter, and provydede 
a horse-litter to cary me home to the Lyme hurst. I was so weake 
thatt I was not able to be leddc downe the eteares; wherefore one 
thatt was sarvant to the jaler, who before tyme hade bync my mane, 
who was also very diligentt and frcndely unto me, toke me in his 
armes and carycd me downe the steares to the liorse-Iitter, wiche 
atoode redy att the presone doore, and went with me to ray howse. 
Many people wcare gathered to se ray comynge forthe, who prayaed 

<• OnthelSthorJulj, 1553: mo Chnintole o[Qneon Jane and Queen Muy. p. 11, 
' Pmbihl; Itabfirt Oiidlq;, Autumn radcr al tlie Inner Temple 21 Heo. Vltl. and 
l,ent r™dflr28Hen. VIII., one of tbe foni-BOreroors of [hat lion»c 3i Hen. VIII., 3 & t 
I>hil. and MaT7, 1, S, 6 Kill,, Riid iU treaauror 34 Upn. VIII. He was called to the 
dogrce of sergeant at law in 1510. (Dugdale'i Urigines Jnridicialn,} Hi! name occun 
in 1551, 1552, and 15S2 m emjilojrud l>j tbe government in JDdicial tunotiona. (Literarj 
Reinaint of Kdward YI. p. 1ST. and Machjn^ Diaij, pp. 26, SBO.) 


God for my delyverance, beynge very sory to se my state, and the 
lamentacyone off my wyff and her frendes, who jugede I wolde nott 
leve untyll I came hoome. I was nott able to endure the goynge off 
the horse-litter; wherefore they weare faynetogoo very softely, and 
oftentymes to staye, att wiche tymes many of my aquayntaunces and 
ffrendes and others resortede to se me, so thatt it was too howres 
or we coulde pase frome Newgate unto Algate, and so within 
nyght before I coulde gett to my howse, wheare many off my 
neyghboures resorted to se me takone owte off the horse-litter, 
whoo lamentedde and prayde for me, thynkynge it nott possible 
for me to escape deatlie, butt by the greate mercy of God. Thus 
I contyneued the space of viij or x dayes, withowte any lykelyhoode 
or hoope off amcndementt. 

I was sende to Newgate the v**> daye off August, and was 
delyvered the v**> daye off September. 

The fyrste daye off October was quene Mary crowned, by wiche 
tyme I was able to walke upe and doune my chamber; and beynge 
very desyrous to se the quene pase thorow the cittie, gott uppe on 
horsebake, beynge scantt able to sett, gyrdide in a longe nyght- 
gowne with double kercheves aboute my heade, a greate hatt uppon 
them, my bearde dubed harde too ; my face so leane and pale thatt 
I was the very image off deathe ; wondred at off alle thatt dide 
beholde me, unknowne to any. My wyfk and neyghboures weare 
to-to sorry thatt I wolde nedes goo forthe, thynkynge I wolde nott 
returne alyve. 

Thus wentt I forthe, havynge off ether syde off me a mane to 
staye me ; and so wentt to the west ende off PoUes, and ther placed 
myselfe amoungst others thatt satte on horsebake to se the quene 
pase by. Before her cumeynge I behelde Poles steple bearjrnge 
toppe and toppe-galantt lyke a ryalle sheppe with many flages and 
bannars, and a mane tryoumfynge and daunsynge in the toppe.* 

* ** Then was there one Peter a Dutchman stood on the weathercooke of Paales steeple, 
holding a streamer in his hand of five yards long, and waving thereof stood sometime on 
the one foote and shooke the other, and then kneeled on hu knees, to the great marvaile 
of all people. Hee had made two scaffolds under him, one above the croeBe, having 



I sajde unto one tlmtt sate on horsebake by me, who hadde nott 
Bene any corownacyone, " Alt the coronasyone off kynge Edwarde 
I sawe Polea Bteple ly att ane anker," and now she wearitlie toppe 
and toppe-galiantt ; surely tlie nexte wylbe shippewrake, or it be 
lounge;" wbiche clmuncethe sunie tymea by tcmpcatuoua wyndes, 
sume tymes by lyghtnynges and fyre from the bevens. Butt I 
thr>wghte thtttt it shuldc rather peridie with sume horible wynde 
then with lyghtnyngc or thounderboll ; *■ butt souchc ai'o the 

turches and >lre«inon sol on it, and one other oTer Ibe bole of the croaae, [Ikvwiiie Mt 

Feler tiad liittronu pound thirteen (hiUinge and foura petioe giiva him Uy the city for hia 
coat* and painea, aod all hi> gtuffe." (Stowe'a Chrouide.) Sen nniillier aucoutit o( tho 
aame perfunuancca in tlie Chronirlo of Queen Jwe and Queen Mary, p. 30. 

• ^"ond an hee (king Edward) pniaid on Iho north aijo of Paul's chBrebjard, a man 
of the nattoD ot Amgoaa [Amgon ? or Sarngoau ? " an Argwis " in FahyaK,1 came 
bom the liatllemenla of the steeple of Paulea church upon a cable, being made bat to an 
anclior hy ihf Deanes gale, lying on Ilia breaat, ajdiug hiniaeir neither with hand nor 
foole, but spreading tlicm abroad, and after aaccnded to the midit of the cable, where he 
tumbleil sad plajed many pretty loyea, nhercat llie king and the noblea had good pantitne." 
(Stowe'a Chronicle.) Again, on king Philip'g stale pawagu through London in laSl 
there nras a similar exhibition : see Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p, ISO. 

I> "On WedDBHlay the 4 of June ISSl. belwenel and S of theclockin tbeafler-noono, 
the steeple it Paules in London, being lired h] lightning, braat (ortL (aa it seemed to the 
beholden) two or three yardi beneath the foots uf tile croaio, and from thenee bnmt downe 
the ipeere )o the stono worko and bels, so terribly, that vritbin ihe epace of {burs baurea 
the tame sleeple, with the roofee of the chureh so much as wai timber, or olborwiiie 
eoiiibuMiblii, were connumed." <Stowe's fhronicle.) A coiitempomrj pamphlet dn- 
spribing this calamity is reprinlerl in the eleventh lolume ot the Arcbcologia ; In the 
Appendix III lilllis'a edition of Dugdale'i Hlitoi7 ot 8t. Paul's ; and again in I'uole's 
History of KccleaiHltuil Architecture in England, 1848, 8io. p. 400; in which it ii 
staled that penona on the Thames aaw lightning strike Ilie spire. Heylyn, in hia Uutory 
of the Rrrormation, has favoured another itoij, that tlio accident waa occasioned by the 
oarelHsneia of a plumber ; but (hii a »ery properly corrected in a note of his recent edilor 
tim Ke>, J, C. Robertson, edit. ISlfl, ii, 35J. See alao Maohjn's Di.rj, p. 258, where 
it will be fonnd that the tplre of St. Uartin'V Lndgate was struck during the same Monn. 
Heylyn abm, one would hope with as little troth, tbouji^ Iho pasnge in the teat lomewluit 
tavoun hia liew, atterti that ** the Zuingtian Gospullen, or those of the Geneviaii parly, 
r^oifod at this lamentable accident, affirming ic for a juat judgment of God upon au old 
idolatrous febric, not Ihoroagbly reformed and purged from its lupenlitlons, and would 
have bean eontent that all other cathedrdla in the kingdom bad been eo Uevtrojcd. 1'Ijb 
Papista, on tlio other dde, aKribeil it to •ome piacUoe at the Zuinglian hction, cut ot their 


wonderfuUe workes off God, whose gonnares wylnott mysse the 
marke thatt he dothe apoynte, be it never so little. 

When the quene passed by, many behelde me, for they myght 
almost touche me, the rome was so narrow, marvelynge belyke that 
one in souche state wolde venter forthe. Many off my fellowes the 
pencyonars, and others, and dyvers off tlie councelle behelde me, 
and noone off theme all kncwe me. I myght heare them saye one to 
another, " There is one lovithe the quene welle belyke, for he 
venterith greately to se her ; he is very lyke never to se her more." 
Thus my men thatt stoode by me hard many of them saye, whose 
hearynge was quyker then myne. The quene hcrsclfe when slie 
past by behelde me. Thus mouche I thought goode to wryte, to 
show how God dothe presarve thatt semithc to mane impossyble, 
as many thatt daye dide juge off me. 

Thus returned I hoome, and abowte to (two) monethes after I was 
able to walke to London ane easy pace ; butt stylle with my kerchevcs 
and pale lene face. I muffeled me with a sarcenett, wiche the rude 
people in the strettes wolde murinure att, sayinge, " What is he? 
Dare he nott show his face?" I dyde repayre to my olde familiare 
acquayntaunce, as drapers, mercers, and others, and stoode talkynge 
with them and cheponed thcr wares; and nott one off them thatt 
knew me. Then wolde I saye unto them, ** Do you nott know 
me? loke better uppone me. Do you nott know my voyce?" For 
thatt was also altered. '* Truly, (wolde they saye,) yow must par- 
done me; I cannott calle you to rememberaunce." Then wolde I 
declare my name unto them ; whereatt they so marveled thatt they 
colde scarcely credite me, butt for the famelyare acquayntaunce thatt 
I putt them in rememberance off. 

Thus passed I forthe the tyme att the Lyme hurst untyll crystmas 

hatred unto all solemnity and decency in the service of God, performed more punctually 
in that church, for example's sake, than in any other of the kingdom.** On the question 
whether the burning of Paul's church was to be regarded as a direct judgment of the 
Almighty, a controversy arose, originating with a sermon preached by dr. Pilkington, 
bishop of Durham, on the Sunday following the fire : this has been partially reprinted in 
Pilkington's Works, 1842, (Parker Society,) pp. 479—648. 


waapast, tliatt I waxed sometlij'nge slrounge, anil then I llioiigKt it 
best to shiilc frome thence, for thatt I Ladde there ferce enemysj specy- 
ally the vycker of Stepney," abbot qondame off Tower hylle, whome 
I apreliendide in kynge EdwardeB tyme, and caryed hyra unto 
Croydone to Cranemcr, bishope of Caunterbery; for tliatt be dia- 
totirbed the prechera in his churcKe, caiisynge the belles to be rounge 
when they wcare att the eerraone, and siime tymes begyne to syoge 
in the quere before the sarmone weare halffe done, and autne tymes 
chalenge the precher in the pulpitt; for he was a strounge, stowtc 
popy she prelate, whome the godly mene off the parysbo wearewearye 
off; sppcyally my neyghbourta of the Lyme hurat, as mr. Dryver, 
mr. Ive, nir. Poynter, mr. Marche, and others. Yet durst the(y) 
nott mcdelle with hym untylle it was my happe to cuine dwelle 
amonngst them; and for thatt I was the kynges sarvantt I toke 
uppone me ; and ibey wcntt with me to the bishope to wittues those 
thynges agaj-nst hym. Who was to fulle off lenite: a litle he re- 
buked hym, and badde hym doo uo more aoo. " Me lorde, (sayde 
I,) me thynkes yow are to jentylle unto so stowtc a papiste." 
" Welle, (sayde he,) we have no lawe to ponyshe ihcin by." " We 
have, me lorde, (aayde I ;) yff I hadde your auctoryte I wolde be bo 
bolde to unvycker hym, or mynnester sume aliarpe ponysbementt 
unto hym and souch other. Yff ever it cume to therturnc, they wyll 
show yow no souch I'avoure." " Well, (sayde he,) yff God so provyde, 
we must abyde it." " Surely, (sayde I,) God wyll never cone yow 
tbank for this, butt rather take the sworde from souche as wylle nott 
use it uppou his cnemyes." And thus we departed.*" The lyke favoure 
is showed now, and tbcrfore the lyke plage wylle follow. 

• Uonrj Moore nude hii pnfeHion u »hbol of Ibe monuler; of 8u M»rj de Qraco. 
Dear the Tower of London, oa Ibe 7th May, ISlfl. (MS. Hurl. 0966, p. T*.} Ho wu 
prcMnted to the vicarage of Stepney by the executor* of lir Richard WlUianu, aliai 
Cnimwell, the brmenottbe rector;, on the 6lh March, ISllj and llie vacancy ucciuianed 
by his death wa> tilled In Noieaiher IGSl. Newcoart's Repertorium LondinonH, i. 740. 

* •• And Ihia indeed waa the canitanl behaviour of the archbishop towarda papiils, and 

d byn 

d guodnem. aa it 


Ther was also another spiteful! enemy att Stepeney, callede Ban- 
bery, a shifter, a dycer, a hore-himter, lyke unto Dapers the dicer, 
Morgone of Salisbury courte, buskyne Palmer,* lustye Yownge,^ 
Raffe Bagenalle,® Myles Partryge,** and souche others; with wiche 
cumepanyans I was conversantt a whyle, untylle I felle to redynge 
the scriptures, and folloynge the prechers. Then agaynst the weked- 
nes off those mene, wiche I hade sene amounge them, I putt forth a 
ballett, utterynge the falcehood and knavery thatt I was made preve 
unto ; for the wiche they so hated me thatt they reased falce slaun- 
ders and brutes off me, saynge thatt I was a spye ffor the duke off 
Northumberlande, and callynge me Hoper's champione, for a bylle 
thatt I sett upon Poles gate in defence off Hoper,* and another at 
Saynt Mangenus church, wheare he was to moche abused with ray- 
lynge billis cast into the pulpitt, and other wayes. Thus became I 

to the Gospel, which he laboured to adorn, ao was more likely to obtain the ends he de- 
sired than rigour and austerity." Strype ( Memorials of Cranmer, p. 170.) 

This feature in Cranmer's character was not unnoticed by his contemporaries, " So that 
on a time I do remember that dr. Hethe, late archbishop of York, partly misliking this 
his over-much lenity by him used, said unto him, ' My lord, I now know how to win all 
things at your hand well enough.* *How so?' quoth my lord. * Marry,' saith dr. 
Hethe, ' I perceive that I must first attempt to do unto you some notable displeasure; and 
then by a little relenting obtain of you what I can desire.* Whereat my lord bit his lip, 
as his manner was when he was moved, and said, You say well; but yet you may be d«- 
ceived/* See Ralph Morice's character of Cranmer, in a subsequent page. 

* The fame of these rouh of the days of Henry VIII. is perpetuated only by the 
writer of the text, with some exceptions. *' Busking Palmer,'' we learn from one of 
Stowe's Summaries (in which that nickname is mentioned), was the same person as sir 
Thomas Palmer, who was beheaded with the duke of Northumberland on the 22d August, 
1553. See Machyn's Diary, p. 332, and the Life of Lord Grey of Wilton, p. 3. He had 
also the sobriquet of ** long Palmer," as Foxe mentions when describing the persecutions 
in Calais in 1541. 

b A person now unknown: Strype, Eccl. Memorials, iii. 204, has mixed up his name 
with the next, reading *• lusty young Raulf Dagenal." 

c Afterwards sir Ralph Bagenal : see a subsequent page of this volume. 

d The name of sir Miles Partridge surpasses those of his fellows in the annals of gambling, 
as having played with king Henry for the heavy stake of the clock-tower of St. Paul's, 
which he won, and afterwards destroyed. He came to an untimely fate in 1551-2, when 
he was hung as one of the active partisans of the duke of Somerset : see Machyn, p. 15. 

<^ John Hooper, bishop of Gloucester and Worcester. 


odious unto most men, and many tymes in daunger off my lyffe 
amongst them, evyne in kynge Edwardes dayes; as also for apre- 
hendynge one AUene a falce prophecyer, who bruted thatt kynge 
Edwarde was deade, too yeres before it came to pas, who was a 
greate calker • for the same. Butt these jugelars and weked dicers 
weare stylle in favoure amoungst the magistrattes, and weare 
advauncede ; who weare the soares ^ off sedissyone and the distroyers 
of the too dukes.*' I praye God the lyke be not practesed by souche 
flatterers in these dayes, accordynge to the olde provearbe, He thatt 
wylle in courte dwelle must corye favelle, and 

He thatt wylle in courte abyde 
Must cory favelle bake and syde,^ 


for souche gett moste gayne. I was also callede '* the hoote gospellar, 
jestynge and mokynge me, saynge, " he is alle off the sprete." This 

* i, e. calculator of nativities, &c. See hereafter, p. 178. ^ sowers. 

^ i. e.t successively, Somerset and Northumberiand. 

^ Underbill has bere preserved to us an old metrical adage, wbicb is not placed in any 
modem collection of proverbs, but wbicb is very remarkable as showing the origin of our 
still familiar phrase to citrry favour, wbicb would else have remained in hopeless obscu- 
rity. Any one asked to say what be understood by " currying favour ** would have 
answered, courting or procuring it (or, as Skinner did, ^ttmr/aveur); but these would 
have been mere guesses, giving the general sense of the phrase, but not its derivation. To 
curry is to do the work of a currier, one who converts the skins of animals, coria, into 
leather (from the verb corrado) ; and next, in a secondary sense, the term is applied to 
the cleansing and dressing of the skins of living animals, wbicb we now generally call 
grooming. This leads us to the meaning of ** favelle ;** it is one of the names formerly given 
to horses, descriptive of their colour, as Bayard, Blancbard, and Lyard were to brown, 
white, or grey. So, Fauvell was a bright yellowish colour, (diminutive of/u/trtM, tawny,) 
apparently the opposite of Sorell, which was dark. According to the chronicle of Robert 
of Brunne, one of Richard the First^s horses was so called : 

'* Sithen at Japbet [Jaffa] was slayn fauvellt bis stede,^^ 
which in Richardson *s Dictionary is misprinted fanvtlL The operation of currying is 
grateful to a horse, and he is well pleased if be is thoroughly curried both on " back and 
side." In modem orthography therefore the old couplet runs — 

He that would in Court abide 
Must curry Fauvell back and side. 
It is obvious then (as Mr. Douce remarks, in his Illustrations of Shakspeare, 1807, i. 474,) 


was ther commone costome at ther tables to jeste and moke the 
prechers and earnest followers oflf the Gospelle, evene amoungst the 
majestrattes, or els in wantonc and rybalde take (talk), wiche when 
the(y) fell into, one or other wolde loke thorow the borde, saynge, 
"Take heede thatt Underhylle be nott heare." 

Att Stretforde on the Bowe,** I tooke the piks** off the alter, being 
of copper, storcde with copper Godcs, the curatt beynge presentt, 
and a popishe justes d welly nge in the towne, called justes Tawe.® 
There was commaundement it shalde nott hange in a strynge over 
the alter, and then they sett it uppon the alter. For this acte the 
justes' wyfF with the women off the towne conspirede to have 
murthcred me; wiche one off them gave me warnynge off, whose 
goode wylle to the Gospelle was unknowne unto the reste. Thus 
the Lorde presarved me frome them, and many other daungers moo; 
but specyally from helle fyer, butt thatt off his mercy he called me 
from the cumepany off the weked. 

This Banbury aforesayde was the spy for Stepney parishe, as 

that the phrase io curry favell was a metaphorical expression adopted from the stable. 
It occurs in the old story " How a merchande dyd hjs wyfe betray/* and in Chancer, and 
also in a passage uf Udal quoted by Mr. Richardson : Shakspere in his Henry IV. Part II. 
writes curry alone — ** I would curry with master Shallow." The only place in which a 
proverbial distich resembling that in the text (but not exactly the same) has been found 
isTavemer^s "Proverbes or Adagies gathered out of the Chiliades of Erasmus, 1569,** 18mo. 
f. 44 : '*He that will in court dwell must needes currie fabel;*' but Tavemer was not aware 
of its origin, for he says, *^ Ye shal understand that fabel is an olde Englishe worde, and 
signified as much as favour doth now a dayes.'* This was not the fact : tor favtl is by 
Piers Plouhman used for deceit, from the French /a w/€, fabula. Douce has noticed that 
the corruption from favell to favour, in the phrase ** curry favell," occurs in Forrest's 
Isocrates, 1580 : to which we may now add an earlier example from the reply to Thomas 
Thackham, of which great part is printed in the present volume, and which was written 
about 1571 : "specially when you (beyng skolemaster there) coulde so connyngly dissemble 
and currye favour with the papistes." (MS. Harl. 425, f. 48.) 

• This was an ancient chapel in the parish of Stepney, erected in the reign of Edward III., 
pursuant to a licence granted by bishop Baldock in 1311. It was made a parish churtih 
in the year 1719. b xhe pix. 

c John Tawe was nominated Autumn reader at the Inner Temple 33 Hen. VIII. but 
did not read on account of the plague. Ho was Lent reader in 1 Edw. VI. and treasurer 
of the house 6 Edw. VI. and 1 Mary. 


John a Vales, Beardc, and aouche otber weave for LonJon"; wlio 
caused my frende and nejghboiire mr. Ivc tC be setitt unto the Mar- 
ahalsje, butt the Lordc aliortlyc delyvered hym ; wlieri'ore I thought 
it best to avoyd, bycause my nott cumoyngc to the churche there 
shulde by hym be marked and presented. Then tooke I a litle 
howse in a aecroto corner, att the nether endc off Woode-strete, 
wheare I myght better shiftc the matter- 
Sir HomfFrey Ratclyffe*' was the levetenauntt off the pencyonars, 
and alwayes favored the Gospelle, by whose meanes I hadd my 
wagia atylle payde me. When Wyatt was cume into Southwarke, 
tlie pencyonars weare commaunded to wache in armoure thatt 
nyght at the courte; whiche I hearynge off, thought it best in 
lyke suorte to be there, least by my absense I myght have sumo 
quarelle piked unto me, or att the least be strekon owt off the boke 
for reeeavynge any more wagis. After supper I putt one my 
armoure as the rest dide, for we weare apoynted to wache alle the 
nyght. So bcyng alle armed, wee came uppe into the cliamber off 
presenBe with ower poUaxea in ower bandea, wherewith the ladies 
weare very fearcfulle; sume lamentyngc, cryinge, and wrynginge 
ther handea, sayde, " Alas, there la sume greutc niischpffe towarde; 
wo shalle alle be distroyde this nyght ! Wliatt a ayght is this, to 
Be the quenea chamber full off armed men ; the lyke was never sene 
nor harde off." Then mr. Norrea, who was a jentylleman ussher 

* Foie, in liii pliapter on 
promoWr wM eat«n into hii 
eoattited alao l>; his tei\o\ 
WRtched end of BearJ Uiv 

|>uniahment upon peract-atort, BMtvs how " Dnle tlie 
nilh lioe, anil to died, ui is well known of nunj, Uld 
I Avales, before credible witneoc" " Liliewin the 
iter," whitrh n not there further de«eribed; but it will 

tra (bund related in the ilorj of Thomai Mownlajne, bereafler priuteil. 

*• Sir Ilumphre; RadclyfTu wai the third hid uf Hubert earl of Snuex bf hi« sceond wife 
ladj Margaret Stanlef ; and broUier to Henry mrl of Suuex, tlio captain of tho band (,( 
penaionen. (p. I3i).) From liia marriage with IiabelU, daughter and heireuof EMmund 
Herie; »qnire, he wai> leated al IJlatow in Bedfordshire ; where, in the cburoh, are 
their eBip«, aa dewribed in the QentlemsnV Magaiino 1826, ii. 108. Sir Humphrey 
una inaulled at Windsor ApriilO, I &3S,aapn)Q for William lord Gr«y of Wilton, Iheu 
sleeted knight of the Oarter. He died in ISOiJ. He wan the father of Edward the lul 
Mri of hU family, who died in 104!. 

cAitD. aou. 1 


of the utter chamber in kynge Henry the viij*«».tyme, and all kyng 
Edwardes tyme, always a ranke papist, and therfore was now the 
cheflfe ussher off quene Maryes prevy chamber,* he was apoynted 
to call^ the waohe, to se yW any weare lakynge; unto whome 
Moore, the clarke off ower cheke, delyvered the boke off ower names, 
wiche he parused before he wolde calle them att the cumebarde^, and 
when he came to my name, ** Whatt ! (sayd he,) whatt dothe he 
here?" " Syr, (sayde the clarke,) he is here redy to sarve as the 
rest be," *' Naye, by God*s body I (sayde he,) that herytyke shall 
not be called to wache heare. Geve me a pene." So he atroke my 
name owt off the boke. The clarke of the cheke sought me owte, 
and sayde unto me, **Mr. Underhylle, yow nede nott to wache, 
yow maye departe to your logenge." '* Maye I? (sayde I,) I wolde 
be glade off thatt," thynkynge I hadde byne favored because I was 
nott recovered off my sykenes : butt I dyde not welle truste hym 
because he was also a papist. ** Maye I depart in dede? (sayd I,) 
wylle yow be my discharge?" '* I tell yow trew, (sayde he,) 
mr. Norres hathe strekon you owt off the boke, sayng these wordes, 
* Thatt herytyke shalle nott wache here;* I telle you trwe what he 
sayde," ** Mary, I thanke hym, Csayde I,) and yow also; yow 
could nott do me a greater plesure." ♦^Naye, burdone nott me 
withalle, (sayde he,) it is nott my doynge." So departed I into 

* John Norrifl esquire. He and William Rainsford were the two genUemen ushen who 
represented the dukes of Normandy and Guienne at the coronation of Ed^'ard VI. Though 
treated somewhat contemptuously by Underhill, he was a person of importano«» and 
one of a family connected during many generations with the court, and allied to 
several families of the peerage : see the pedigree of Norris in Lipscombe^s Buckingham- 
shire, vol. i. p. 233. He was elder brother to Heniy Norris, beheaded in 1586 for the 
matter of Anne Boleyne : whose son was summoned to parliament by EUiabeth, and his 
grandson became earl of Berkshire. After the accession of Mary, sir Philip Hoby, who 
had held the office of usher of the Ghtrter, or black rod, during the reign of Edward VI., 
resigned it for the purpose that it might be restored to the family of Norris, and by letters 
patent dated 1 May 1554, (which are printed in Rymer's Fcedera, zv. 886,) it was con- 
ferred on John Norres« one of the genUemen ushers of the queen's privy chamber, and on 
William Norrea, his son and heir apparent, or the survivor. John Norris died Oct. SI, 
1564, having married Elizabeth, sister to Edmund lord Bray. ^ cupboard. 


the halle, where ower men weare apoynted to wache. I toke my 
men with me, and a lynke, and wentt my wayes. 

When I came to the conrte gate, ther I mett with mr. Clement 
Througemartone,* and George Feris,^ tindynge ther lynges to go 
to London. Mr. Througemartone was cume post frome Coventry, 
and hadde byne with the quene to declare unto her the takynge 
off the duke off Suffoke.® Mr. Feris was sentt from the councelle 
unto the lorde William Hawwarde,<* who hadde the charge off the 
whache att London bryge. As we wentt, for thatt they weare 
bothe my frendes, and protestanes, I tolde them my goode happe, 
and maner off my discharge off the whache att the cowrte. 

When we came to Ludegate it was past aleavene of the cloke. 
The gate was &st loked, and a greate wache within the gate off 
Londonars, but noone withowte; whereoff Henry Peckam hadde 
the charge under his father,^ who belyke was goone to his father, 

* Clement Throckmorton esquire, of Haseley in Warwickshire, was the third son of 
^r George Throckmorton of Coughton, by Katharine daughter of Nicholas lordVaux : and 
Biarried Katharine, daughter of sir Edward Neville, second son of the lord Abergavenny. 
(Wotton*8 English Baronetage, 1741, ii. 857.) In early life he served at Boulogne, 
and was cupbearer to queen Katharine Parr. He was M.P. for West Looe in 1571, 
and died in 1574. In 1555 mr. Clement Throckmorton charitably undertook to provide 
for the elder son of Thomas Hawkes when that martyr was sentenced to be burned at 
Coggeshall : see the letters of Hawkes to his wife and to master Clement Throckmorton 
printed by Foxe. His eldest son and heir Job was the supposed author of Martin Mar* 
Prelate ; and was father of sir Clement Throckmorton, of Haseley, an eloquent speaker 
in the parliaments of the next century, in which he sat for the county of Warwick. 

^ George Ferrers, M.P. for Plymouth in 1542, a poet and an historian. For his 
biography see Wood*s Athene Oxonienses, (by Bliss,) i. 443. ; the notes to Machyn*s 
Diary, p. 327; and those to the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 188. 

<: Henry Grey, the father of the lady Jane. He was captured in his park of Astley 
near Coventry, and the particulars are given in Appendix YII. to the Chronicle of Queen 
Jane and Queen Mary. 

^ Brother to Thomas fourth duke of Norfolk ; created lord Howard of Effingham 
10 March 1553-4, lord chamberlain 1554, and lord admiral 1557 ; died 1573. 

« Henry Peckham was the son of air Edmund Peckham, who had been cofferer of the 
household to Henry VIII. and Edward VI. and was treasurer of the mint to Mary and 
Elizabeth. The son, in the year 1563, joined in the conspiracy of Henry Dudley, of 
which a full account has been presented to the Camden So^ticty by Mr. Bruce in his 
Terney Papers, pp. 59 et seq, and was hung and beheaded on Tower. hill, together with 


or to loke to the water syde. Mr. Througemartone knoked harde, 
and called unto them, saynge, ** Here is lij or iiij jentyllemen cume 
from the courte thatt must cume in, and therfore opon the gate." 
** Who?" cothe one, ** Whatt?" cothe another, and moche laugeh- 
ynge the(y) made. ** Cane ye telle what ye doo, syrs?" sayd mr. 
Througemartone, declar3mge his name, and that he hadd byne 
with the queue to showe her grace off the takynge off the duke off 
Suffoke, " and my logeynge is within, as I am sure sume off yow 
do know." " And," sayde Ferris, *' I am Ferris, that was lorde off 
misrule with kyuge Edwarde,* and am sentt from the councelle 
unto my lorde William, who hathe the charge off the bryge, as yow 
knowe, uppon weyghtie affayres; and therfore lett us in, or eles ye 
be nott the queues fryndes." Stylle there was mouche laughynge 
amoungst them. Then sayd too or three off them, ** We have 
nott the keyes, we are nott trusted with them ; the keyes be caryed 
awaye for this nyght." " Whatt shall I do?*' sayde mr. Througe- 
martone, ** I am wery and faynte, and I waxe nowe colde. I am 
nott aquaynted here abowte, nor no mane dare opone his doores in 
this daungerous tyme, nor I am nott able to goo bake agayne to the 
courte; I shall perishe this nyght." "Welle, (sayde I,) lett us 
goo to Newgate, I thynke I shalle gett in ther." " Tushe ! (sayde 
he,) it is butt in vayne, we shalbe aunswered ther as we are here." 
** Welle, (sayde I,) and the worst falle, I can loge ye in Newgate; 
yow know whatt aquayntaunce I have ther, and the keper's doore 
is withowte the gate." " That weare a bad shifte, (sayde he,) I 
hadd almost as lyffe dye in the strettes; yett I wylle rather [than] 
wander agayne to the courte." ** Welle, (sayde I,) lett us goo prove. 
I beleve the keper wyll healpe us in att the gate, or eles lett us in 
thorow his wardes, for he hathe a doore on the insyde also; yff alle 

John Daniell, on the 8th of July in that year. (Stowe^s Chioniole, and Machyn*B Diary, 
p. 109.) He appears to have well deserved his fate, having behaved treacherouflly to hia 
friends. He had sat in the late parliament for Chipping Wyoombe. 

* First at Christmas 1551-2, and again in 1552.8, as described with great delight by 
Machyn in his Diary, pp. 13,28, 29 : see also, for various partioulars, Kempe's Loselcgr 
Mannscripts, 1835, 8vo., and The Literal^ Remains of King Edward VI. p. 381. 



tliis fayle I have a fraud att the gate, Newmane the ierinraounger, 
in whose howse I have byne logede, where I tlare warantt yow we 
flimllc have logyngc, or att the lest howse-rorae and fyer." ' ' Marye, 
this is wel sayde," saythe Ferris. 

So to Newgate we wentt, where was a greate wache withowte the 
gatCj wiche ray frcndc Newmane hadde tlie charge o£F, for that he 
was the cimncstable. They marveled to 8e there torches cumeynge 
thatt tyme off the nyght. When we came to them, " Mr. Under- 
hylle, (sayde Newmane,) whatt newea, thatt you walkc so late?" 
"None butt goode, (sayd I;) we cume from the cowrtc, and wolde 
have goone in att Ludgate, and cannott be lett iu, wherfore I pray 
yow yff yow cannot hcipe us in lierc, lett [us] have logynge with 
yow." " Mary, that ye shalle, (sayde he,) or go in att the gate, 
whether ye wille." " Godamercy, jentylle frende, (sayde mr. 
Througemertonc,) I pray yow lett ua goo in yff it maye be." He 
ealled to the euneatable within the gate, who opened the gate forth- 
with. " Now happye was I (sayde mr. Througemertone,) thatt I 
mett with you; 1 hadd byae lost eles." 

When Wyatt Was eume abowte,' notwithstandyngc my discharge 
off the wache by mr. Norres, I putt on ray armoure and wentt to the 
courte, where I foundo all my felowes armed in the halle, wiclie they 
weare apoynted to kepe that daye. Old syr John Gage ^ was 
apoynted withowte the utter gate, with sume off the garde and his 
sarvantes and others with hyni ; the rest off the garde weare in the 
greate eourte, the gattes atandynge opune. Sir Kychard Southwell 
had the charge off the bakesydes, as the woodeyarde and thatt waye, 
with v'men. Thequene was in the galary by the gatehowse. Then 
came Knevetf and Thomas Cobara/'with a company off the rebellea 

' On We<liiB»elaj tlioTlii Feb. 1553-4, being ABliWuduesday, — IwviiigmarohBd forwMtl 
from Sauthwuk (he dnj bcfaro, and GmaMd tbe Tliuues at KInKatou. 

i> Being lord cluiab«rlua uid cunsUble ot the Tower, Sue bebro, p. 139. 

' William Knovelt wu one of the principal cnptiuns of tbe rebel* : but two othen ot 
the tiunil}', Thonuu and Anllion;, were also among thote committed to the Tower. See 
the Chronicle ot Queen Jane and Queen Haiy, pp. St , 52, 53. At the end of tbe loUawing 
February Anthooj and William were lenl into Kent for execution, (ibid. p. 69.} 

" Thomu Cobham, tbe lord Cobbam'a ion." (ibid. pp. CI, C2.) Hit hrothen li 


with them, thorow the gatehowse, frome Westmester,* uppon the 
sodene, wherewith syr John Grage and thre of the jugeis,** thatt weare 
menly armed in olde bryggantynes,*^ weare so fryghtede thatt they 
fledd in att the gattes in souche hast thatt old^ Gage fell downe in 
the durte and was foule arayde; and so shutt the gates. Wheratt the 
rebelies shotte many arowes. By meanes off this greate hurleburle 
in shuttynge off the gattes, the garde t^att weare in the courte made 
as greate hast in att the halle doore, and wolde have cume into the 
halle amoungst us, wiche we wolde not suffer. Then they wentt 

William and George were also commifcted to the Tower, and all three tried in the follow- 
ing February, (ibid. p. 62.) Thomas waa condemned to death. The two latter were 
acquitted, or pardoned ; and released, with their father lord Cobham, on the 24th of March, 
(ibid. p. 71, and Machyn, p. 58.) The particulars of lord Cobham*^ committal to the 
Tower on the 2nd of February are given in the same Chronicle, at p. 41. 

* The rebels, on their way from Knightsbridge, were first attacked near St. James*8 
palace, by the earl of Pembroke*s horsemen ; when some of them <* which escaped the 
charge, passed by the backeside of Saint James towardes Westmynster, and from 
thence to the courte, and finding the gates shut agaynst them, stayed there a while, and 
shotte off many arrowes into the wyndowes and over into the gardejne, neverthelesse 
without any hurt that was knowne. Whereupon the sayde rebelies, over whom one 
Knevett was captaine, perceyving themselves to be too fewe to doe any great feate there, 
departed from thence to followe Wyat, who was gone before towardes London.** (Narra- 
tive by George Ferrers, included in Grafton's Chronicle, and copied by Holinshed.) 
Proctor, who published a separate narrative of Wyat's rebellion, erroneously imagined 
that the attack came from Charing cross : see a note on this point in the Chronicle of 
Queen Jane and Queen Maiy, p. 131. The writer of that chronicle states (p. 48) that the 
party who turned down towards Westminster were commanded by " Cutbart Vaughan 
and about ij auncyentes.** 

^ These judges were those of the common pleas. ** This daye the judgw in the oommon 
pUce at Westminster satte in armoure." (Proctor.) ** Yea, this day, and other dayes, 
(says Stowe,) the justices, seijeants at the law, and other lawyers in Westminster hall 
pleaded in hamesse.** Proctor adds that while the court gates were open, " one maister 
Nicolas Rockewod, being a gentleman of Lyncolnes inn, and in armour at the said court 
gate, was shotte through hys nose with an arrowe by the rebels. For the comminge of the 
said rebels was not loked for that way.** See also the anecdote of Ralph Rokeby seijeant 
at law, pleading with a good coate-armour under hb robes and playing a good part with 
his bow and a sheaf of arrows, quoted in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, 
p. 40 ; also that (p. 41) of doctor Weston, who the same morning (being Ash Wednesday) 
sang mass before the queen *' in hamesse under his vestments.** 

c Brigandines were jackets of quilted leather, covered with iroVi plates. ^ MS, hold. 


throungjmge towardes the Watergate, the kycheyns, and those ways. 
Mr. Gage came in amoungst us alle durt, and so fryghted thatt he 
coulde nott speke to us; then came the thre jugeis, so fryghted thatt 
we coulde nott kepe them owte excepte we shulde beate them 
downe. With thatt we issued owt off the halle into the courte to 
se whatt the matter was; where ther was none lefte butt the porters, 
and, the gattes beyng fast shutt, as we wentt towardes the gate, 
meanynge to goo forthe, sjrr Rycharde Southwell came forthe off the 
bake yardes into the courte. *' Syr, (said wee,) commaunde the 
gates to be opened thatt we maye goo to the queues enemyes, we 
wyll breake them opone eles ; it is to mouche shame the gates shulde 
be thus shutt for a few rebelles; the queue shalle se us felle downe 
her enemys this daye before her face." ** Masters," sayde he, and putt 
off his muriane • off his heade, ** I shalle desyer yow alle, as yow be 
jentyllemen, to staye yourselves heare thatt I maye goo upe to the 
queue to knowe her plesure, and yow shall have the gates oponed ; 
and, as I am a jentylleman, I wylle make spede." Uppon this we 
stayde, and he made a spedie retume, and brought us worde the 
queue was contentt we shulde have the gates opened. ** Butt her 
request is (sayde he,) that yow wyll not goo forthe off her syght, for 
her only trust is in yow for the defence [of] her parsone this daye." 
So the gate was opened, and wc marched before the galary wyndowe, 
wheare she spake unto us, requyrynge us, as we wearejentyllemen 
in whome she only trusted, thatt we wolde nott goo from thatt place.^ 
Ther we marched upe and downe the space off an ower, and then 
came a harroldc postynge to brynge newes that Wyatte was takone. 
Immediately came syr Mores Barkeley ® and Wyatte behynd hym, 

* The morion was a scull- cap or bat of steel with a ridge on its top. See some repre- 
sentations in Meyrick*8 Ancient Arms and Armour, pi. lxviii.,and Fosbroke's Encyclopedia 
of Antiquities, plate of Armour and Arms. 

^ Of the queen's personal demeanour on this alarming occasion see further particulars 
in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mai^, pp. 48, 49, 133, 188. 

« Sir Maurice Berkeley, of Bruton, co. Somerset, was standard-bearer (vexillifer) to 
Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Elizabeth, according to th9 family pedigree. His 


unto whome he dyde yelde att the Temple gate," and Thomas Cobam 
behynde ane other jentylleman.** 

Anane after we ^ weare alle brought unto the queues presentee, 
and every one kyssed her hande, off whome we haddc greate thankes 
and large promeses how goode she wolde be unto us ; but few or 
none off us got any thynge, although she was very liberalle to many 
others ^ thatt weare enemyes unto God's worde, as fewe off us weare. 

Thus wentt I home to my howse, wheare I kepte, and came litle 
abraude, untyll the maryage was concluded with kynge Phellippe. 
Then was ther preparynge to goo with the queue unto Wynchester; 
and all the bookes off the ordinarys weare parused by the beshope 
of Wynchester,® and the yearle of Arundelle, to consyder off every 
mane. Syr Houmphray Ratcleff, ower leffetenaunte, brought unto 
them the boke off the pencyonars, wiche when they overloked, and 
came unto my name, ** Whatt dothc he hearc?' sayde the yearle off 
Arundelle. ** I knowe no cause why he shuld nott be heare, (sayde 
mr. Ratclyffe;) he is an onest mane; he hathe sarved from the 
begynnynge of the bande, and was as forwarde as any to sarve the 
queue in the tyme off Wyatt's rebellyon." ** Lett hym pas then,** 

name occurs as one of the knights of the king's pri\7 chamber who signed the settlement 
of the crown on the lady Jane in 1553 (see Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Maiy, 
p. 100). There was, however, at this time, besides sir Maurice of Bruton, another sir 
Maurice, the younger son of Thomas tenth lord Berkeley, and the uncle of Henry at 
this time the baron, and a minor. (Dugdale, Baronage, i. 368.) 

* See the particulars of his surrender minutely described in The Chronicle of Queen 
Jane and Queen Mary, p. 50. 

»» " And another toke Thomas Cobham, and [a third] William Knevet, and so caiyed 
them behind theym upon their horses to the courte.'* (Ibid.) 

* t. e, the gentlemen pensioners. 

^ See the list of " The names of certaine lordes and gentlemen that were with hir 
majesUes power against the rebelles," endorsed " to be rewardyd," printed from a MS. in 
the SUte-paper office, at the close of the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 
187. It may be remarked on that document that by " My lord Marshall " is meant lord 
Clinton, who was « Manhall of the field " or " of the camp '' at Wyat's attack ; and by 
"Mylordlieutenaunt»»(p. 188) the earl of Pembroke, who had the chief command of 
the queen*8 forces. 

« Gardiner, now the queen's chief minister. 


sayde the beshope. ** Well, (sayde the yearle,) you may do soo; 
butt I assure you, me lorde, he 5s an arche heritike." Thus I passed 
onst (once) agayne. 

When we came to Wynchester, beynge in the chamber off pre- 
sentts, with my fellowes, mr. Norres came forthe off the queues preve 
chamber, unto whome we dide reverance, as his place requyred. 
** Whatt! (saythe he unto me,) whatt do yow heare?" ** Marry, 
sir, (sayde I,) whatt do yow heare?** ** Ee, (sayde he,) are you so 
shourte with mc?" ** Syr, (sayde I,) I muste and wyllc forbeare, 
for the place yow be in ; butt yff you weare in the place yow weare 
in off the utter chamber, I wolde be shorter with yow. Yow weare 
then the doore-keper, when we wayted att the table. Your offyce 
is nott to fynde faulte att my beynge heare. I am att this tyme 
apoynted to sarve here by those thatt be in ottorytie, who know mo 
as welle as yow doo." •* They shalle know yow better, (sayde he,) 
and the queue also." With thatt sayde mr. John Calveley," one off 
my felowes, brother unto syr Hewc Calveley off Cheshere, who 
sarved att the jurney to Laundersaye in the same bande thatt I dyde, 
** In goode faythe, mr. Norres, me thynke yow do nott welle. This 
jentyllemane ower fellow hathe sarved off lounge tyme, and was 
redy to venter his lyffe in defence off the queues majestie att the 
laste sarvis, and as forwarde as any was ther; and also beynge 
apoynted and redy to sarve heare agayne now, to his greate chargeis, 
as it is unto us alle, methynkes you do moore then the parte off a 
jentyllemane thus to seke hym.'^ *' Whatt! (sayde he,) I parseave 
you wylle holde together." ** Eles we weare worse then beastes, 
(sayde my fellow,) yff we wolde nott in alle leffulle causes so holde 
together thatt he thatt touchethe one off us shalle touche all." So 
wentt he from us into the preve chamber, and from thatt tyme 
never medled more with mc. 

» John Calveley, one of Uio younger sons of sir George Calveley, of Lea in Clieshire, 
by Elizabeth daughter of sir Piers Dutton, is in the family pedigree styled " valet to 
queen Mary.** His elder brother sir Hugh was knighted at Leith in 1548. (Qnnero<rs 
History of Cheshire, vol. ii. p. 419.) 

CAMD. 80C. Z 


On the maryage daye,* the kynge and the quene dyned in the 
halle in the beshop's palice, sittynge under the clothe oflF estate, and 
none eles att thatt table. The nobilite satte att the syde tables. 
Wee weare the cheflFe sarveters, to cary the meate, and the yearle 
off Sussex ower capetayne was the shewer (sewer).** The seconde 
course att the maryage off a kynge is gevyne unto the bearers; I 
meane the meate, butt nott the disshes, for they weare off golde. It 
was my chaunce to cary a greate pastie of a redde dere in a greate 
charger, very delicately baked ; wiche for the weyght theroff dyvers 
refused ; the wiche pastye I sentt unto London to my wyffe and her 
brother, who cherede therwith many off ther frendes. I wyll not 
take uppon me to wryte the maner off the maryage, off the feaste, 
nor off the daunssynge off the Spanyards thatt daye,® who weare 
greately owte off countenaunce, specyally kynge Phelip daunce- 
ynge with the quene, when they dide se me lorde Braye,^ mr. 

• At Winchester, on the 25th July 1554. 

*> '* At the banquet, the earl of Arundel presented the ewer, the marquess of Win- 
chester the napkin ; none being seated except the king and queen ; but, as to the rest 
of the entertainment, it was more after the English than the Spanish foshion. The dinner 
lasted till six in the evening, after which there was store of music ; and before nine aU 
had already retired." Narrative from the archives of liouvaine, in Tytler^s Edward VI. 
and Mary, ii. 432. 

* '*And thus, shortly to conclude, there was for certain dales after this moste noble 
mariage such triumphing, bankating, singing, masking, and daunsing, as was never in 
Englande heretofore, by the reporte of all men. Wherfore, to see the kinges magestie and 
the quene sitting under the cloth of estate, in the hall where they dyned, and also in the 
chamber of presence at dansing tyme, where both their magesties dansed, and also to 
behold the dukes and noblemen of Spain daunso with the foire ladyes and the moste 
buetifull nimphes of England, it should seme to him that never did see suche, to be 
an other worlde/' John Elder*8 Letter sent in to Scotlande to the bishop of Caithness, 
reprinted in the appendix to The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 143. 
Mary had been always fond of dancing, and her brother king Edward once wrote to her 
to remonstrate with her on that score. (See Halliweirs Royal Letters, 1846, ii. 5 ; also Sir 
Fred. Madden's memoir of her prefixed to her Privy Purse Expenses.) 

d John second lord Bray, who succeeded his father in 1539, had been lieutenant of 
the gentlemen pensioners before sir Humphrey Radclyffe, and was characterized as " a 
paragon in court, and of sweet entertainment.^* But, though he shone in the court of 
Mary, he did not agree in her policy, and in 1556 he suffered imprisonment in the Fleet 


Carowe, and others so farre excede them; butt wyll leve it unto the 
learned, as it behovithe hym to be thatt shalle wryte a story off so 
greate a tryoumffe. 

Wiche beyng ended, ther repare was to London, wheare shortlye 
after begane the cruelle parsecusyone off* the prechers, and earnest 
professors and followers off the gospelle, and shearchjmge off men's 
howses for ther bokes. Wherefore I goott olde Henry Daunce, the 
brekeleyer off Whytechappelle, who used to preche the gospelle 
in his gardene every halydaye, where I have sene a thowsande 
people, he dyde inclose my Bokes in a bryke walle by the chemnyes 
syde in my chamber, where they weare presarved from moldynge or 
mice,untylle the fyrste yere off ower moste gracyouse queue Elisabeth, 
&c. notwithstandynge that I removed from thence, and wentt unto 
Coventry, and gott me a howse a myle owte off the citie in a woode 
syde. Butt before I removed from the sayde howse in London, I 
hadde too chyldeame * borne ther, a boye and a whence (wench). 

It was a greate greffe to me to se so mouche innocentt bloode 
shede for the veritie. I was also thretened by John Avales and 
Bearde,** wiche I understoode by mr. Luke,® my very frende, off Cole- 
mane strete visissyone (physician), who was greate with sume thatt 
kepte them cumepany, and yett weare honeste mene; whome I 
caused to lett them imderstande thatt yf they dide attempte to take 
me excepte they hadd a warantt syngncd with fore or fy ve off the 
counceles handes I wolde goo farther with them then Peter dide, 
who strake off butt the eare off Malcus, butt I wolde surely stryke 
off heade and alle ; wiche was declared unto them ; so thatt I oftene 
tymes mett them, but they wolde nott medle with me. So myghtilye 

and in the Tower, on suspicion of connection with the conspiracy of Henry Dudley, in 
which his nephews Edward and Francis Vemey were involved. The particulars of this 
trouble and his subsequent history until his early death in 1557 have been presented in 
detail to the Camden Society by Mr. Bruce in the Vemey Papers, pp. 52, 66, 73, 77. 

• Anne his fifth daughter, bom the 4th of January 1554, and Edward his second son, 
bom the 10th of February 1555. (See p. 135.) 

^ See before, p. 161. 

c Luke Shepherd : see note in the Appendix. 


the inercyfuUe Lorde defeudide me, as also frome beynge presentt 
att thatt blasphemus mase in alle the tyme oflF quene Mary. 

This Luke wroote many proper bokes agaynst the papistes, for the 
wyche he was impresoned in the Flete ; specially a boke called John 
Boone and Mast Parsone^ who resoned together off the naturalle 
presense in the sakermentt; wiche boke he wroote in the tyme off 
kynge Edwarde, where withe the papistes) weare soore greved, 
specyally syr John Gresam,* then beynge mayour. John Daye dide 
pryntt the same boke; whome the maior sentt for to knowe the 
maker thcroff, saynge he shulde also goo to presone for pryntynge 
the same. It was my chaunce to cume in the same tyme, for thatt I 
hadde founde oute wheare Alen the prophecyer hade a chamber, 
thorow whome ther was a brute in the citie thatt the kynge was 
deade, wiche I declared to the maior ; requyrynge hym to have ane 
ofiycer to aprehende hym. * * Mary, (sayde the maior,) I have receaved 
letters this nyght att mydnyght to make searche for the souche." 
He was goynge unto.dynner, who wyllede me to take parte off the 
same. As we weare att dynner, he sayde ther was a boke putt 
forthe called John Boone, the maker wheroff he wolde also searche 
for. " Wy so? (sayde I,) thatt boke is a goode boke; I have one off 
them liere, and ther is many off them in the courte/* ** Have yow 
so? (sayde he,) I prayc you lett me se it; for I have nott sene any 
off them." So he toke it, and reade a litle off it, and laughed 
theratt, as it was bothe py thye and mery ; by meanes wheroff John 
Daye, sittynge att the syde borde after dynner, was biddene go 
whome, whoo hadde elcs goone to presone. 

When we hade dyned, the maior scntt to (two) off his ofl^cers with 
me to seke Alene; whome we mett withalle in Poles,** and toke hym 
with us unto his chamber, wheare we founde fygures sett to calke the 

• Uncle to the celebrated sir Tbomas Gresham. His mayoralty waa in 1547-8. See 
memoirs of hiui in Burgon^s Life of Gresham, pp. 11-21 . Some particulars regarding him 
will be found in the notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 353 ; and as to bis children in The To- 
pographer and Genealogist, 1853, ii. 512. 

^ In the nave of Saint Paul's cathedral, then a place of general concourse. 


nativetie off the kynge, and a jugementt gevyne off his deathe, wher- 
off this folyshe wreche thoughte h3rmselfe so sure thatt he and his 
conselars the papistes bnited it all over.* The kynge laye att 
Hamtone courte the same tyme, and me lord protector at the Syone;^ 
unto whome I caryed this Alen, with his bokes off conejuracyons, 
cearkles, and many thynges beloungynge to thatt dylvyshe art,*^ wiche 
he afiyrmed before me lorde was a lawfuUe cyens (science), for the 
statute agaynst souche was repealed.^ ** Thow folyshe knave ! (sayde 
me lorde,) yff thou and alle thatt be off thy cyens telle me what I 
shalle do to-morow I wylle geve the alle thatt I have;" comraaund- 
ynge me to cary hym unto the Tower: and wroote a letter unto syr 
John Markam thene beynge leffetenauntt,^ to cause hym to be ex- 
amyned by souche as wearc learned. Mr. Markam, as he was bothe 
wyse and zelous in the Lorde, talked with hym ; unto whome he dyde 
affirme thatt he knewe more in the syence off astronomy then alle the 
unyversyties off Oxforde and Carabryge ; wheruppone he sentt for my 
frende, before spokyne off, doctor Keccordc, who examined hym, and 

* '' In the mean season, bicause ther was a rumour that I was dead, I passed thorowgh 
London/' writes king Edward in his Journal. " Item the xxiij. day of the same monyth 
(July 1549) the kynges grace came from the dewke of SufTolkes place in Sothwarke 
thorrow London, and soo to Whytte hall, goodly, with a goodly company." Chronicle of 
the Grey Friars of London, p. 60. 

^ Syon house, then belonging to the duke of Somerset. 

^ Some of these Underbill kept in his possession, and copies of them will be found in the 
Appendix, together with other notices of Allen. 

^ By the stotute 1 Edw. VI. cap. 12, the act of 33 Henry VIII. cap. 8 (a copy of which 
will be found in the Appendix) was repealed, as being one of those constituting new felonies 
since the 1 Uen. VIII. See the Index to the Statutes of the Realm, tit. Witchcraft. 

® Sir John Markham was lieutenant of the Tower during the protectorate of the duke 
of Somerset, and was discharged from his office at the end of October 1551, because, during 
the duke's imprisonment, he had suffered him to walk abroad, and certain letters to be 
sent and answered, without making the council privy, as is recorded by king Edward in 
his Journal : see The Literary Remains of King Edward VI. pp. 233, 238, 328. He was 
head of the family seated at Cotham in Nottinghamshire, and his biography will be found 
in the History of the Markham Family, by the Rev. David Frederick Markham, 1854, 
8vo. p. 19. See also a letter of archbishop Granmer to Cromwell in 1537, highly com- 
mending sir John Markham both as an old soldier and as a favourer of God*s word : 
Jenkyns's Remains of Cranmer, i. 224. 


he knewe nott the rules of astronamye, but was a very unlearned 
asse, and a sorcerer, for the wiche he was worthye hangjmge, sayde 
mr. Rccorde. 

To have further matter unto hym we sentt for Thomas Robyns alias 
Morgane," commonly called litle Morgane, or Tome Morgan, brother 
unto greate Morgane off Salisbury courte, the greate dycer, who 
when I was a companyone with them, told me many stories off this 
Alene, whatt a cunnjmge mane he was, and whatt thynges he coulde 
do, as to make a womane love a mane,** to teache mene how to wyne 
att the dice,® whatt shulde become off this realme — nothynge butt 
he knewe it; so hadde his chambers in dyvers plases off the cittie, 
whether resorted many women for thynges stoUene or lost,^ to know 
ther fortunes, and ther chyldarnes fortunes ; wheare the ruffelynge 
roysters the dicers made ther maches.® When this Morgane and 
Allen weare brought together, Morgane utterly denyed thatt ever he 
had Bene hym or knowen hym. '* Yes, (sayde Alene,) yow know me, 

<^ The remainder of the MS. is now bound in the MS. Harl. 424, at f. 8. 

*» — "to provoke any person to unlawful love" was one of the objects of witchcraft 
enumerated in the Act 33 Hen. VIII. cap. 12, which will be found in the Appendix. 

^ See Allen *s paper, No. 3, in the Appendix. 

** The sorcerers were used to " take upon them to tell or declare where goodes stollen or 
lost shall become." (Act 33 Hen. VIII. cap. 12.) This was a branch of the '* science " 
which formed too frequent a source of profit to be hastily relinquished. It was flourishing 
a century later, and is not yet entirely extinct. The famous Richard Baxter, in '* The 
Certainty of the World of Spirits fully evinced, 1691," inquires "To what sort shall wo 
rank those that tell men of things stolen and lost, and that shew men the face of a thief in 
a glass, and cause the goods to be brought back, who are commonly called white vitchts t 
We have had so many credible reports of such, as alloweth not reason to doubt of it." 
And he then proceeds to tell some stories of Hodges, one of these " white witches," whom 
he remembered, practising at Sedgley. See Allen's papers, Nos. 1 and 2. 

« In the time of king Edward we read that ** Dicing and carding are forbidden, but 
dicing and carding-houses are upholden. Some in their own houses, and in the king's 
mj^esty's court, (God save his noble grace, and grant that virtue and knowledge may 
meet in his royal heart I; give ensamplc to his subjects to break his statutes and laws. 
Prisons in London, where men lie for debt, be dicing-houses ; places of correction and 
punishment be dens and schools of unthriftiness,"' &c. Epistle addressed to archbishop 
Cranmer, prefixed by Roger Hutchinson to " The Image of God, or laie man's booko," 
1550. Hutchinson^s Works, (Parker Society,) p. 7. 


and I knowe yow," for he hadd confessed that befFore his comeynge. 
Upon this mr, lefFetenauntt stayed litle Morgane also presonar in 
the Tower, 

I caused also mr. Gastone the lawyare,* who was also a greate dicer, 
to be aprehendid ; in whose howse Alene was mouche, and hadde a 
chamber ther, where was many thynges practesed. Graston hadde an 
olde wyflFe who was leyde under the horde alle nyght foY deade, and 
when the womene in the mornynge came too wynde her, they founde 
thatt ther was lyfFe in her, and so recovered her, and she lived 
aboute too yeres after. 

By 'the resworte off souche as came to seke for thynges stollen and 
lost, wiche they wolde hyde for the nonst, to bleare ther husebandes' 
ies withalle, saynge ** the wysc mane toldethem," off souche Gastone 
hadde choyce for hym sclffe and his frendes, younge lawers of the 
Temple. Thus became I so disspysed and odious unto the lawers, 
lordes and ladies, jentyllmene, marchantes, knaves, hoores, baudes, 
and theves, thatt I walked as daungerously as Daniell amoungest the 
lyons; yett from them alle the Lorde delivered me, nottwithstond- 
ynge ther oftone devices and consperices by vyolence to have shed 
my bloode, or with sorcery distroide me. 

These affooresayde weare in the Tower about the space off a yere, 
and then by frendshipe delyvcred. So scapithe alwayes the weked, 
and souche as God commaundethe shulde nott lyve amounge the 
people ; yea evyne now in these dayes also, so thatt me thynk I se 
the ruine off London and this hole realme to be evyn att hande, for 
God wylle nott suffer any longer. Love is cleane banished; no 
mane is sory for Joseffes hurte. 

A prayer ** tacon owt off the salmes off Da vide, dayly and nyghtly 

used to be sayde off Edwarde Underhylle. 

Lorde, teache me the understaundynge off thy commaundementes, 

•^ This is probably the true name, and not Ga«coigne. One of the knights of the Bath 
made at the coronation of queen Mary was sir Henry Gaston. 

^ Strype, in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii., at the end of Chapter VI. has printed 
another prayer by Underbill, " that he used in queen Mary's days against the papists.^* 
As I have not found the original of this, I do not reprint it. 


thatt I maye aply myselfe for the kepynge off tlie same, as lounge 
as I lyvc. Gevc rae souclie wisedomc thatt I maye understande 
and so to fulfylle the thinge thatt thy lawe devisethc; to kepe it also 
with my hoole harte, thatt I do nothynge agaynst it. Gyde me after 
the trevv understaundynge off thy commaundementes, for thatt hath 
bynn alwayes my specyall desyer. Incline myne harte unto the love 
off thy statutes, and cause me utterly to aboure covetousnes. Tume 
myne ics asyde lest they be tangelede with the love off moste vajnie 
thynges; butt leade rae rather unto lyff thorow thy warnynges. Sett 
souche a worde befoorc thy sarvantt as maye most cheffely further 
hym to worshipc the. Take awaye the shame thatt I am afflrayde 
off, for thy jugemcntes are greatly myxed with mercy. As for me, 
verely I have loved thy commaundementtes ; wherfore kepe me aljrve 
accordynge to thy ryghtousnes. 

Love Ood above all thynges, and thy neyghhoure as thy selfe, 
Thatt this is Christes doctryne no mane cane it denje ; 

Wych litle is regarded in Yngland*s common weal the, 

Wherefore greatc plages att hande be, the realme for to distroye. 

Do as thow woldest be done unto, no place here he cane have ; 

Of alle he is reffused, no mane wylle hym reseave ; 
Butt pryvate wealthe, thatt cursed wreche and most vyle slave. 

Over allc he is imbraced, and fast to hym they cleave. 

He thatt hathe this voorldes goode and seithe his neyghboure lake, 
And off hym hathe no campassyone, nor shmvith hym no love, 

Nor relevithe his nesessite, butt suffres hym go to wrake, 

God dweUethe nott in thatt mane, the scriptures playnely prove. 

Example we have by Dyvcs, that dayntelye dide fare. 
In worldely wealthe and ryches therin he dide excellc. 

Off poore Lazarous' misery he hadde theroff no care, 
Therfore was sodenly takone and tormentide in helle. 

Ed w ABBE Undebhtllb. 





Thomas Mowntatne was arrested for continuing to perform the Protestant 
communion afler it had been prohibited: and then retained in prison as a 
traitor, having accompanied the duke of Northumberland in his journey to 
Cambridge when endeavouring to establish the title of queen Jane. Having 
lain for some months in prison, he was released through some legal informalities, 
and at length escaped to the continent. 

Mowntayne himself informs us that he was the son of Richard Mowutayne 
a servant to king Henry the Eighth and king Edward. All that is further 
known of him, beyond what is related in the following narrative, is that on the 
dissolution of the college of the Holy Spirit and Saint Mary, founded by 
Richard Whittington, in connection with the church of Saint Michael in the 
Ryal, in the city of London, Thomas Mountein, clerk, was on the 29th Dec. 
1550, presented to that church by the dean and chapter of Canterbury, and 
received institution from archbishop Cranmer, to whose jurisdiction the rectory 
belonged as a peculiar ; but afler the accession of queen Mary, Whittington*s 
college being re-established, the former rector, Richard Smith, S.T.P. was re- 
instated. (Newcourt*s Repertorium Ecclesiasticum Londinense, i. 494.) 

Mowntayne was one of nine priests beneficed in London that pertained to the 
archbishop*s jurisdiction, who (jsede vacante) were by a citation dated March 7, 
1553-4, ordered to appear before the vicar-general, Henry Harvey, LL.D. in 
Bow church, in order to be called to account as married men. Mowntayne was 
one of those who did not appear ; and consequently, being pronounced con- 
tumacious, was deprived of his benefice. (Strype, Memorials of Cranmer 
p. 327.) 

Thomas Mowntayne, on his return from his continental exile, appears to have 
obtained the rectory of St. Pancras Soper-lane, to which his institution is not 
on record, but a successor was appointed on his resignation Oct. 4, 1561. 
(Newcourt*s Repertorium Ecclesiasticum Londinense, i. 619.) 



Strype printed the whole of this narrative in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, 
with the exception of a few passages, but divided into five portions (vol. iii. 
chapters 7, 11, 20, 23, and 24,) and impaired by numerous errors. It is there- 
fore thought that a complete and literal copy is not superfluous in the present 

(MS. Harl. 426, f. 106.) 

In the yeare of Lorde God a thowsand fyfFe hundrethe and iij 
quene Marye was crownyd Quene of Ingeland, swche a daye of the 
monthe * beynge Sondaye ; and the next Sondaye after, I Thomas 
Mowntayne, parson of Sent Myhellys in the to were ryall, otherwysse 
callyd Wythtyngeton college yn London, dyd ther mjmjrstere al 
kyend of servys acordynge to the godly order than sett forthe by 
that moste grasyus and blessyd prence kynge Edward the syxte; 
and the hole paryshe, beynge than gatheryd togeather, dyd than 
and there moste joyfully communycate together with me the holly 
supper of the Lorde Jesus, and manye other godly sytysjms wher 
than partakers of the same, whoe, with byter tcrys ^ of repentance, 
dyd not onlye lament ther former wycked lyves, but also the lacke 
and lose of our moste dred sufFerent lorde kynge Edward the syxte, 
whorae we wher not worthye of, for our unthankefulnes and dyss- 
obedyence bothe towardes Allmightye God and his magestie. Nowe, 
wyll I was even a brekynge of the bred at the table, sayenge to the 
communycants thes wordys. Take and eate thys, &c., and Drynke thys^ 
&c., ther where standynge by, to see and here, sartayne sarvjmge 
men belongyng to the bushope of Wynchester, amonge home, one 
of them most shamefully blasphemy d God, sayenge *' Ye, Godys 
blud, standys thowe ther yet? sayenge Take and eate, Take and 
drynke; wyl not thys geare be lefte yet? yow shal be made to 
synge another songe withyn thys fewe dayes I trowe, or clys I have 
lostc my marke." 

The nexte Weddynsdaye folio wyng'' the bushop of Wynchester sent 
one of hys servantes for me to come and speake with my lorde hys 

A October 1, 1558. *> MitprinUdhy Strype bittemeM. « October 11. 


master; to home I answeryd, that I wolde wajrte one hys lordshyp 
after that I had done momjmg prayer. " Naye, (saythe hys man,) 
I maye not tarye so longe for yow. I ham commaimdyd to take 
yow whersoever I fyend you, and to brynge yow with me; that ys 
my charge gevyn unto me by my lordys owne mowthe." ** Wei 
than, (sayed I,) I wyll goo with yow owte of hande, and God be my 
comforde, and strengthyn me with hys holy spryte thys daye and 
ever, in that same truthe wher unto he hathe calyd me, that I may 
contynue ther3m to the end. Amen ! " 

Nowe, whan I came ynto the greate chamber at Saint Marye 
Overy's, ther I fownd the bushop standyng at a baye wyndowe with 
a great companye aboute hym, and manye swters bothe men and 
wemen, for he was gooynge to the courte; amonge home ther was 
one mr. Sellinger, a knyghte and lord debytye of lyerland," beinge 
a swtter also to my lorde. Than the bushope callyd me unto hym 
and sayed, '* Thou herytyke ! how darste thow be so bo wide to use 
that sysmatycall service styll, of late set forthe? seynge that God 
hath sent us nowe a catholycke queue, whose lawys thow haste 
broken, as the rest of thy fellowse hathe don, and you shall knowe 
the pryse of y t yflfe I do lyffe. Ther ys suche abomynable companye 
of yowe, as ys able to poyesjme a hole realme with your herysys." 
** My lorde, (sayed I,) I ham none heretyke, for that waye that yow 
counte heresy, so worshupe we the lyvynge God; and as our fore- 
fathers hathe done and belevyd, I mene Habraham, Isaake, and 
Jacob, with the reste of the holly prophetes and apostyllys, even 
800 doo I beleve to be savyd, and by no other meanes." " Godys 
pasyon ! (sayd the bushop,) dyd not I tel yow, my lorde deby[ty], 
howe yow sholde knowe an heretyke? he ys up with the * lyvjmge 

• Sir Anthony St.Leger, knight of the Garter. Some Terses (in balUd measure) on 
the Eucharist, which are printed in Foxe's Actei and Monuments, are by him attributed 
to king Edward as author, and said to have been addreesed to tir Antliony St. Leger ; or, 
according to other accounts, sir Anthony was himself responsible for them. But he got 
into trouble about them in Ireland, and was anxious to deny them in the reign of queen 
Mary : see the Pre&ce to the Literary Remains of King Edward VI. 


God,' as thoo ther were a dead God. They have nothynge yn ther 

mowthes, thes herytykys, but * the Lord lyvythe, the lyvynge God 

rwlythe, the Lorde, the Lordc/ and nothyng but the Lorde," 

Here he chaffyed lyke a bushop, and, as his mannar was, many 

tymys he put of hys cape and rubbyd to and froo, up and done, the 

fore parte of hys heed, wher a locke of hare was alwayes standynge 

up, and that as some saye wasc hys grace; but, to passyffye thys 

hastye bushop and cruell man, the lord debytye sayed, " My good 

lorde chaunseler, trobyl not yourselve with thys herytyke, I 

thynke all the worlde ys full of them, God bles me from them! 

but as your lordshyp sayed even now full well, havynge a chrystyan 

queue nowe raynynge over us, I truste ther wylbe shortly a re- 

formasyon and an order taken for these herytykes, and I trust God 

hathe presarvyd your honorable lordshyp even for the very same 

porpoose." Than sayed mr. Selynger unto me, ** Submyt yourselve 

unto my lorde, and so yow shall fynd favor at hys hand." " I thanke 

yow, syr, (sayd I,), plye your owne swete [suit], and I pray 

yow let me alone, for I never offendyd my lord, neyther yet wyll I 

make any suche submysyon has he wolde have me to doo, be 

assueryd of that, God wyllynge." " Wei, (sayed he,) you are a 

stuburne man." Than stode ther one by muche lyke unto docter 

Martyn,'' and sayed, '' My lorde, the tymc pasythc awaye; trubule 

your solve no longer with thys herytyke, for he ys not onlye an 

herytyke, but also a traytor to the queues magesty, for he was one 

of them that wente forthe with the ducke of Northethumberland and 

was yn open felde agaynste here grace; and therfor as a traytor 

he ys one of them that ys exscmte owte of the generall pardon, and 

hathe lostc the benyfytt of the same." ** Ys yt even so? (say the 

• Thomas Martyn, D.C.L. one of the masters in chancery, who was actively engaged in 
the prosecution of archbishop Cranmer and many others, as appears in Foxe*s pages, 
throagfaout the Marian period. He was author of a book published in 1554, on the 
Unlawfulness of Priests* Marriage. See memoirs of him in Wood's Atheme Oxon. (edit. 
Bliss,) i. 500 ; and references to many particulars in the General Index to the Works of 


the bushope,) feche me the boke that I maye see yt." Than was 

the bokebroughte hym, weryn he loked* as one ingnorante what had 

bene done, and yet he beynge the chefFe doere hymselve therof. Than 

asked he of me what my name was. I sayed my name was Thomas 

Mownttajme. " Thow haste wronge," sathe he. ** Why so, my 

lorde?^* ** That thow haste not inowntyd to Ty borne, or to soche 

a lyke place." Than sayed I unto hym, ** I beseche your lordshyp 

be so good lord unto me, as to let me knowe myn acusars who they 

they be, for I truste that I have not desarvyd nether to be hangyd 

as a theffe, nor yet to be burnyd as [a] herytyke, for I onely beleve 

yn one God yn trinitye, and as for the lawes of the realme, I truste 

I have not ofFendyd or brokyn anye of them." **No? (sayd the 

bushop,) I wyll make thee to synge a newe songe or thow and I 

have done, for thes ij ^ be alwayes lynkcd together, treson and 

herysy, and thow haste lyke a shameles man offendyd in bothe, 

and that shalte thow knowe. I wyl scole thee myselve." Than he 

called for the marshall or some of his men, and ther was none of 

them ther. Than calyd he for one mr. Hungerford, one of his owne 

jentellemen ; hyme he rowndyd yn the eare a pretty whyele, and 

than openly the bushop sayed with a loude woysce, ** I praye yow, 

mr. Hungerford, take thys trayterus herytike, and have hym to 

the Marshallsee, and remember wel whate I have sayed unto yow, 

for thys ys one of our new brochyd bretheryn that speikethe 

agayenste al good workes." " No, my lorde, (sayed I,) I never 

prechyd or spake agaynste anye of those good workys which be 

comawndyd of God yn the holy scryptures to be done ; for yn those 

good workys every chrystyan man awghte to exsersys hymselve 

al the dayes of hys lyfFe, and yet not to thynke hymselve to be 

justyffyed therby, but rather to cownte hymselve an unprovy table 

servant whan he hathc don the bestc he can." ** That ys true, (qothc 

the bushop;) ynded your fraternytyc was, ys, and ever wyll be 

altogether unprophytabuU yn al ages, and good for nothynge but 

" The H-ouls wherein he looked are omitted hf Sirirpe, ^ ij omitted hj Strype. 



for the fyere. Tel me, I praye the, whate good workes was ther done, 
other yn kynge Hary*8 days, or yn kyng Edward's days? " ** Truely, 
my lorde, (sayd I,) ther was doone 3m the dayes of these ij notable 
kynges, of moste worthye memorye, manye notable th3mges moste 
worthye of perpetuall memory to the ende. Fyrste, the bushop of 
Borne was uterly abollyshyd owte of thys realme, with alle his usurpyd 
powre and auctor(it)ye over all crystyan prynsys; al idolatrye, super- 
stysyon, and ipocrysye supressyd; all false and faynyd erelygyus* 
men and women dischargyd of ther longe lowtrynge yn cloysters, 
and thaute hence to serve Grod yn spirete and truthe, and no longer 
to worshup hym yn wayne, devoyr3mge poore whydoose howsys 
under the pretence of longe prayers. Also, and that lyke your 
lordeshype, they did erecte many colegyes. Also the unyversytys 
of Cambryge and Oxforde fyrst by wyse men were vysytyd, than 
purgyd, wel furnyssyd with godly leamyd masters of every howse, 
and laste of all contynuallie relevyd and mayentaynyd from tyme 
to tyrne by the good and well dysposyd people of thys sytye of 
London, that lemyd men myghte floryshe. Al these, my lord, 
were good workes. Further, they dyd erecte manye fayer os- 
pjTtalljrs; one^ for orfaynes and fatherlese chylderyn, wheryn they 
maye be towghte to knowe ther duety and obedyence bothe to God 
and man, havynge bothe a scolmaster and also an husher, to theche 
them thergrammer; these lykewaies also have meat, dr)mke, clothei 
and logynge, lawnders, surgyns, and phisysyons, with al other 
nessesarys. Yn the other howsys,*' my lorde, ther ys the blyend, 
the lame, the doume, the deaffe, and al kynd of syke, sore, and 
dessesyd peple ; they have alwayes with them an honeste leamyd 
m3myster to comforte them, and to gyve them good cownsell that 
they myghte pasyently take 3m good parte Godys vysytasyon. 
Thys they have: bjrsyed meate, drynke, lodgynge, surgyns, and 
physysyons. Are not al these good workes, my lord? " Than the 
bushop sayed unto me yn mokage, ** Ser, you have made a greate 

* Apparently a furtive jest, " irreligious ** instead of ** religious/* 

^ Chriit'f Hoq>ital. <" St Bartholomew's and St. Thomases. 


speke; for, wheras yow have set upe one begarlye howse, yow have 
pulde downe an C. prj^isly howsys for yt; puttj^g owte godly, 
lemyd, and devoyte men that sarvyd God daye and nyghte, and 
thurte [thrust] 3m ther plase a sorte of scurvye and lowsye boyes. 
Wei, to be shorte with thee, whate eayeste thow to the blysyd 
sacramente of the alter? ho we belevyste thow yn that?" ** Not 
as yow beleve, my lord; for I never reed 3m the scryptur of anye 
suche sacrament so callyd, and so unreverently to be hangyd up yn a 
rope, over a hepe of stones, and that same to [be] worshuppyd of the 
people as God. Woo be unto them that so dothe theache the 
people thus to beleve I for they be false prophetes,* beleve them who 
wyll; for trewlye I wyl not. Thus ham I tawghte to beleve." 
"By home?" saythe the bushope. *' For sothe, even by Jesus 
Chryste, the hye bushop and pryest of our sowlys; who by the 
offerynge up of hys owne blysyd bodye on the crosse once for all, as 
saint Pawl say th to Ebrwse, and ther shedynge hys moste presyus blude 
hathe clensyd us from al our synnes; and I trust only** by his 
deathe to have everlastynge lyffe." " What sayeste thow nowe, 
thow shameles heretike, unto the holy and blysyd mase?" *^ My 
lorde, suffer me to speake my consyence, I beseche yow ; I nother 
beleve yt to be holly nor yet blyssyd, but rather to be abomynable 
before God and man, and the same to be acursyd; " and with that 
I knellyd doune and hylde up my handys, lokynge up unto hevyn, 
and sayed yn the presence of them all, ** Father of heaven and 
of earthe! I moost whomblye beseche thee to increase my faythe 
and to help my unbeleve, and shortly cast doune for ever that 
shameful idolle the mase, even [for] Jesus Chrystes sake I aske jt. 
Amen. God grawnte yt for hys marsy sake shortly to come to 
pase." ** I crye you marsy, syr, (sayed the bushop,) howe holy 
you ar nowe I Dyd you never saye mase, I praye yow? " *^ Yese, 
my lorde, that I have, and I aske God marsy, and moost hartely 
forgyfenes for doynge so wycked a dede." ** And wyll yow never 
saye yt agayne? " sayd the bushop. ** No, my lord, God wylynge: 

» " Priests ** in Stryp£* •» only omiUtd by Sirypt, 


never while I lyve, knojmgc that I doo knowe; not to be drawne 
insundcr with whyld horse. I trust that God wyll not so gyve me 
over and leve me to myselve.*' Than he cryed, ** Awaye with 
hyme ! yt ys the stobumste knave that ever I talkyd with," etc. 

Than mr. Hungcrford callyd for iij or iiij of my lordys men to 
wayet apon hyra to the Marshalsec; and by the waye as wee went 
he myghtyly persuadyd with me, that I showld gyve over myne 
herysys and wyckyd opynnyons as he termyd them ; and he wolde 
be a mean for me unto my lord, and ofFeryd me to goo bake agayn. 
I thanked hym for hys good wyll, and dysyryd hjrme that I myghte 
goo forward to the plase apoyentyd by my lorde. " Wei, (saythe he,) 
and ther be no remedye, come one. I ham sory for yow." Than 
cam we to the Marshallsec ; and the porter, calyd Bry ttyne, opynyd 
the doore, and let us yn, sayenge, " Whate have yow broughte 
here, mr. Hungerfurde, an hery tyke ?" He sayed " Ye, and a trayter 
to." ** No, (sayed I,) I am none; I ham even as trwe a man bothe 
to God and to the crowne of Ingland as anye of yow bothe are, 
or my lordc your mastar other." '* Well, (sayd the porter,) wee 
shall hamper yow wel inoughe. Come one with me." Then the 
jentelman rowndyd hyme yn the eare, and so went hys wayes. 
Than was I browghte unto [the] greate blocke. ** Sete up your 
feete here, master herytyke, (sayed Bryttyne the porter,) and let 
me see howe thes cramp ryngynes wylle become yow." ** I hame 
not to good (sayed I,) to were these for the truthe sake; seynge 
that Jesus Chryste dyed for my sake, they are welcome unto me, 
with all my harte : for by moche trybulasyon we muste enter ynto 
the kyngdome of God." Than he toke a greate hammer yn hys 
hand, and dyd set them one, and that surelyc. Than he brughte 
me to my lodgynge, a place calyd Bonnares cool-house;" ther he 
put me yn and locked the dorc apon me, sayeing that he was 
commandyd to keape me as a cloose prysonar, and that no man 
myghte speake with me. ** Content, (sayd I,) and yete wyll I 
speake with one I truste every daye, and aske yow no beleve.** " 

* Coal -house. ^ t, €, by your leave. 


** Whoo ys that? (sayed he,) I wolde I myghte knowe hyra." " So 
wolde I trwely ; than were yow a greate dell more nearar to the 
kyngdora of God than yow are nowe. Repent therfore your papes- 
trye, mr. Brytjm, and beleve the Gospell; so shall yow be suere to 
be savyd, or eles lost for ever/' So he shuke hys hed at me, and 
whente hys wayes. 

Withyn a ten dayes after, the bushopes amner came yn with hys 
mayster's awmese basketes, and thes woordys he sayed to the porter : 
**My lordys plesure is that none of thoos herytykes that ly here, 
sholde have anye parte of hys almes that he dothe send hether; 
for yef he maye knowe that they have anye of it, thys house 
shal never have yt agayne so longe as he lyffe." ** Weel ! (sayd 
Brytyn,) I wyll see to yt well inowght, mr. Broox"; and they 
have no meate tyl that theye have of that, some of them are 
lyke to starfe I warante you ; and so tel my lorde, for anye favore 
they get at my hande." Than Broxe whent hys wayes; and, go- 
ynge owte, he behelde a peese of scrjrpture that was payentyd over 
the doore, yn the tyme of kyng Edwardes rayne, " Whate have we 
here? (saythe he,) a pees of herysye! I command yow yn ray lordys 
name that yt be clone put owte agaynst I come agayne; for if I 
fynd yt here my lord shall knowe yt, by the holy mase !" 

Now, wylle I was prysonar 3m the Marshallse, they came yn 
dayly thyke and threefold for relygyone, and than mr. Wyate was 
up yn Kente, and so comynge to London and lyenge yn Southe- 
warke, he sent one of hys chaplaynes unto me and to the reste of 
my fellow prysonares, to knowe whether that we wolde be dely vered 
owte of pryson or no. Yf we wolde so doo, he wolde set us at libertyc 
so manye as laye for relygyon ; with the reste he wold not medylle. 
Than we all agreyd and sent hym thys answere, ** Syr, wee gyve 
you moste hartye thankes for thys your jentell offer; but, for as 
mouche as we came yn for our consycnces, and sent hether by the 

» James Brooks, D.D. Oxon. 15^6, master of Balliol college 1547, bishop of Glouces- 
ter 1554. He was one of the pope*s delegates for the trial of Cranmer, Ridley, and 
Latimer. See other particulars of him in Wood*s Athenoe Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 314, 



counsell, we thynke yt good here styll to remayne tyl yt please God to 
worke our delyverance as yt shall seme beste to hys glorye and owre 
lawful! dyscharge; whether yt [be] by lyffe or deathe we are con- 
tente, hys wyll be done apon us ! and thus fayer you well." With 
this our answer he was very well content, as afterward reporte was 
made unto us. 

That same Lente ther came unto me doctor Chadse,* doctor Pe- 
nulton,** mr. Udalle,® parson Pyttyes,^ and one Wackelyn a petye 
cannon of Powllys. Al these laboryd me very sore for to recant, and 
yf that I wolde grawnte so to doo, **my lorde chancelar wyll de- 
lyver yow, I dare saye, (sayed mr. Chadsey,) and yow shall have as 
good lyvynges as ever yow had and better." To whom I answeryd 
that *'I wolde not by (buy) my libertye nor yet my lordys favore 
so dear, and to forsake my good God, as some of yow hafe done; the 
pryse wherof you are lyke one daye to feel yf that yow repent not 
yn tyme. God tume your harttys and make yow of a better 
myend ! Fayer yow well. Yow have loste your marke, for I hame 
not he that yow loke for." And so we party d. 

• William Chadsey, D.D., prebendary of St. PauPs 1548, archdeacon of Middlesex 
1550, canon of Windsor 1554, canon of Chriatchurch Oxford 1557, president of Corpus 
Christi college Oxford 1558, deprived of all his preferments 1559. In April 1554 
dr. Chadsey took the lead in the disputation at Oxford witli archbishop Cranmer. 
He preached the thanksgiving sermon Nov. 28, 1554, for queen Mary^s supposed 
quickening, as fully described in Stowe's Chronicle; and others of his sermons are 
noticed by Machyn : see the index to that diary. Other particulars of him will bo found 
in Wood's AthensB Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 822. 

^ Henry Pendleton, S.T.P., prebendary of St. Paul's 1554 ; rector of St. Martin's Out- 
wich in the same year, and of St. Stephen's Walbrook 1556. Of his other preferments, 
and his religious principles, see Newcourt's Repertorium Eccles. Londinense, p. 204, and 
Wood's Athens Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 825. He was tlie preacher at St. Paul's cross at 
whom a gun was fired on the 10th of June, 1554 ; and other occasions of his preaching 
will be found in the index to Machyn's Diary. His funeral, Sept. 21, 1557, at St. 
Stephen's Walbrook, ** where he was parson," is described by Machyn, p. 152. 

^ Who this was does not appear : as it could scarcely be Nicholas Udall, once master of 
Eton school, who was ranged on the Protestant side. 

'' Probably the incumbent of a church in the borough of Southwark, as his name does 
not occur in Newooart's Repertory of the diocese of London. 


Doctor Martyn also dyd one tjMne send for me lykewyse, to come 
speake with hyme at my lorde of Wyncliester's howse, oflferynge me 
good lyvynges, yf that I wolde submyte unto my lorde. I tolde hym 
that ** yf I sholdegoo abowghte to plese men, I knowe not howe sone 
my Maker wolde take me awaye, for a dubyle-hartyd man ys uncon- 
stante yn all hys wayes. I truste that your swete barmyse (balms) 
therfor shalle never break my hede; and, seynge that I have begone yn 
the spryte ,* God forbyd that I sholde nowe end yn the fleshe 1" And 
he herynge thys partyd from me yn a greate furye; and goynge out 
of hys chamber, he sware a great othe, sayinge that I was as craftye 
an herytyke knave as ever he talked with, and that I dyd nothynge 
but mocke my lorde. '* Thow shalte gayne nothynge by it, I war- 
ranto ye. Kepar, have hyme awaye, and loke strayetly to hym, I 
counsell yow, tyl that yow knowe further of my lordys plesure." 

So I returnyd to the Marshalse agajme withe my keapar; and 
within a whylle after, kjmge Phyllyp bejmge come yn to Ingland,** 
a sartayne dyscrypsyon was made of hys parson, queen Mary beynge 
joynyd yn the same, and somethynge sayed of her, as well as of the 
Spanyardes; and, because that I hade a copye of the same, yt was 
layed to my charge that I dyd make yt; wherupon sartayne jentel- 
men were apoyented to syte yn commysyon for the tryall theroff, 
and to examyue me and iij moo of my fellowse. The commysyon- 
ars wher these :^ sir Jhon Baker ,<^ sir Thomas Moyelle,® sir Kychard 
Sothwelle,^ and mr. Brygys* the lefilenante, and sir Thomas Hold- 

* Compare with the passage in Underhill's narrative, p. 159. 

>> He landed at Southampton, July 19, 1554. 

^ Strype, Eccles. Memorials, iii. 101, in giving these names, has printed "Sir The. 
Baker/ instead of sir John, and has omitted Southwell and Brydges. 

^ A privy councillor, and chancellor of the exchequer. 

c Sir Thomas Moyle was general receiver of the court of augmentations. Through his 
daughter and coheir Katharine, he was grandlather of sir Moyle Finch, the first baronet 
(1611), whose wife was created countess of Winchilsea, and from whom the subsequent 
earls of Winchilsea and Nottingham have descended. 

f See before, pp. 8, 139. 

9 Thomas Brydges : see before, p. 144. 


crojfte,* bejmg knyghte marshall. All thees sate yn comysyon withyn 
the Towere of London, yn a gallerye of the quenes syede; 
afore home we were commandyd to come, that ys I myselve one, 
Jamys Proctor,^ Edmond Lawrance, and Thomas Stonynge, everye 
one of us bejnige fyrste severally examynyd. We utterly denjringe 
that anye of us ever were the fyrste awctores theroflf, ** No, (sayd 
they,) that wyll be provyd the contrarye to some of your paynes.' 
Than sayed sir Rychard Sothewelle, ** To the racke with them ! to 
the racke with them ! sarve them lyke erytyckes and trajrtors as they 
be; for one of these knavys ys able to undoo a hole syttye," Thys 
was spoken at afternone, and soudaynly he fell faste aslepe as he 
sate at the bordc. Than sir Jhon Baker asked of me wer I had the 
coppy , and howe I came by yt. * * For sothe, (sayed I,) ther was one 
Warter, cuerte (curate) of St. Bryedys yn Fletstrete, and he fyrste 
browghte yt yn amongste us, and so came I by the coppye of yt." 
" Whoo wryte yt?" sayd they. •* That dyd I," sayed Tomas Sto- 
nynge. " And ys thys your hand? " ** Ye, (sayed he,) and yt lyke 
your honors, I wyll never deny yt.'* ** Onester man yow," sayd 
they. Than were we all commandyd to goo asyed. Than dyd they 
consulte togeather, and whan they hade done, we were calde yn 
agayne, and so commytyd unto the leftennant to be locked up, every 
man by hyme selve alone. Tomas Stonynge was stayed by hynde, 
and so had downe to the rake, and was layed on yt and so pulde 
that he began to crake under the armepytes and yn other partes of 
his bodye ; and than was he takyn of and put yn a brake of iome, 
hys necke, handys, and feet;*^ and so he stod al nyghte agaynste a 
walle, and the next day takyn owte agayne. 

• Sir Thomas Holcroft, some time sewer to Henry VIII., made a knight of the Bath at 
the coronation of Edward VI. in 1547 : imprisoned in the Tower in 1551 as an adherent 
of the duke of Somerset, and deprived of the office of receiver of the duchy of Lancaster in 
June, 1552. In his office of knight marshal, which he probably held for life by patent, 
he appears to have taken opportunities to act as'a secret friend of the Protestants. 

b There was one James Proctor who was procurator for the clei^ of Sussex in the oon* 
vocation of 1562 : see Strype, Annals, i. 827, 338, 343. 

^ Both the rack and the brake of iron are shewn in operation in Foio*s cut, which re« 


Tliua dyd we cootynywe prysonars yn the Tower a, quarter of a 
yare or ther abowghte, and than, at the commandcinent of the 
counsel, we were sent to the MarshalUe agayne, and ther I remaynyd 
untyl suche tyme aa my lord chaiiselor sent a wryte to ] 

pmcnU the torturing of Cuthbert Sjnuon in llio Towor, ia 1557. Of the iron biaka we 
flad it staled, eariy in Klizabetli'a raign, " Tliis engine ia called Sirryn^ait'i Otiet, 
wherJD the liod; nandeth double, the head being dnwen lowardu the feete. Tha forme 
and maner of these gjve*, and of his (Cnthbert Synuon'a] nckyng, ;ou may «sr? in the 
booke of Martyrs, folio 1631." (Letters of the Martyn, 1564,4lo. p. 66d.) A few years 
later, the adherent! of Rome lud in llieir turn a personal acquaintance with theae Initru- 
ments of lorture. Mathiax Tanner, the martjrolngiat of the Jeiuits, dcacribea the Sea- 
linger'a Daughler (to which the name had boeo corrupted (ram that of Skeffingtoa'a 
Daughter) aa intlicling torments the Yory reverse at that of tlie rack, but at the lame time 
much mare painful, producing in aome victime a diaohargc of blood from the hands and 
feet, and in othera horn the noae and month, Hia words are: " Piscipua tortum post 
equalsum (Ilit met) Anglis apeoieg est, Fiiia iScacingiri dicta, priori omnino poatpoaita. 
Cilm enim ille membra, alllgatis extraetiaque in direna mannuoi pcdnmque artioulis, ab 
invlcem diatrahat : hicc o contra ilia liolente in oaum veluU globum colligat et cona(i|ial. 
Trihriam hie corpus compltcatur, cruribua ad femora, temoribua ad rentrem apprenia. 
atqne ita arcubua ferreia duobua indudinir, qaorum extrenta dum ad ae invicem iabore 
earaiScum in circutum coguntur, corpua interim miaeri inclnaum infonni compreasione 
pane eliditur. Immane proiaus et dirius equuleo cruciamentum, cujua immanitate corpus 
latum Ita aictatur, ut aliia ex eo aanguia eitremia maniboa et (ledibua exiudel, allia riipt& 
pectoris crate eopioaua i nariboa faucibuaqne aanguia effUndatur,prautCollaroa etiam turn 
hcPtioL miaeri laboranti cvenit, ampllua horA integrEi anulo oonoluso." (SoeitUu Jint 
u^ut ad SanguinU rt Vibr pntfutianem Militata, A-i:. avelon Mal/aa Tiinntr, S3.T.D. 
Pragif, 1S76, folio, p, 18.) Thomaa Cottam, the Jesuit here mentioned, aulFered in the 
year 1&32. 

A committea of the House of Commona in 1604 reported that [Ley found in the dungeon 
called Litlie Ease in the Tower, " an engine of tortnre devised by mr. Slievington some- 
time lieutenant of the Tower, called Steringloa'i DavghUri, and that the place itself was 
Tsry loathsome and unclean, and not Used for a long time either for a prison or other 
cleanly purpose.'' Mr. David Jardlne an this authari^ aaaerta, in his Reading on ihn 
Uioof Torture in EngUmd, 1S3T, Sto. p. H, " In the same reign (Henry Vin.) we Hnd 
air William Skevington, a tieulcnant of the Tower, immortalining himaolf bj the invenUon 
of a new engine of lortnre, called Skevington 'a Irons," fite.; but sir William Skeiflngton 
was never limtenant of the Tower. He was maater nf Iho ordnance, and in tliat capacity 
WHS probably required to supply Ihoio (tyvca, The length of thii note will bo excused the 
more readily ^m the eircumalance that SkclBngton's Dangbter la still ahewn among the 
hiWorical curiosilica of the Tower armoury. 


me from thence to Cambryge castelle;* and over nyghte I had war- 
nynge to prepare myselve agaynste the nexte dayc yn the mom- 
ynge. Shorte wamynge I hade; but there was no remedye. In 
the mornynge I made me redy by tymes, and rekenyd with my 
keper;** went downe and toke my Icve of al my felowe prysonars 
withe the reste of my frendys, movynge them and exortynge them, 
as the tyme dyd serve, " to be constante yn the truthe, to serve God 
and fcare hyme, and to be obedyent unto the deathe, and not to resyst 
the hyere powers, havynge alwayes with yow the testymonye of a 
good consyence, belevynge that Jesus of Nazarethe was crusyfyed for 
your synnes, lettynge all other trache and trumperye goo. Yea and 
ihoo an angell sholde come from heven and preche anye other gospell 
unto yow than that which we have prechyd alredye ^ yn the dayes of 
kynge Edward, beleve them not, but holde hyme acursyd, for there ys 
a waye that some men thynke to be ryghte^ but the endtherofledyth unto 
deathe. (Prov. xiiij.) Chryst ys therfore the onely waye and meane 
unto God the Father : he is truthe and lyfe, he is alone our onlye 
medyator and advocate, S3rtynge at the ryghte hande of hys Father. 
Yt ys he, as S. Powle saythe,** that ys our onlye redempsion, salva- 
syon, justyfFycasyon, and reconsylyation. Take yow heed therfore, 
my deare bretheryn, lest yow be abusyd and led awaye from the 
truthe by false prophetes; let them not make you to shute at a 
wronge marke, for they wyll onlye labore to make shypwrake of 
your fuythc, and to brynge yow to pardysyon. Yow see whate a 
Hort of grccdie wolves are alredye enteryd yn amonge Christes flocke to 
<lcvour them." ** Staye there, syr, I pray yow, and make an end, 
(gaycd the under marshall,) yow have talked long inowghe, I trowc, 
aii<l that be good." To home (whom) I sayd, ** Sir, I thanke yow moste 
hurtoly for your jentelnes, yn that yow have so pasyently suflferyd 

* Mowntayno wai removed to Cambridge because he was charged with high treason 
there committed wlion ho accompanied the army of the duke of Northumberland. 
^ t.e, paid the feea, as Underbill did at Newgate (p. 153). 
<* Oalatiant^i. 8. 
*> I Corinthians, i. 80. 


me freely thus to speake, and to take my leve of thys house. I 
truste I have not spoken anye thyng here yn your presens that hathe 
offended ether God or anye good man." '* Well, (sayd he,) dys- 
pache, I pray yow, for the wryte ys come, and they tarye for yow at 
the doore." With that I fell prostrate to the grownd, and sayed, 
** hevenly Father, yf yt be thy blyssyd [will] and plesure, de- 
lyver me owte of thys trouble, and suffer me not to be temptyd 
above my strenght, I beseche the(e), but yn the mydyste of the 
temptasyon make suche a waye for my dely verance as shall be moste 
to thy glory, my comforde, and the edyfyenge of mye bretheryn. 
Never the lese, thy wyll be done, aud not myne. Greve me pasyens, 
I beseche thee, Father, for Christes sake !" To thys they all sayd 
Amen. So I kyssyd the earthe, and roose up, byddyng them all 
fayre well, and dyssyerynge them to praye for me, and not to forgete 
whate I had sayd unto them, as they wolde answer afor God. 

Than wente I owte of the doores, fyendynge ther betwen the gates 
vj tale (tall) men yn blwe cottyes with swordys and buckelers and jauf- 
lyngesyn ther handys, and one of them broughte unto me a geldynge, 
desyerynge me to lyghte on hym quyckely, " for the daye ys fare 
spente," sayde he. ** Content I ham so to do." And, beyngc on horse- 
bake, one of good wyll broughte me a coup of wyne to comford me 
with ; so I toke y t and dronke to all the peple that were present there, 
and thanked them al hartely for there jentelnes. The under-marshall 
than toke me faste by the hand, and roundyd me yn the eare, sayeng 
thus, ** Syr, I ham commandyd by my lorde chanseler to charge 
yow in the kingc and queues name, that yow doo keape your tongue 
as yow doo ryde throwe the syttye, and quietly to pase the same, as 
yow wyll answer to the contrye (contrary) before the counsel; and 
thus muche more I saye imto yow, I feare that I shall here of thys 
dayes workc for your sake. Never the lese, God strengthen yow yn 
that same truthe wherunto he hath callyd yow, for I parsave and 
also beleve that yow are jm the ryghte waye. Fayer yow wel ! for 
I dare stand no longer with yow. Praye for me, and I wyll praye 
for yow." And thus we partyd at ix of the cloke yn the forenone. 


Than iij of them ryd afor me, and the other iij behynde me, tyl 
I came to Ware, and there we alytyd at the syene of the Crowne*; 
and I was browghte yn to a fayer parlar, a greate fyer made afore 
me, and a tabuUe coveryd. Than they asked me yf that I were not 
wery and a hungeryd. ** Not gretly," sayd I. ** Wei, (sayd they,) 
cal for whate yow wyll, andyow shall heve yt, yf yt be to be gotjrn 
for gold, for so are we commawndyd ; and be of good cheer, for Grodys 
sake. I trust yow shall have none other cawse." So doune I sate 
at the borde, sayed grase, and made as I thoughte a good meale; 
and, so fare as I can remember, the reconynge came to a viij or ix»., 
bysyed our horsemeate. So, grace bejmge sayed, and the table 
taken up, the cheflfyste of thes vj sarvynge men sayed unto me, ** Sir,' 
ho we are yow myendyd no we ? anye other wyse than yow were whan 
yow came owte of London?** **No, trwelly, (sayed I,) I thanke 
God I ham even the same man nowe that I was than, and I truste 
yn God so to remayne unto the end, or els I wold be sory and also 
ashamyd ; and I tell yow trwe, that I hame not aahamyd of the gospell 
of Jesus Chrystey for yt ys Hie power of God unto salvasyon to as 
manye as doo beleve;^ and to tel you further, yf ihys gospell be hyde 
yt ys hyde from tlioos that shall peryshe,^ for unto the good yt ys the 
savore of lyfe unto lyffe, and unto the wycked and ungodly yt ys 
the savore of deathe unto deathe.** Take yow all heed therefore, 
dearly belovyd ; beware yn tyme, leste bothe yow and your teachers 
have your porsyon yn the fyerye lacke amonge the ipocrytes, wher 
there ys wepynge, wayllynge, and gnashynge of teethe®; weras the 
worme of consyence shall never dye,' but yow to dwell jrn payne so 
longe as God raynythe yn glorye. whate should yt prophyte a 
man to have th3rs whole worlde at wyll, and to leese hys owne 
sowle?* and whan yt ys lost wherwithall wyl you redeme ytagayne? 

> Ware contained several large and ancient inns. It was not the Crown, but the 
Saracen*B Head, which boasted of ** the Great Bed of Ware,^* mentioned by sir Toby 
Belch in Shakspere*s Twelfth Night, and represented in a plate of Clutterbuck's Hert- 

^ Romans, i. 16. ^ 2 Corinthians, iv. 3. <> 2 Corinthians, ii. 18. 

« Matthew, xxiv. 51. ^ Mark, ix. 44. s Matthew, xvi. 26. 


I tel yow thys ys no maseynge • matter, neyther yet wyll any par- 
dones, purgatorye, or pylgramagyes sarve your tume. No, and my 
lord chancelar, or the pope hymselve, shulde saye mass for one of 
yow, and synge ilj® trjnatallys ^ for yow, yt wolde not goo for paye- 
ment before God ; for, as the prophet Davyd saythe yn the sphalme, 
Ther ys no man that can make agrement to God for hys brother; he 
must let that alone, for yt caste mx>or than so: ° and Yf one man syn 
agaynst anotJier, dayes-men maye be judges; but yfa man synne agaynst 
the Lordf who wyl be hys dayes^/nan f^ Yoio ar dearly bought, saythe 
sent Fetter,® not with coryptyble gold and silver^ pearle or presyus 
stonesy but by the moste presyus and ynnosent blude-shedinge of Jesus 
Chrystey the only begottyn son of God" Than sayed they one to 
another, " Never let us talke any longer with hyra, yt ys but lost 
labor. Yow see that he ys at a pownte; there ys no good to be 
done of hym, I perceive that he wylle dye yn hys opynyons." " Ye, 
(sayd I,) I truste yn God so; for yt ys wrytyn, Happye and blessyd 
are al tliey that dye yn the Lorde/ for they shall be sartayne and 
suer of a joyfull resurecsyon. Aryse therfor, I praye yow, and let 
us be gooynge." 

So to horsbake we wente, a gret nomber of people beynge yn the 
yarde and yn the stretes, to see and behold me, the poore prysonar 
that came from London. Every man spake there fansy, and some 
broughte me wyne to comforde me with, for the which I gave them 
moste harty thankes, desyerynge them all to pray for me, and I 
wolde praye for them. 

And thus with teres of all handys we partyd from Ware, and 
so came to Kayston * to our bed ; wheras they made me good chere 
and sparde for no costc. Than they once ageyne dyd asawte me, de- 
syerynge me to wryght my mynde to my lorde chansler, or to 
some other of the cownsell, to home I wolde, and they wolde del- 

*■ Massing, t. e. pertaining to the Mass. 

*» The word iij<= is omitted by Strype 

< Psalm cxlii. 4. ^ I Samuel, ii. 25. ^ 1 Peter, i. 18. ' Revelation, xiv. 13. 

K Royston. 



lyver yt wyth spede; ** and yf that yow wyll so do, we wyl send 
one of our companye to cary the same, and wee wyll tarye here 
styll tyl that he bryng'word agayne what the counsel's plesuie 
ys." To home I answeryd, ** I thanke yow for your good wyL I 
yntend never to wryghte unto anye of the counsell whyll I Ijrve, 
for thys matter; and therfore I praye yow content yourselves, and 
ses (cease) your vayne swyte (suit) so oftyn atemptyd, for yow doo 
but stryve agaynste the streme, for I see that yow are not wyth 
Chryst, but agajmst Chryste. Yow savore of earthly thynges and 
not of hevenly. Yow goo aboughte to hynder my helthe and sal- 
vasyon layd up yn Chryst, and to plucke down whate Grod hathe 
byeldyd. Yow know not what yow doo. And therefore once 
agayne I praye yow hartely, lefve of, and take yn good part whate 
I have sayed alredy, and so judge al to the beeste (best)." ** Wei, 
(sayed theye one to another,) yt were good that my lord chanseler 
dyd knowe all hys sayenges. One of us muste tel hym by mouthe 
as well as we can." They were not yet agreyd than whoo shold tel the 
tale. Than desyeryd they me to goo unto my lodgynge, wher there 
was a great fyer made redy agaynste I came, and al other thynges 
verye swett and cleane. So yn the name of God to bed I wente, and 
all they vj wachyd me that nyghte, all the doores • beynge faste locked 
apone me, and they kepynge the keyes themselves. They myghte 
goo owte, but no man colde come yn to them withowte there leve. 
In the mornynge they calde me very earlye, and wylde me with 
speed to make me redye to horsbake; ** for (sayd they) we muste 
ryed to the hye shyryff to dynnar." ** Whoo ys that? (sayd I,) and 
where dothe he dwell?" '* Viij myllys beyoned Huntyngton, 
(sayed they,) and hys name ys sir Oily ver Leader,^ a man of muche 

» Misprinted ly Strype at the doors. 

*» Sir Oliver Leader was apparently of civic origin, as one of his name (and probably 
himself) occurs in the list of the Fishmongers' Company in 1537. (Herbert's City 
Companies, vol. ii. p. 6.) He was knighted by king Philip, Feb. 2, 1664. (MS. Harl. 
6064.) He was twice sheriff of the county of Huntingdon, in 1541 and 1664, and one of 
its knights in parliament 1668. His funeral on the 6th March 1666>7 is noticed in 


worshyp and one that keapyth a good howsse.*' " The poore shall 
feyer the better therby," sayed I. 

So whan we came to Huntyngton they made me to drynke, and 
we came to the shjrryffes howse* even as the tabull were coveryd. 
Than they herynge that the prysonar was come from London, ther 
was no small adoo. Worde was caryed to the churche, where syr 
Olyver was at mase,** and yt was no nede to yntrete hyme to come; 
for with speed bothe he and my lady hys wh3rffe ° departyd owte of 
the churche, and the paryshe foUowyd them, lyk a sorte of shepe, 
stayryng and wonderjmge at me. The shjrryffe gently toke me by 
the hand and led me ynto a fayer parler, dyssyeryeng me to stand to 
the fyer and to warme me, for wee were all thorowe wet with rayne, 
snowe, and halle (hail). Than to djmnar we went, and greate 
cheare I had, with many welcomys; and oftjm tymes dronke to, 
bothe by the shyryffe hymselve and the reste hys freendys. 

When dynar was done, ynto the parler I was callyd, and a great 
sorte of jentellmen beynge there set on the one syed, and jentelwomen 
on the other syed with my ladye the shyryffes wyffe, than mr. 
shyryffe sayed unto the knyghte marshalles men, ** Where ys the 
wryte that yow have browghte as towchynge the resayte of thys 
prysonar?" ** Here yt ys, syr," sayed one of them. So he reasavyd 
yt, and whan he had red yt, he toke me by the hand agayne and 
sayed that I was welcome. I thanked hyme for hys jentel frendshyp. 
Than callyd he for a payer of yndentores. So they were browghte 
yn and rede. That done, one of them was gyven to the knyghte 
marshalles man, and the other the shyryffe kepte. Than the 
knyghte marshalles man toke me by the hand, and sayed to the 
shyryffe, ** Syr, I doo here, yn the presense of al these people, 
delyver thys prysonar unto you, and your mastarshyp from hence- 

Machyn's Diary, p. 128, and more fully recorded in the College of Arms, I. 15, f. 272 b. 
Some notes from his will in the registry of the prerogative court of Canterbury will be 
found in Notes and Queries, Second Series, iv. 479, and some from his funeral, v. 96. 

* At Beachampton in the parish of Qreat Stoughton. '' mass. 

* Frances daughter of Francis Baldwin esquire of Beachampton. 


forthe to stand chargyd with hjmie, and my maystar sir Thomas 
Holdecroffte, the kynght marshall, dyschargyth hymselve of the sayd 
prysonar callyd Thomas Mowntayne." And with that he dellyveryd 
hym bothe me and the yndentor. Than the shyryffe sayed unto 
hym, " I do here resave that same prysonar so callyd, and discharge 
your master of the same;*' and so tokc me by the hand, and delyveryd 
imto hym hys yndentor. All thys was done with greate sollemnytye. 

Than was there a coupe of wyne calde for, and the shyryffe began 
unto me, and wylyd me to drynke to the marshales men, and so I 
dyd. Thane they toke their leve of the shjrryffe, and so went their 
waycs, bedynge me fayerwell, sayenge unto me, ** There ys remedy 
inowghte yet, mr. Mowntayne, yf that you wyll take heed yn 
tyme." " God be with yow all ! (sayd I,) and I thanke yow. Have 
me commendyd I pray yow unto your master, and to the reste of all 
my frendys;" and so wee partyd. Than the shyr3rffe causyd iiij or 
V horse to be made redy. Yn the meane tyme he causyd one of hys 
men to make rcdye the warrant to the keapar of Cambrydge 
castylle. Never the Icse, my lady hys wyffc laboryd very eamystly 
to her husband for me, that I myghte not goo to Cambridge castelle, 
beynge so vyle a pryson, but that I myghte rcmayne yn their owne 
howse as a prysonar. ** Good * madame, (sayed he,) I praye yow be 
contentyd; yf I shoulde so doo, I knowe not ho we yt wolde be 
taken. Yow knowe not so mowche as I doo yn thys matter; but 
what fryndshyp I can shewe hyme he shall suerly have yt, for your 
sake, and for hys owne to, for I have known hyme longe, and ham 
very sory for hys truble." So I thanked hym for [his] jentelnes. 
By thys tyme all thynges were yn a redynes. Than he hymeselvc 
and my lady browght me to the utcr gate. He wyllyd me to be set 
one hys one (own) geldynge, gave me a cup of wyne, toke me by the 
hande, and bad me fayr wcl ; dyssyerynge me to be of good cheeare. 

So to Cambryge I came ; and at the townes ende there mete me 
one Kenrycke, who a lytell before hade been a prysonar yn the 

* This word good is omiiUd by Straps* 


marshallesee, as I myselve was; but our cawsys not lyke, for hys was 
playne fellonye, and so provyd, and myne was treson and herysye as 
they calde yt. ** mr. Mountayne, (sayde he, with a lowd voyce,) 
alase ! what make yow here ? I persave nowe that y t ys trwe that I 
have hard." " What ys that?" sayed I. " Trwely, (sayed he,) that 
yow be come hether to be burned.*' "This ys a sharpe sallutasyon, 
mr. Kenryke, (sayde I,) and yt ys more than I doo knowe of; and 
yf it be so, God strengthyne me yn hys trwthe, and hys wylle be 
done upon me, for I truste that I ham hys/' Than ryd we ynto the 
towne to an yne called the Gryffyn, bycawse the kepar was not at 
home; where I alyghtyd, and went up to a chamber. My hed 
be)mge than somewhate troublyd with Kenryckes sowdayne salluta- 
syon afore mensyonyd, I callyd mr. shyryffys men and sayed unto 
them, ** Avoyed the peplc, I praye yow, owte of the chamber, and 
loke (lock) the doores, for I have to saye unto yow." Whan thys 
was done I sate down, and sayed unto them, *'Deare freyndys, a 
questyon I have here to move unto yow, wheryn I shall dyssyer 
yow to be playne with me, and note to dyesymble, even as yow wyll 
answer afore God at the laste daye; afore home bothe yow and I 
shall stand, and there to render up our accowntys. Tell me there- 
fore, I praye yow, whate order hathe mr. shyryffe taken with yow as 
towchynge the daye and tyme whan I shall suffer, and whate kynde 
of deathe y t ys that I shall dye ; and yn so dojmge yow shall mowche 
plesure me, and cawse me to be yn a greate redynes, whansoever I 
shall be callyd." Than one of them, whose name was mr. Calton, 
sayed unto mc, " Sir, yow need not to feare; for yf there were anye 
suche thyng, yow shulde have knolege of yt, as meet yt were; but 
our master wyllyd us, and also commaundyd us, that we shuld 
jentlye use yow, and also commaunde the kepar to do the same." 
Than called they for meate, and wyne; and when we had wel 
refreshyd us, we went up to the castell, where they callyd for the 
keaper, but he was not withyn. Than delyveryd they the warranto 
unto the kepares wyffe, sayenge thus, ** Good wyffe Charlys, my 
master bathe sent your husband a prysonar here; and hys plesure ys^ 


that you should jmtreate hjnn well, and to see that he lake nothing, 
and also to have the lyberty of the yarde ;" and so toke they their 
leve of me, and went their wayes. Than the kepares wyffe led mo 
lip throw the sessyones hall, and there she locked [me] up under iiij 
or V lokes, and at nyghte verye late the kepar came home, and up he 
came unto me, I beynge yn bed, and sayd unto me, " Syr, yow are 
Wellcome hyther. Are you come to me [to] be nursed?" To home I 
sayd, I hame sent hether unto thys jayell by the queues cownsell, and 
whate yow are I knowe not as yet. I thynke that yow be the 
kepar." ** So I ham yndeed, (sayd he,) and that shal yow knowe 
or yt be longe." *' Well, I trust, mr. kepar, to fynd favor at your 
hand, and I beseche yow to be good unto me, for I have lyen longe 
in pryson." "What ys your name?" sayed he. "My name ys 
Thomas Mowntayne," sayed I. ** Naye, (sayed he,) yow have 
another name." " Not that I doo knowe of," sayed I. Than he 
lokyd )m my purse whate monye I had, and toke yt with hyme; 
also my cote, my bottys, and spures, and so bad me good nyghte; 
and I sayed ** Good nyghte, my nooste (mine host)." ** I am 
content, (sayed he,) to be your oste to-nyghte; to morowe yow shall 
have a newe." Here I calyd to my remcmberance the sallutasyons 
gyven unto me at the townes end, by the afore namyd Kyndrycke. 
So I ryse up, caste my cloke abowt me, and knellyd downe, cryenge 
owte unto Almyghtye God, dyssyerynge hyme of hys greate 
ynfynyte marsy and goodnes, for Jesus Chrystes sake, to comforde 
me with hys holye sprite yn that agonye, and not to forsake me yn 
my olde age, beynge so . sore assaltyd of that sutyll dyvel the 
flatrynge worlde • and the weke flcshe, that I had well nye slypte, 
as Davyth that holy prophete sayed ; and whan the dead tyme of the 
nyghte came, nature requyrynge reste, and I fellynge yn myselve 
yn shorte t3rme yn so greate quyetnes, thorow the myghteye marsyes 
of my Lorde God, who had sent me so sweet a calme after so cruell 
and stormye a tempeste, sayd thus, " Soli Deo honor et gloria, &c., 
the Lordys name be praysyd from the rysynge up of the son untyl 

• Printed in Slrype the subtil Devil, flattering World, ficc. 


the gojmge downe of the same ! and unto thy marsyfuU handes do I 
commend my souwlle, trustynge not to dye, but to lyffe for ever, yn 
the land of the lyvyng; for thy spryte, Lorde, hathe so sartyffyed 
me, that whether I lyve or dye, stande or falle, that I ham thyne; 
and therefore thy blessyd wyll be done apon me !" Thys done, I 
layed me downe apone my bed, and slepte untyl v a clocke yn the 
mornynge; and than my kepar came and opjmyd the dore, bade me 
good morowe, and askyd me and I were redye. *'Wherunto?" 
sayed I. ** To suffer deathe,*^ sayd the keapar. " Whate kyend of 
deathe?" sayed I, '* and whan shall yt be." " Your tyme ys neare 
at hand, (sayed he,) and that ys to be hangyd and drawne* as a 
trayetor, and burnde as an herytyke; and thys muste be done even 
this foorenoone. Loke well to yourselve, therfore, and saye that yow 
be frendly usyd." ** Your frendshyp, mr. Charlys, ys but hard and 
scares, yn gy vynge me thys Scharborowe wamynge ; ^ but gyve me 

* In Stiype drawn and hanged. 

^ Dr. Thomas Fuller, in hia ** Worthies of England,** alter explaining the proverbial 
expression of ** a Scarborough warning," that it implies no warning at all, but a sudden 
surprise, when a mischief is felt before it is suspected, adds, <' This proverb is but of 104 
years standing, taking its originall from Thomas Stafford, who in the reign of queen 
Mary, anno 1567, with a small company seized on Scarborough castle (utterly destitute of 
provisions for resistance) before the townsmen had the least notice of his approach/* But 
before leaving the subject, Fuller adds, '' But if any conceive this proverbe of more 
ancient original, fetching it firom the custome of Scarborough castle in former times, — 
with which it was not a word and a blow, but a blow before and without a word, as 
using to shoot ships which passed by and strook not sail, and so warning and harming 
them both together, — I can retain my own, without opposing their opinion." Fuller*! 
** own *' notion of the origin of this saying has been adopted by Ray in his Proverbs, by 
Grose in his Provincial Glossary, and by others ; but Nares in his Glossary has shown that 
the phrase was certainly older : for in a poem by John Heywood which was written and 
published at the time of the surprize of Scarborough castle by Thomas Stafford, (and 
which is reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, vol. x. p. 258,) the phrase is not only em- 
ployed, but the following attempt at its explanation occurs : 

Tliis term Scarborow warning grew (some say) 

By hasty hanging for rank robbery theare, 
Who that was met but suspect in that way. 

Straight he was trust up, whatever he were. 



leave, I prayc yow frendly, to talke with you, and be not offendyd 
[with] whate I shall saye unto yow. Thys tale that yow have tolde 
i^e» ys yt trwe yn ded?" *' Ye, (sayed he,) and that yow are lyke 
for to knowe. Dyspache therfor, I praye yow with speed/' ** Con- 
tentyd I hame with all my harte so to doo. Where ys the wryte 
of execusyon? let me see yt, I praye yow." ** I have none, (sayed 
he ;) thys ys moore and nydyes,* for I hame to be trustyd and yt 
were for a greater mater then thys." ** Syr, I praye yow be con- 
tentyd ; for yn thys thing I will not truste yow, bycawse yt ys a 
matter of lyve and deathe; it standythe me apon. Is the hye 
shyryffe sir Olyver Leadar come yn the towne to see the execusyon ?" 
** No,^' sayed he. " Ys the uudere shryffe hys debytye here to 
see yt?" " No," sayed he. ** Is there anye probate^ comawnde- 
mente come from the queenes counsell? or eles anye leteres sent of 
late for that porpose?*' '* No, (sayed he;) but yow doo all thys for 
no cawse eles then to prolonge the tyme." *' No, (sayed I,) as I 
ham borne to dye, contentyd I ham so to doo whan God wyll; but 
to be made awaye after sowche slyghte, I wolde be verye lothe ; and 
therfor, yfe that yow have nothynge to showe for your dyscharge, 
acordynge as I have rcquyryd of yow, I tel yow trwe that I wyll not 
dye. Take yow good heed therfor to your solve, and loke that I 
myscary not, for yfe that awghte come imto me but good, yow and 
yours are lyke to knowe the pryse of yt, be yow well assuryd therof. 
Whan dyd yow ever see anye man put to deathe, before he was con- 
demnyd to dye?" ** That ys trwe, (sayd he;) and are yow not con- 
demnyd ?" ** No, (sayd I,) that I ham not, nether was yet ever araynyd 

According to this supposition, the summary justice cf Scarborough resembled the 
famous gibbet-law of Halifax : but whether this conjecture is more to be trusted than the 
preceding there is not sufficient evidence to determine. Foxe employs the phrase in one 
of his side-notes, and it was evidently of very current use throughout the sixteenth centuiy. 
See a letter of Arthur lord Grey in 1580 appended to " A Commentary of the Services 
of William lord Grey of Wilton," (printed for the Camden Society, 1847,) p. 67 ; and a 
letter of archbishop Toby Matthew so late as 1603 quoted in Cardwell's Conferences, p. 166. 

* i,e. than needs. 

•» private in SiryjiH, 



at anye sesyonea." " Than, (sayed he,) I have been greatly mysoyn- 
formyd. I crye yow niarsy; lor I hade thowghte that yow had 
been bothe araynyd, and also condemnyd to dye, beynge sent hetber 
for to suffer ya thys plase, bycawse that yow were here agajnste the 
qucno with the diickc of Northethomeberland." " Well, (aayed I,) 
thoo3 materes bathe bene alredye suffjayently answeryd before your 
bcttcres; but I praye yow, syr, and a man myghte aske yow, whooa 
man arc yow, or to whomedooyowbelonge?" " Marye! (saydhe,) 
I bam notasharaydof my raaister, I wolde thow showldest knowe yt, 
as tbow arte. My lorde chaunslor of Ingland yg my master, and I 
ham Iiys man." " I tboughte sowcbe a mater; the olde provcrbe ys 
trewc, I pci'Savc, for soc/ie a master, suche a sari-ante ; and ys ihys my 
lord of Wynchesteres lyvere that yow were nowe?" " Ye," sayed 
he. " And ys thys the beeste aervys that yow can doo my lorde 
your master? Fye, for shame, fyc ! wyl yon folowe now the bludye 
Etepes of that wyckyd man your master ! whoo ys unworthye, before 
God I speake yt, botho of the name and place that he hatho and ys 
colyd unto. AVhat sholdc moufe yow for to handyll me after tbys 
aharpo sorte as yow have done, so spytefuUye, beynge here not yet 
ijj dayea under your kepyng? Wyl yow become a tormentor of 
Godys people and prophetes? wyl yow now seas from kyllynge of 
bolokes, calvys, and shepc, which ys your ockapnsyon (being a 
buchcr), and to gyve over your selfe moate crwellye to sarve your 
mastarca tourne in aheddyngc of ynnosente blode? man, with 
■what an avayc (heavy) hartc maye yow layo your selve down to 
slepo at nyghte, yf that God of hys great maray doo suffer yow to 
lyve so long yn thys your so wycked atempte and enterpryse ! I 
epeake not thys of anye hatryd that I bare imto yow, as God 
knowethe my harte, but I speake yt of good wyll, to thys end that 
yow myghte be callyd yn to a botcr rememberance and knowlego 
of your duotye bothe towardya God and your chrysteyan brother. 
Let yt therfbro repente yow, deare brother kepar, and knowe howe 
dangerua a tbyng yt ys for a man to falle ynto the bandys of the 
lyvyngc God; and howe ytys sayed that blud reqyryth bludc. And 
CAMD. 80C. 2 D 


yow wyl not bc(le)ve me, set that teryble example of cursyd Cayen 
before your eyes, whoo slewe hys owne deare brother Abell, moste 
unnaturallye lyk a bcastely man, and afterwardc wanderyd up and 
downe lyke a wacabound on the face of the earthc, seakynge reste, 
peece, and quyetnes, and cowldc never atayne unto yt, so that at the 
laste with mooste desperate wordys he burste forthe and sayde, * O 
wreche that I ham, I sayed unto the Lorde, whan he callyd me to 
acownte for my brother's deathc, I answcryd that I was not hys 
keapar, but shortlye after I parsavyd that the shedynge hys blud 
cryed unto God for vcngeanes to falle apon me for so doinge, and 
now I parsave that my sjmes be greater then the mersye of God ys 
able to forgyve.' Yf thys wyl not move your harde and stonye 
harte to repentaunce, than thynkc of that trayetor Judas, which for 
lucare sake betrayed hys owne master, as he confessyd hym selve whan 
the worme of consyencs troublyd hymc, sayenge to the hye prestes, 
* I have betrayed the ynnoscnt bludc; take, there ys your monye, 
for I wyll non of yt,* and that was too late; so to short3me hys owne 
dayes, he moste desperately wente and honge hym solve, so that he 
burste asunder yn the mydyste, hys bwellys hangynge abowte hys 
helys (heels *). moste tcrryblc examples, lefte wrytyn yn the holy 
scryptures, that wee therby myghtc take hede and beware never to 
do the lyke, lest we sped yn reward as they dyd. From the which 
God defend us, for Jesus Clirystcs sake!" "Amen! (sayed the 
kepar with wepynge tcares,) and, syr, I beseche yow onenes (once) 
agayne, even for Godys sake, to forgyve me, and I aske God hartelly 
mersy for the great myschyffe that I porposyd yn my harte agajmste 
yow. I parsave that yow, and soche other, that yow be other 
manor of men than we and our beteres take yow to be; I parsave 
that the hlynd dothe eate manye aflye. God, and yt be hys blyssyd 
wylle, make me one of your sorte! and loke, what that I can 
doo for yow, yow shalbe assueryd of yt. Come downe with me, I 
praye yow, ynto the yard." So I wente with hym, and when we** 

» Misread belly by Strypt. ^ MitprinUd he 6y Stryp€» 


came downe, al the yarde was full of people. " Whate meanythe 
thys people ? " sayd I to the keapar. ** Al thca arc come (sayde he,) to 
see yow suffer deathe ; there ys some here that ys come as farre as 
Lyengkecon (Lincoln*), but I truste ther commynge shal be yn 
vayne. Be yow of good cheare." ** Than goo your waye, (sayd 
I,) and gcntlyc dysyere them for to departe, and tell them yt ys no 
reason that anye man sholde suffer deathe before that he be con- 
deranyd, and so yow shall eslye awoyed them, and I wyll goo up 
agayn tyl yow have don." 

Whan theye were all gone, the kepar callyd me downe, to dyne with 
hym at hys owne table, and, dynnar beynge endyd, we fele jm talkc 
agayne, and so, from tyme to tyme, had mochc conferences together, 
and [I] began to growe yn greate credite with hym, insomuche 
that whansoever he ryd forthe aboughte anye busynes, he comytyd 
all the charge of hys hole house unto me, prysonares and all, and 
laboryd unto the hye shyryfe for me that I myght be delyveryd. 

Notwithstandinge, I remaynyd ther prysonar halve a yeare, yn 
moche myserye, havyngc some tyme meate and some tyme none, 
yea and manye tymes glad whan that I myghte gete a penye loffe and 
my glasse full of fayere water up to my lodgynge, beynge faste lockte 
up every nyghte, and at mydnyghte alwaye whan they searched the 
prysonars' iornys (irons**) than one shold come and knock at my dore 
and aske me yf I were withyn. To home I answeryd alwaye thus, 
** Here I ham, mr. kepar." ** Good nyghte, than," sayed he; and so 
wold goo their wayes. 

Now on a sartayne daye, beynge merye, he browghte home with 
hym to see me dy veres honeste men of the towne ; amonge home there 
was one that I never sawe before, nor he me, callyd mr. Segare ® a 

• Misrtad hy Strype Hengstoo. '' Miiread rooms hy Strype, 

^ Tliis mr. Seiner is mentioned by Foxe in his (second) account of the martyrdom of 
John Hullier (hereafter mentioned p. 206) as having supplied the sufferer with gunpowder 
for the usual purpose of shortening his torments when in the flames. Mr. C. H .Cooper, the 
historian of Cambridge, supposes him to have been the same person with Sygar Nicholson, 
who was one of the treasurers of the town of Cambridge for the year commencing at 
Michaelmas 1555, and one of the bailiffs for the year commencing Michaelmas 1557. He 


berebruar, dwelynge at Madelyn bryge, whose harte God oppynyd 
above the reste to showe marsy unto me, for he knewe that the 
keapar wold doo muche at hys requeste, so that or ever he wente 
awaye he promysyd hjrme payemante for ray dyette, dyssyerynge 
hym to showe me favore for hys sake, ** and I wyll be bound for 
hyme, that he shal be trwe prysonar." Al thys plesyd Charlys the 
kepar well, and yt was no greffe at all to me, to here thys bargayne 
made betwen them, **for other wyse, (sayd I,) yt wasnotunlyke but 
that I sholde have here a peryshed for lacke of comforde. And her 
ys not to be forgotyn of my parte the myghtye and fatherlye pro- 
vydence of God, who never fayellethe any man that trwclye putes 
hys truste yn hyme. Who can kyllc hym, mr. Charlys, whome God 
wyll kepe alyve? maye I saye nowe, and who can dellyver hym 
whom God wyl destrowe? His greate powere delyveryd me ones 
owte of the lyones deen as he dyd hys holy prophet Danyell; so I 
truste that he wyll delyver me here owt of all my troubles, yf he so 
see yt good. Yf not, hys wyl be done !" And thus we partyd for 
that tyme, my kepare beynge glad of thys hys good assurance,* I 
takynge pasyently myne yndwerancc, and my suertye hopynge for 
my dellyverance. 

After thys, withyn short tyme, the hye shyryffe sent for me 
home to hys howse beyond Huntyngton, to see whether I woold 
relente or no; tellynge me that he hade wrytyn up to the coun- 
sell for me, and that yt was their plesure that I shoulde be delyveryd 
yf that I wolde be a confyrmable man to the queues prosedynges, 
and forsake herysy, or eles to remayne yn pryson untyll the nextc 
scssyons of gale delyvery. " For your good wyl, I doo thanke 
your mastership moste hartelyc, and well contentyd I hame so 
to remayn as a prysonar, and rather than to gyve over my faythe 

was probably a son of Sygar Nicholson, of Gonville hall, and one of the sUUonen of the 
university, noticed in Athenae Cantobrigienses, p. 51, as having suffered a long and bar- 
barous imprisonment in consequence of the works of Luther and other prohibited books 
having been found in his house. 
" these good assurances in Sirype, 


for thys vayne lyfe which ys but shorte." " Wei ! (sayde he,) I 
parsave than that yow are no chanlyng; yow shall thcrfore retorne 
to the place from whence yow came, and there abyed your 

So wee toke our leve of hyme, and canre our wayes bakeagayne to 
Huntyngeton, and there we laye al that nyghte, I havynge apon one 
of myne armys a greate braslete of yeron iiij fingers brode, faste loked 
one, and a fyne chayne of iij yardys longe joynyd therunto; and 
beynge bed to supar of one Tliomas Whype, marchante of London, 
with otheres, my keper was dyssyeryd to ease me for the t3rme, and 
they wold be bound for me, and he to be well recompensyd for so 
doynge. Thys dyssyer of my frendyes was schares (scarce) well 
lyked of my keapar, bycawse they were Londoneres, and grawnte 
yt he wold not yn no wyse. So, when suppar was done, to our 
chamber wee wente, and anon comyse yn a smythe with a hammer 
and a greate stapyle. ** Make yow redye, (sayd he,) I pray yow, and 
goo to bed." So I layed me downe apon my bed. Than he calde the 
smythe unto hym, and sayed, ** Make faste the staple and the cheyne 
together, and dryife them faste ynto some parte of the bedstead; for I 
have harde say, (say the he,) faste hyend, faste fyendJ^ Than he loked 
(looked) behyend all the payentyd clothes to see yf there were anye 
mo doores ynto the chamber than one. That done, he locked the 
dore and caste the keye owte of the wyndow, to the goodman of the 
house, dyssyeryng him to kepe yt save wylle the momynge. Smale 
reste I toke that nyghte, I was so sore wronge aboughte my wreste 
that the blud was redy to spyn owte at my fyngeres endyes. So, 
early yn the mornynge we rys and toke our horse, and came to 
Cambrydgc castelle to dynner, and then my braslete was taken of 
mjme arme. 

Yn Awguste foUowinge was the sessyones; unto the which there 
came my lorde chyffe justyes of Ingland, one that before was 
recordare of London and callyd mr. Broke*; with hym ther sate syr 

' Sir Robert Brooke, appointed chief justice of the common pleas Oct. 28, 1554. 



Thomas (James) Dyer*, syr Clement Hyham^, syr Ol3rver Leadare 
hy shyryffe, mr. Gryffyn the quenessoUysyter®, mr. Burgone**, with 
a number of jentellraen mo. Nowo, when they were come to the 
sessyones hall and there set, the kepar was commandyd to brynge yn 
hys prysonares. I, be3nige fyrste callyd for by name, then on wente 
my braslet agayne, and there a presto callyd John WUyard,® vycar 
o' Babram, he was faste loked unto me. We tayne (twain) went 
formoste, and stod at the bare. Than sayed my lord cheffe justyes 
unto me, ** Syr, whate make yow here? are you not a Londynar?" 
** Yes, and yt lyke your lordshyp/' *' Howe longe have yow be 
here prysonar?" ** Halve a yeare, my lorde." ** Who sent yow 
hether?" *'Forsothe, my lorde, that dyd the counsel.** Than 
sayd the hye shyryffe, " My lorde, thys ys the man that I toldo 
your lordshyp of; I beseecho yow be good lord unto hyme, for 
ho hathe bene as quyete a prysonar as ever came within thys' 
gayell, and hathe usyd hymselve as honestly toward hys keapar." 
" Yow speake wel for hym," sayd my lorde; " stand asyed a whyell 
tyl yow be called." Yn the meane tyme mr. Gryflyn had a caste at 
me, sayenge thus, ** Thou arte bothe a traytor and a herytyke/' 

* This should be sir James Djer, a Justice of the common pleas 1556, of the qneen^s 
bench 1557. 

^ Sir Clement Heigham, chief baron of the exchequer 1556-7. For his biography 
consult Gage^s History of the Hundred of Thingoe, and Manning^s LiTCS of the Speakers 
of the House of Commons. 

c See before, p. 46. 

^ Probably Christopher Burgoyne, who was esoheator of the shires of Oambridge and 
JIuntingdon in 4 and 5 Edw. VI. He was either of Impington or Longstanton, at both 
which places there were families of Burgoyne. 

« Muprinted Thomas Willyard hy Sirype, Hb real name was John HulUer. He was 
elected from Eton a scholar of King^s college in 1538, and afterwards became oondnot of 
Eton, vicar of Babraham near Cambridge, and preacher at King's Lynn. He was not so 
fortunate as Thomas Mowntayne in escaping from the persecutors, for he suffered at the 
stoke on Jesus Green at Caihbridge, on or about the 2d April 1556. Of this martyrdom 
Poxe inserts a full narrative in his Addenda, having previously given a shorter account, 
with some letters and a prayer of Hullier's composition (see edition by Townscnd and 
Cattley, viii. 131-138, 378-380). 


" No, and yt lyke your worshup, I ham nother of bothe." ** Ys 
not thy name Mowntayne? " ** Yes, forsothe, I wyll never deny yt." 
" And art not thow ho that my lorde chansler sent hether with a 
wryte?" ** I am the same man," ** Wei ! (sayed he,) and thow be 
not hangyd I have marvell. Thow wylte scape narrowly, I beleve." 
** Syr, I parsave that yow are my hevy freend. I besyche yow be 
good master unto me. I have lyen thys iij yeare * yn pryson yn 
yerons. Never was there anye man that layed anye thynge to my 
charge." Than he calde for the wryte. To home the hye shyryffe 
sayd that he had forgotyn to bryngc yt with hyme. ** wel! 
(sayed [he ^],) syr Oljrver, yow are [a] good man I warant yow; thys 
man was not sent hether for byeldynge of churchys, I dare saye, nor 
yet for sayenge of our lady sawter. Yn dedo, sir, these be thynges 
that I can not wel stylof (stifle *^)." 

Than my lord cheffe justyce callyd me to the bare agayne, and 
cawsyd proclamasyon to be made, that whosoever colde laye awghte 
to my charge to come yn, and he shulde he hard, or elys (else) the 
prysonar to stand at hys dellyverance. Thys was done thryse, and 
no man came yn to gyve evydence agaynste me. Than sayed my lord 
cheef justyes unto the hole benche, ** I see no cawse whye but that 
thys man maye be delljrveryd upon suertyes to be bound to apeare 
at the nexte sessyones here holdyn of gayell dellyverye; for yow see 
that there ys no man comytho yn to laye anye thynge to hys charge. 
Wee cannot but by the lawe dellyver hym, proclamacyon beynge 
ones made, and no man comynge jn agaynste hym. Whate saye 
yow, mr. Mowntayne, can yow put yn suertyes here, before the 
queues justyssys, to apere before us here at the nexte sesyones? And 
yf that yow can so doo, paye your chargys of the howsse, and God 

'^ Strype has here inserted between brackets the words ** quarters of a '' yeare : but 
Mowntayne included in his reckoning the time he had remained in prison in London, 
and he again in the closing paragraph of his narrative states that he lay three years in prison. 

^ This omission of the MS. not hating been perceived by Strype, he has printed this 
passage very oonfusedly. 

<: Utad like of &y StrypM, 


be with yow ! Yfe not, than muste yow nedyes remayne here styll, 
untyll the next sesyones. Whate saye yow? have you anye 
suertyes redye?" " No, and that lyke your lordshype I have none 
rcdy; but yf yt please yow to be so good lorde unto me as to gyve 
me leve, I truste jrn God to fyend suertyes." "Well! (sayd my 
lorde,) goo your ways; make as good speed as yow can, for wee 
muste awaye.'^ Than he commaundyd the kepar to stryke of myne 

That done, I was turned owte of the gate to seake my venter, 
without anye kepar at all, go where I wolde; and whan I came 
abrode I was so sore amasyd that I knew not where to be come. 
At laste, I toke the waye to the townc, and there I mete a man 
unknowen to me, whoo was not a lytic joyfuU whan he see me at 
lybartye, sayeyng unto me, ** Are yow clenc dyschargyd from your 
bondys? " " No, (sayd I,) I lake ij shuertys." ** Trwely, (sayd he,) 
I wyll be one, God wyllynge; and I wyll see yf that I can gete 
another to be bownd with me.'* So wee mete with another honest 
man callyd mr. Blunte; and havynge these taync (twain) I gave 
thankes to God for them, and with speed rcturnyde bake agayne to 
the cast^U ; and as I wente, there mete me ij Essex men which came to 
seake me, offrynge themselves to enter ynto bondys for me. I gave 
them moste hartye thankes for their jentil offer, and tolde them that 
God had raysyd up a couple for me alredy. ** We are glad of yt, 
(sayed they;) yet we wyll goo with yow, lest yow doo lake;" and as 
I entryd ynto the castell yarde, the judgys were a rysynge, and they, 
seynge me comynge, sat downc agayne. Than sayed my lord chyffe 
justys, ''Have you browghtc yn your swertyes?" ** Ye, and lyke 
your lordship here they be." **Let me see them," sayd he. 
Then they all iiij stood forthe, and shewyd themselves unto 
my lord: hoo sayed unto them, '* Are yow contentyd to enter 
ynto bondys for thys man?" *^ Yc, my lord, (sayed they,) yf yt 
please yow to take us." " Well ! (sayed he,) ij of yow shall sarve." 
There were standynge by ij bretheryn, and they, herynge my lord 
say that ij wolde sarve, went with sped to hym that wryt the band. 


and cawsyd hym [to put *] in ther names [in the] fyne iij s. iilj d.^ 
for [each of them], sayenge thus the one to the other, ** Let us not 
onelye balle hym owte of bo wndys ; but also releve hyme with soche 
parte as God hathe lente us;" and so they dyd, I prayse God for yt. 
And whan the people sawe and understode that I was clearlye dys- 
charchyd owte of boundys, there was a greate showte made amonge 
them, suche joye and gladnes was yn their hartys, as myghte ryghte 
well apeare, for my dellyrerance. 

Than came mr. Segar, of whome I have spoken a lytell afore, and 
he payed all maner of charges that cowlde be dyssyerd of the keapar 
for the tyme of my bejmge there; and, that done, he hade me home 
to hys owne howse, where as I had good yntertaynemente ; and, after 
that I had remayned there a fortenight, I toke my leafe, and so came 
to London. 

And withyn shorte tyme after, I, standynge yn Cheapesyed, sawe 
these iiij ryed throwe Chepe,*^ (that ys to saye,) kynge Phylljrpe, 
queue Maryc, cardynall Poole, and Steven Gardynar chawnseller of 
Ingeland. Thys bushope ryde on the one syed before kjmge 
Phylljrp, and the greate seall afore hyme; and on the other syedc 
there ryde the queue, and the cardnall afore her, with a crose 
caryed afore hyme, he beynge all yn skarlette and blyssynge the 
people as he ryde throwe the syttye; for the wyche he was greatly 
laugyd to skorne, and Gardnar beynge sore offendyd on the other 
syed, becawse the people dyd not pute off their capys, and make 
cursye to the croose that was caryed afore the cardnall, sayenge to 
hys sarvantes, ** Marke that howse," " Take thys knave, and have 
hyme to the cownter," ** Suche a sorte of hery tykes ho ever sawe, 
that wyll nother reverence the croose of Chryste, nor yet ones saye so 

<* The paper is here torn : the sense is restored by the help of Strype. 

*» Mispi-inUd hy Sirype nil, iiud, 

<^ This was on the 26th of August 1555. King Philip was about to depart for the 
continent, and passed in state through London, taking barge at the Tower wharf for 
Greenwich. The event is noticed in Machyn*8 Diary at p. 93, and in the Chronicle of the 
Oroy Friars of London, at p. 96. 



muclie as, God save the kynge and quenel I wyll teache them 
to doo bothe and I lyvo." Thys dyd I here hym saye, I stondynge 
at Sopar layno ende. And whan all ihjn syghte was paste, I wente 
my ways; for as yet I durste not goo home to my owne howse; and 
at nyghte, whan the bushope came home, one of hys spyallyes tolde 
hyme, that he sawe me stand yn Chepsyede whan the quene ryd 
throwe the sytye. Hero he fell ynto suoho a greate rage, as was 
tolde me by one of hys owne men, as was imsemyng for a bushop, 
and with great spede sent for the knyghto marshall; and whan 
he came he sayed unto hym, " Mr. Holcroffet, ho we have yow 
handlyd yourselfe yn your oiFyse? dyd not I send unto yow one 
Mowntayne that was both a traytor and a herytyke, to thys endo 
that he shulde have sufferyd deathe? and thys daye the vylayne 
knave was not ashamyd to stand opynly yn the strete, lokynge the 
prence yn the ffasce. Myne owne men see hym. I wolde oonsell 
yow to loke hym upe, and that there be dyllygent searche made for 
hym thys nyghte, yn the sytye, as yow wyll answer afore the coun* 
sell." **A11 thys shal be done and jrt lyke your honnor, and I 
truste there shal be no fawte fownd yn me." ** Away than, (sayed 
the bushop,) abowte your bessjmess." Than came one that was 
secrytorye unto the knyghte marshall, who wylled me with spede 
to departe owte of the sytye, **for thys nyghte (sayth he,) shal the 
sytye be searchyd for yow, and yf yow be taken, suerly ye dye for 
yt. Thus fayer yow well ! God delyver yow out of their handys, 
and yt be hys wyll 1" 

Than wente I over ynto Sowthewarke, and there laye all nyghte. 
Yn the mornyng I roose up early, toko a bote and wente to Lyme- 
housc, and so from thence to Colchester, and there toke shypynge, 
thynkynge to have gone ynto Seland, and so up ynto the hye coun- 
trye ; but wc were so whether-beatyn that of force we were glad to 
returne bake agayn ; and thys vyage was tryshe (trice) attemptyd and 
always was pute bake ; and at the lasto tyme we were caste a land at 
sent Towhys, • wheras I durste not longe tary, bycawse of my lord 

« Saint OfljUie'b, on the Essex coast, near Harwich. 


Darsy,* whoo layo there, havynge a strayte comysyon sent unto 
liym from quene Marye, to make dyllygent searche for one beynge 
callyd Trowge over the worJde^ and for all eouche lyke begars as he was. 
So that I was fayne to flye to a lytle parysho callyd Hemsted,** 
thynkynge ther for to have had some reste, but the schearch was so 
strayte, that at mydnyghte, I havynge almost to (too) shorte 
wamynge, was faync with gret speed to flye unto Dedam heathe, 
and to take my cote yn my necke, havynge an noneste man with 
me, whoo had a foreste byll on hys bake, and with the same he cute 
downe a greate sorte of brakes, and that was my beed for a tyme, 
and whansoever I myghte geate ynto an haye-loiFet, I thowghte 
myselve hapy and well to be logyd. At the laste I was howsyd, I 
thanke God, with an noneste man, and the same havynge a wycked 
sarvante, not lovjmge the gospello, went and complaynyd of hys 
master to the bay lye and cownstablys; sayeyng unto them, that 
there was an herytyke yn hys mastares parler. ** Howe knowe 
yow that? (sayd theye,)take hed whate thow sayeste; thy master ys 
an noneste man, and thow seaste howe trublesome tyme yt ys, and yf 
we apon thy report sholde goo searche hys howse, and not fyend yt so, 
whate arte thow worthye to have for sclawnderynge thy master?* 
** Inofe,® (saythe he,) I am suere yt ys so; for the howse ys never 
without one or other, and moste chyfly whan ther ys a fyer in the 
parler; and therforo I knowe by the smooke that there ys one 
yndeed." So the ofysars wyllyd hym to goo abowghte hys busynes, 
and to saye nothynge, *' for (sayed they) we wold prove yt at 
nyghte." Yn the meane tyme they did hys master to understand 
whate hys man had sayed unto them, and frendly bad hym to take 
head, for they wolde searche hys howse that nyghte; and so they 
dyd yndeed, but the byrdes were flone. The nexte daye, the offy- 
sares toke hys man, and set hyme yn the [stocks, to teach him to 

» Thomas first lord Darcy of Cbiche, K.O. His leat wai at Wivonhoe, between Col- 
chester and St. Osythe\ at which latter place he was buried in 1560. 
^ £lm8t6d, four miles from Ck>loh«ttei'. * fioQUgh, IUa4 by Sirypt Tush I 


speak*] good of liys master, and not to acwyse [him, and bring 
the] smoke [for a] wytnes agaynst hym. 

Nowc, wyl I was seakynge a corner to hyd my hed yn, justyes 
Browne,^ that dwellyth bysyed Bomte wood, comys me downe to 
Colchester, and there played to dyrell,^ by the counsell of one 
mr. Tjrryll, and mr. Cossyne ^ inn holder of the same towne, and 
Gylbart the lawer, whoo cawsyd dyvers honeste men to be sent for, 
before the sayed justys, and sworne upon a boke to bryng yn the 
namys of all those that were suspectyd of heresy, as he term[cd]yt, 
and also gave unto the ofifysars a great charge, that from tyme to 
tyme dylygent search shoulde be made yn every howse for all stran- 
gers, and to take them and brynge them before a justyes; " for thys 
towne (sayed he) ys a harboror of all herytykes, and ever was." So 
whan he had bownd them all yn recounysanse, he wylyd them to 
departe, every man home to hys howse. 

Than, apon ther retume, with speed was I convayed awaye to 
London warde forthewith, and whan I came there, I wente over 
ynto Sothewarke agayne, and there laye ij dayes and too nyghtys; 
and the tliyrd nyghte, whan yt was somewhate darke, I cntryd 
ynto shyp of Andwarpe, and so went downe to Graveseend. Ther 
they caste ankeer, and went al a lande, and lefte me aborde with a 
man and a boye. I, ferynge the sarchars,® that they wold have hade 
me to shoore, and there beynge so well knowyn as I was, I knewe y t 

(^ Torn, and restored firom Strype. 

^ Sir Anthony Browne, who purchased the manor of South Weald, in which parish the 
town of Brentwood is situate, was called to the degree of scijeant at law 1555, and ap- 
pointed king and queen's seijeant on the 16th October in the same year. He was made 
chief justice of the common pleas in October 1558, but degraded by queen Elizabeth in 
1559-60 (on account of his religion) to be a puisne judge of the same court. However, 
she knighted him in the parliament house in 1566. He died May 16, 1567, and has a 
monument in South Weald church. See Morant's History of Essex, vol. i. p. 118; and 
Foss*s Lives of the Judges. 

« So the MS, Strype reads played the denl. 

^ Misprinted Colson in Strt^pe. 

« searchers, as the officers of customs were then called. 


was the next waye to brynge me before a justys to be examyned, 
and so to be returnyd bake agayne to London, and than suer I ham 
that I had dyed for yt, I loked yn my purse and there was iij pys- 
tolets. I toke one of them, and gave yt unto tlie man that was 
abord with me, and dysyeryd hym to goo ashore to the master of 
the shypc, and he to be a meane imto the searcharcs for me whan 
they came a shypbord to searche; and trwely yt plcasyd God so 
to worke yn their hartys that I fownd greate favor at their 
handys, for when one of them had examynyd me, and that very 
stray tly, he asked of me whate my name was. ** Thomas Mowntayne 
ys my name, (sayed I,) I wyll never denye yt, nor never dyd, I 
prays God for yt.'* *'Naye, (sayd he,) that ys not your name, for 
I knewe hym wel inoughe; his father and I were sarvantes to kyng 
Harye the viij. and also to kynge Edwarde, and I hame swere that 
Ky chard Mowntaynes son was bornte, sence thys queue Marye" came 
yn." **Syr, credyt me, I praye yow, for I ham the verye same 
man that nowe talkethe with yow. Yn dede God hathe myghtyllye 
delte with me, and most marsyfullye hathe dellyveryd me from the 
cruell handes of bludye men ; and nowe beholde my lyffe ys yn your 
handys. I maye not ressyste yow, nor wyl not; but jentely sub- 
mytynge myselve unto yow, dysyerynge your lawfuU favore that I 
maye pase thys porte; and God I truste, that ys the hye searcher 
above, and knowethe the secrettes of all men's [hearts], shall one 
daye reward yow openlye, accordynge as he hathe promysyd. 

Than bcgane he to water hys plantes, sayenge unto me, ** Sjrr, I 
thowghte once never to have scene yow agayne; yow are grown 
owte of my knoUedge ; and, seynge that y t ys the wyll of God that 
yow shold not dye by ther crwelty, I truste that your blud shal 
never be requjrryd at my handys. I wyl not mollest^ yow; but 
thys I warne yow of, yn anye wyse, that yow keep yourselve as 
(jloose as yow can, for here ys one of the promotars,* that goythe 
yn the same shyp that yow goo yn." "Whoo ys that?" sayed I, 

* See before, p. 161. 


" Yt ys one mr, Bearde, (sayd he,) dwellynge yn Flet stret, a mar- 
chante tayeler." **I knowc hyme wel, (sayd I,) and he me." 
** Wel ! (sayd ho,) God be with yow I for yonder he commythe, and 
all the passyngeres with hym." 

So we partyd, and I wento ynto the mastaros cabbone, and there I 
lay© tyl that wee were enteryd the mayne sease. Than came I forthe 
to refreche myselve, and Bearde seyengo me, began to blushe, saynge 
unto me, **Ser, whate make yow here?" "Trwely, (sayd I,) I 
hame of the same myend that yow are off." ** Yow knowe not my 
myond," sayd he. '' Whatcsoovcr youros ys, I mean to goo to 
Andwarpo, God wyllynge, (sayd I,) and so doo yow I trowe." 
** Whate wyll yow doo there? (sayed he,) yow are no marchante 
man as I hame, and the resto that be here." ** Mr. Bearde, whate 
the rest ys that be here,'! knowe not; but as for your marchawntryes 
and myne, yn some poyntes I thynke they be mouche alyke; but 
whan that yow and I shall moot yn the Ingleshe burse together, 
yow shall see whate cheare that I can make yow. Yn the meane 
tyme, let us as frendys be mery together, 1 pray yow.'' '*Naye, 
(sayd he,) I wolde I had mete yow at Gravysend, that I myghte 
have made yow some good chere there; but yt was not my fortone 
go to doo, and I ham verye sory for yt, beleve me and yow wyll." 
"Syr, I thanke God, yt ys better as yt ys. I knowe your cheare 
wel inowghte, and Jhon Avayellyes to.*" With that he wente 
downe under the hachys, and told all the pasyngars what an rankc 
herytyke I was, *^for yt ys marvel (sayd he) that the shype dothe 
not synke, havynge so wyked a man yn yt as he ys; and therefore, 
good jontelmen, I praye yow hartely take heed and beware of hym. 
I hade rather than my welffete cote that ho and I were at Grafs- 
end agayn." Than came the marchawntes up to me, and callyd for 
meate and wyne, havynge good store there of their owno provysyon, 
and they made me great chere, bydynge me yn anye wyse to take 
head of Beard. These were mai-chantes of Danskc, and hade to doo 

a See p. 161. Strype has omitted tho words " and John a Vales too.'' 


here yn London with moBte of the aldermen, unto home they gave 
a good reporte.* Now I, thynkynge to prevente Beard of further 
trouble that by hym and hys procuremente myght hape unto me 
apon my aryvall at Andwarp, whysperyd the master yn the eare, 
and dysyeryd hym hartely to land us at Dounkerke, " for I wyll ryde 
the rest by waggon, God wyllynge, and so shall I be ryde of mr. 
Bcardes companye." I ham content, (say the the master of the shype,) 
for I ham werye alredye (saythe he,) of hys companye. The worson 
pape shall come no more yn myno sckcpe !" 

So to Downekcrke we came, and Beard wente fyrste alande, and 
bade us all welcome, " for (sayd ho) I wyll be our stiiard, and we 
wyll fayer well and ther be anye good chear yn the towne." Than 
came we to our lioste's howso [and] supte altogether. That beynge 
done, we wente to our lodgyng, and so yt fel owte that Beard 
and I sholde lye togoather^ and so dyd; but before he wente to bed, 
he knellyd hyme down at the bedsyed, and made apon hys bodyCi as 
I thynke, xl. crossys^ sayenge as manye Ave Marya'a^ but nother 
Crede nor Pater nostcr. Than he shewyd us whate monye he had : 
ther was bothe goldc and sylver, and that plentyc. At mydnyghte 
the master of the shype toke hys tyed, and wente hys waye. 
Mr. Beard, upe yn the mornynge by tyme, went downe to the 
water syed to loke for the shype; and when he sawe yt was goone, 
he came and tolde us, swcrynge and chaffy nge lyke a made man, 
sayeing that kyng Phyllyp shold knowe of yt, howe he was usyd. 
Than sente he all abowghte, to knowe yf anye wente at the nexte 
tyed folowynge. Yn the meane tyme, I toke my waggon and 
wente my wayes, and that was the laste tyme that ever I sawe hym ; 
but afterward I was ynformyd by credablo parsones that he had 
spente all hys monye, bothe hys veliFete cote and also hys lyvere 
cote that he had of quenc Mary, and so came home poore and bare, 

» " gavo a good reported' This phrase here means possening credit and consideration, 
like ** having a good report/^ which is frequently used in our authorised edition of the 
New Testament: Acts, xxii. 12, ** Ananias having a good report of the Jews ;*' 1 Tim. 
iii. 7f " A bishop must have a good report of them/' &c. 


beynge vcrye syke and weake, and yn Holborne dyed moste myser- 
ably, full of lyse. Beholde hys end ! God grauntc he dyed hys 
sarvante. Amen ! 

Now whan as I came to Andwarpe, beynge never there afore, 
I was amasyd and knewe not where to become that nyghte. At 
laste I fownde owte the Inglyshe howse, and there I was realevyd* 
for a tyrae. After that, I toke a howse yn the oxe-marte of a mar- 
chawnte callyd Adam Raner ; hoo shewyd me muche favore, and there 
I thawghtc a scoole for the space of a yeare and a halve quyetly ; and 
than commyse over mr. Hussy, beynge than guvemor of the 
Inglyshe nasyon,^ and yt was gyven owte that he wolde sodaynly 
shypc and send awaye ynto Ingland al soche as were come over for 
rclygyon, he namynge me hymselve for one. So with as mowche 
speed as I could make, [ I ] toke wagon, and wente up ynto Jar- 
manye, and there was at a place callyd Dwesborowe, a free sytye, 
beynge under the ducke of Clefveland, and there remaynyd untyl 
the death of qucne Mary; and then came bake agayne to Andwarpe, 
And there whan I set all my doynges yn order, I retumyd home aga3m 
with joy ynto Ingland, my natyffe contrye, yn the which Grod 
grawnte hys gospel to have free pasagge, and by the same owre 
lyves to be amcndyd ! Amen. 

Thus hast thow harde, good crystyan reder, the paynful pcrygry- 
nasyon of the aforenamed To. Mo., who, for the testy monye of the 
truthc, and keapynge of a good consyence, sufferyd al thys and a 
grcatc dcale more not here expresyd ; and, altho' that he laye iij yeare 
yn pryson, that ys yn the Tower of London, the Marshalsce, and 
Cambryge castyll, and moste of thys tyme yn yorons, bysyed the 
mysyeryc that he sufferyd beynge beyond the secse for the spase 

» //i Stri/2>e received. 

b There wm one Anthony Hussey esquire, who, having been a master in chancery, 
chief registrar of the archbishop of Canterbury and of the chapter of St. Paul's, latterly 
resigned those functions, and became governor of the Muscovy merchants (see notes to 
Machyn*8 Diary, p. 380); and that ho was the person to whom Mowntayne alludes in the 
text appears not improbable. 


of ij yeares, the which ys v yeares ynn all; notwithstandynge, as 
the holy prophet Davythe sayth, God hath delyveryd hym owte of 
all hys trubles,* and hath promysyd that hosoever sufferythe parse- 
Gusion for hys name sake, and dothe contynue yn the same truthe 
unto the end, all those shall be moste sartayne and suere to be savyd, 
and to have their namys wrytyn yn the boke of Ijrffe, and after thys 
lyffe to be savyd by the only blud of Jesus Chryste, unto home, 
with the Father and the Holy Gooste, be all glory and praysc, nowe 
[and] for ever ! Amen. 

Wrytyn by me, Thomas Mowntayne. 

At the head of Thomas Mowntayne*s narrative is written, in his own hand, 
'* God is my deffense." (which has been accidentally omitted in p. 178.) 

* Psalm uxiv. 6. 




In the present article, and that which will follow^ are placed before the 
reader the materials from which Foxe composed that portion of his " Actes 
and Monuments '* which is entitled '^ The life, state, (or actes tit the running 
head-lines,) and storie of the Reverend Pastour and Prelate, Thomas Cranmer, 
archbishop of Caunterburie, Martyr," &c. 

It was from the paper now before us that the martyrologist derived the 
substance of his chapter on Granmer as it appeared in his first English edition 
of 1563, and as he had previously printed it in the Latin edition of 1559. It 
does not appear from what source it had proceeded : but the MS. is written in 
two very different hands, the first of which is of extraordinary accuracy both 
in penmanship and orthography, and the place where the second hand begins will 
be found indicated in p. 227. The second writer is by Strype (Memorials of 
Cranmer, p. 305,) conjectured to be either Scory or Becon ; but the present 
editor has found no MS. of cither Becon or Scory by which he could verify this 

In his second edition of 1576 Foxe interweavcd with the present paper the 
greater portion of the succeeding one, written by Ralph Morice. 

Various passages of this paper have been quoted by Todd and the other 
biographers of Cranmer as original statements of Strype. 



[MS. Harl. 417, fol. 90.] 

Thomas Cranmer, the sonne of Thomas Cranmer of Aslocton 
esquier, and of Agnes Hatfeld his wyefe, doughter of Laurence Hatfeld 
of Wylloughby of lyke degre, was born (at the sayd Aslocton, within 
the county of Notingham,) the second of July .1489. and learned his 
gramar of a rude parishe clerke in that barbarus tyme, unto his 
age of .14. ycares, and then he was sent by his seyd mother to 
Cambrege, where he was nosseled in the grossest kynd of sophistry. 


logike, philosophy morall and naturall, (not in the text of the old 
philosophers, but chefely in the darke ridels and quidites of Duns 
and other subtile questionestes,) to his age of xxij yeares. ( After 
that, he gave hymselfe to Faber, Erasmus, good Laten authors, iiij 
or V yeares togyther, unto the tyme that Luther began to wryte ; and 
then he, considering what great contraversie was in matters of 
religion (not only in tryfles but in the cheefest articles of our sal- 
vation, )bent hiraselfe to tryeoutthe truthe herin: and, for as moche 
as he perceyved that he could not judge indifferently in so weyghty 
matters without the knowledge of the holy scriptures, (before he 
were enfected with any mannes opinions or errours,) he applyed hia 
whole studye iij yeares unto the seyd scryptures. After this he 
gave his mynde to good wryters both newe and old, not rashely 
running over them, for he was a slo we reader, but a diligent marker 
of whatsoever he redd, for he seldom redd without pen in hand, and 
whatsoever made eyther for the one parte or the other, of thingcs 
being in contraversy, he wrote it out yf it were short, or at the least 
noted the author and the place, that he might fynd it and wryte it 
out by leysure; which was a great helpe to hym in debating of 
matters ever after. This kynde of studie he used till he were made 
doctor of divinitie, which was about the 34 of his age.* 

Not longe after kyng Henry the viij, being persuaded that the 
maryadge betwyxt hym and quene Katerine doughter to kynge 
Ferdinande of Spayn was unlefuU and nought, by doctor Longland ^ 
bushop of Lincoln his confessor, and other of his clergy, sent for vj 
of the best learnd men of Cambredge and vj of Oxford to debate this 
question, whether it were lefuU for one brother to mary his brother's 
wyfe, being knowen of his brother; of the which xij doctor Cranmer 
was apoynted for one, but because he was not then at Cambredge, there 
was an other chosen in his stead; which xij learned men agreed fully, 
with one consent, that it was lefull, with the pope's dispensation, so 
to do. 

Shortly after, doctor Cranmer returning to Cambredge, dyverse 

• In 1523. » John Longland, bishop of Lincoln 1521; died 15^7. 


of the seyd learned men repayred to hym to knowe his opinion in the 
seyd mariadge, and, after longe reasoning therabout, he chaunged the 
myndes and judgmentes of v of them. Then almost in every dispu- 
tation, bothc in privat houses and in the commen scholes, this was 
one question, Whether the pope might dispence with the brother to 
mary his brother's wyfe after carnall knouledge; and it was of many 
openly defended that he might not Which thing Steven Gardener, 
then the kynges secretary and after bushop of Wynchester, hearing, 
shewed the king that doctor Cranmer had chaunged the myndes of 
V of the seyd learned men of Cambredge, and of many other besyde 
them ; wherupon the king commaunded hym to be sent for. And 
after long reasonnyng with hym, he sent hym agayn to Cambrege, 
commanding him to pen the matter at large, and return agayn to hym 
with spede.* 

Shortly after he sent him into Fraunce^ with the erle of Wylshyre,* 
chefe ambassadour, doctor Lee ^ elect archebushop of Yorke, doctor 
Stockesley ® elect bushop of London, dy vines, and doctor Trigonell,' 
doctor Kam, « and doctor Benet, ^ lawyers, to dispute this matter at 

^ Bale enumerated among the archbiahop^s works, ** De non ducenda firatria, lib, u'.'* 
but the work is not now extant. See Mr. Jenkyns^s remarks on the subject, Remaina of 
Cranmer, vol. i. p. vi. 

*> The several parties mentioned in the text were employed in various missions to the 
continent at the period in question : but it does not appear that they were ever placed 
all together in one embassy. 

c Thomas earl of Wiltshire and Ormonde, the father of queen Anne Boleyne. He was 
sent ambassador to the emperor with doctor Stokisley and doctor Lee, in Jan. 1529-80f 
(see State Papers, 4to. 1849, vii. 230,) and was also in France about the same period, as 
well as his son George lord Rochford. 

<* Edward Lee, D.D. archbishop of York 1531; died 1544. 

<: John Stokisley, D.D. bishop of London 1530; died 1589. He was sent to France 
with George Boleyne, gentleman of the king*s privy chamber (and presently viscount 
Rochford) : see their instructions in State Papers, 1849, vii. 219. 

' John TregonweU, LL.D. afterwards knighted. He was a prebendary of Westminster 
as well as member of parliament. 

r Edward Came, LL.D. afterwards knighted in 1541. He was appointed to the 
function of king Henry's excusator at Rome : see State Papers, 4to. 1849, vii. 269* He 
died in 1561 at Rome, where his monument still exists. 
i> William Benet, LL.D., archdeacon of Dorset 1530, dean of Salisbuiy 1531 ; died 1583. 


Paris antl other places in Fraunce. Wherin he behaved liym so 
learnedly, soberly, and witt«ly, that the sayd erle so commended hym 
by his letters to the king, that he sent hyra a commission with 
cnetructions to be his sole ambassadotir to the emperour in the Bcyd 
cause of matrimony, when the emperour marched to Vienna agaynst 
the great Turke ; and po lie, traveling through Germany, fully satiefied 
manyracnneB myndherin, which afor were of a contrary judgement; 
and in tho emperor's court alao. In so moch that Cornelius Agrippa 
confessed to the seyd ambassadour the maryage to be nought, but he 
durst not say bo openly for feare bothe of the pope and the emperour. 
After which tymc the emperour wolde never heare the matter rea- 
soned, but referred it to the court of Rome. 

Wherfor the kyng called hyme home agayn, and shortly after sent 
hym ambassadour to the pope about the same cause; and there, after 
long disputation had, he so forced them that they grauntcd openly in 
tlie pope's chefe court oi' the rothi, that the seyd maryage was 
Bgaynst Goddes lawe, and tliey sayd morover that the pope might 
dispence with the lawe of God, which the sayd doctor Granmer 
denyed utterly. 

In the mean tyme dyed Wylliam Wharham , archebyshop of Can- 
terbcry*; wherfor the king called home the seyd doctor, and gave 
him the seyd archebyshoiiericke, 

Not long after this, the usurped power of the bishop of Rome was 
propounded in the parliament, and tlien the old collections of the 
newe archcbishop did him good service,'' for the chefe and in manner 

• Wnrhun dieil on llic 23U August, 1S32. 

'' Mr. Jenkjni, who quotes [bo aboYo bb apanage written IjyStrjpe (From Mvmorula of 
Cnuimer, p, 33), niiiBrka : " Then ' old colleclioos' lire probtUy thoia vhich arentill pre- 
Mrvad Ekt Lambeth under Iha lltte of Archbishop Cranmer*9 Collection of Lan-s. They 
were formed, perbapi, while he reaided at Cambridge, and coniiit of a large numbn of pu- 
MgM, extmcted at length from the canon law, and fallowed bjthatahiut lumnury of ■oine 
oOu rcDiBikal lie doctrine! which ii here printed (i.e. in the Rcmainiof Cranmer, 1S33, ii. 
1—10)." There i», howeter, be>idei"Abp. Cranmer's CollcotionB o[ Lawe," (which is 
llOToftheLambetli MS8.) another folio volume (IIOS) iaiamd SmlciUta: ilcdordm ri- 
rorund<'!>'"<i'awnil», being Craaroer'icDilMlions on Iheologicat aulij eels, the huadi of the 


the wliole burden of this wayghty cause was layd upon his sholdert; 
in so moche that he was forced to answer to all that ever the whole 
rable of the papistes could saye for the defence of the pope's supre- 
misee; and he answerd so playnly, directly, and truly to all their 
argumentes, and proved so evydently and stoutly bothe by the 
word of Grod and consent of the primative churche, that this usurped 
power of the pope is a meare tiranny and directly agaynst the 
lawe of God, and that the power of emperours and kynges is the 
highest power here upon earth, unto the which byshoppes, priestes, 
popes, and cardinalles ought to submit themselves, and are as much 
bound to obey as their temporall subjectes or laymen (as the papistes 
call them), wherfore the pope's usurped supremisee was upon juat 
causes abolished and utterly expelled out of this realme of Englonde 
by the full consent of the parliament. 

After the which, bothe the kynge [and] the queue were cyted to 
appeare at Dunstable before Thomas Cranmer, archbyshop of Can* 
terbury, and Stephen Gardiner, byshop of Wynchester, being judges 
to determine whether the forseyd mariage were good and laufull 
before God or not; before whom the kinge appeared at place and 
tyme apoynted, ready to make his answer by his proctour; but the 
queue revised to make answer before them as her judges, and stood to 
her appellation before made to the byshop of Some; but for as muche 
as his usurped power was before abrogat by acte of parliament, and 
ordeyned that no person should appeale or prosecute any appeale to 
the pope or to any other person out of the kynges dominions, for 
the seyd causes, and the queues contumacy in refusing to appeare 
and make answer before her laufull judges, they preceded to sen- 
contents of which will be found in the Catalogue of the Lambeth MSS. folio, 1812, p. 256. 
There la further another large collection, formed by Cranmer, of extracts from the 
holy scripture and the fietthers, which now forms the Tolumes 7 B XI. and XII. of the 
Royal MSS. in the British Museum. Its contents are given by Mr. Jenkyns in his 
▼ol. iv. pp. 147—160, and Cranmer's Works, (Parker Soc.) U. 7, 8. (See in Uie Appendix 
hereafter the remarkable particulars of its histoxy as a MS.) The writer of the text was 
probably aware of the existence of all these collections, of which he had previously given a 
general description (see p. 219)* 



tence, and, pcrcoyving the maryage to be unlaufuU and agaynst 
Gtoddea word, devorced the kynge and the queue, ' 

After thie, the seyd WynchcBter contynucd still in bis old popery 
secretly, allthough he had iii open parliament renounced the same, 
bothe by word othe and suhacribyng with his hand; but the §eyd 
archbishop, judging it a thing impossible to make any reformation of 
religion under the pope's dominion, thought it now (the same 
being diapatehed out of the reulmc,) u mete tymo to restore the true 
doctrine of Chryst, according to the word of God and the old 
primative churche, witliin his jurisdiction and euro, and with the soyd 
pope to aboUsiic also all false doctrine, errours, and heresyes byhyme 
brought into the churche, bothe by himBclfc and by all otlier whom 
he judged earnestly to favour the truthe of the gospell, procured the 
kynge to appoynt certen bushoppes with other learned men, u 
Stockealey "* byshop of London, Gardener of Wynchester, " Samson ^ 
of Ch[ich]ester, Reppes^of Norwyche, Goodtiko''of Ilcly, Latymer' 
of Worcester, Shnxton '' of Salisbury, and Bnrloo' of sayute Davides, 
to set forth a trueth of religion, being clean pourged from all popisho 
errours and heresy. In thewhiche disputation Wynchester, the pope's 
chefe champion, with iij or iiij of the seyd byshoppes, went about 
with all aubtill eophistry to raaynteine all idolatry, heresy, and 
superstition wryttcn in the canon lawe, or used in the church 
under the pope's tyranny ; but at the last they, being convinced by the 
word of God and consent of the olde authors and primatyvo church, 
agreed upon and set llieir haades to a godly booke of religion called 

■ Tlie Uivnroe wu pranounaoil on tlm S3J Mny, 1533. 

>> John Slokiiley, oaRMonUfd 1530, died 1G3U. 

' BtspbeD audjncT, bi«]iot> of WincheUer ]531. 

' Rujiu'il Simpion, bUhap ot OkKhMv 1G36, tnntUted to LlcbficlJand Covenirj 1S4S, 
(lied ICfil. 

• WilliMii Roppi. iJiM RugKB, bitbop o( Norwich 1CI3G, dlvd ISSO, 

'' TlioRiM Ooodriob, bi^op of El; IfiSl, died ISSi. 

( Hugb lAtimer, biihop of Worcsfl«r 1&3S, retigned 1539. 

'• Nicbobu tihuton, buboporSalbbur} lfi36, rwignctl 1538, 

' Willuuu Barlow. conHcnteil blibopof 3l, Aupb lQ33,iruiiUiedloSL Dtvid't IG3iJ, 
to Batb ind Weill ISIS, deprived tSG3, appointed tu Cliicbntor ISfil), died IfiHS, 


the bisJioppes* booke, * not muche unlyke the booke set forth by his 
Sonne kyng Edward the yjth,^ except in ij. poyntes; the one was 
the reall presence of our savyour Chrystes bodie in the sacrament of 
th'alltar, of the which opinion the seyd archebushop was at that 
tyme, and the most part of the other byshoppes and learned men; 
the other errour was of praying, kyssing [and] kneling before images, 
which was added by the kynge after the bysshoppes had set their 
handes to the contrary. This booke was estableshed by acte of 
parliament;^ but not lon g jfter , tl'^R^i^jS^^ taking displeasure with 
the seyd archbushop and^H^^Dyshoppes (as they term them) of 
the newe learnynge, becsM^^Hp .would not gyve their consent in 
the parliament that the k^P^should have all the monasteries 
suppressed to his own use, but would have had parte of them to have 
bene bestowed upon hospitalls, brynging up of youth in virtue 
and good learning, wjih other thinges profitable in the commen 
welth, being also stirred therunto by Winchester and other old 
dissembling papistes, in the next parliament made vj. newe articles' 
of our fayth, as well agreing with the word of God and the former 
booke of religion called the bysshoppes' booke as fier with water, light 
with darknes,and Chryst with Beliall. But after, the kyng perceyving 
that the seyd bisshoppes did this thing, not of malice or stubbornes, but 
of a zele that they had to Goddes glory and the commen wealth, re- 
formed in parte the sayd vj. articles,® and doubtles he was mynded (yf 
he had ly ved) to have set forth as good or a better booke as the first was. 

*■ This was the name popularly given to The Iiatitulioa of a Chrutian Man, iasaed in 
1537. On the arcbbishop^s share in its compoeition see Mr. Jcnkjns^s prefiuse to the 
Remains of Cranmer, p. xvii. ^ The Book of Common Prayer, afterwards mentioned. 

^ This does not appear to have been the fact, unless by tlie act already passed in 1536, for 
'* extynguyshing the auctoryte of the bisriiop of Rome,'* 28 Hen. VIII. cap. 10. Statutes of 
the Realm, ui. 663. 

<i Tlie act of the Six Articles was passed in 1539, 81 Hen. VIII. cap. 14, and was entitled, 
'' An Acte abolishingo of diversity of opinions in certen articles concerning Christian reli* 
gion :'* see Statutes of the Realm, iii. 739. The articles are given by Jenkyns, Piefl p. xxv, 

« In 1543 appeared A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christen JTan, 
commonly called the King> Book. On its composition see Jenkyns, Pref. p. xxxvi.; 
Ridley's Works, (Parker Soc.) p. 511 ; and Moricc^s Anecdotes, hereafter, p. 248. 



Aflet whose deatli his sonnc Edward, by the incytin^ of the foro- 
seyd archbuahop and the ndvice of llie duke of Somerset the kyngcs 
uncle and protector of the realmc, and the consent of the whole 
councell, stablished by ncte of parliament so good and perfight a booke 
of religion," and agreable with Goddes word (without diaprayse of 
other be it spoken), aa ever was nsed since the apostles' tyme. But 
when it pleased God, for our unthankfidnes nnd wyckcd lyvyng, to 
take from us this godly, kyng, he, pcrceyving that he could not long 
lyve in this mortal! lyfe.^if^^tt his sister lady Mary, who by her 
father's wyll was heyr apparent to tR^^flBaftcr him,geven so moche 
to pnpric, by the advyce and cons^^^^w whole councell, and the 
clieffe judges of the realmo, gave thl^Bwn with the realme to lady 
Jane, (doughter to the duke of Suffolke, begotten [of] kyng Henry 
the viijth's sister,) which lady Jane was bothe so virtuous and well 
learned as I thinke Englond never brought ^j^h her peare. And 
when the whole councell and chcfe judges had set theyr handes to 
the kynges wyll, last of all they sent for th'archbushop, requiring 
him also to subscribe the same wyll as they had done; who an- 
swerd that he might not without perjury, for so moche as he was 
before sworn to my lady Mary by kyng Henries wyll ; to .whom the 
couucel answeryd that they had consciences as well as he, and were 
also aa well sworn to the kynges wyll as he was. Then answerd he, 
" I am not judge over any manncs conscience but myue own only ; for, 
as I wyll not condempn your fact, no more wyll I stay my fact upon 
your conscience,'' seing that every man shall answer to God for his 
own dedes and not for other mennes ;" and so he refused to subscribe 
till he had spoken with the kyng herin; and then the king told him 
that the judges had cnformed hyme that he might lefully bequethe 
the crown to lady Jane and his subjectcs receyve her as queue, not- 
withstanding theyr former othe to kyng Henry's wyll. Then the 
seyd archbushop desired the kyng that he myght first speake with 

• Tbe Book of Comi 
>> — "bo he would ii< 

in Pnjrer, lint k1 fottU in IGIJI, aiiil useiided in 155 
hw mtn'a Uets." Foxi. 



the judges, which the king jently grauntod him,* Then he spake with 
so many of the judges as were that tyme at the court, and with the 
kynges attoraaye ^ also ; who all agreed in one that he might lefuUy 
subscrybe to the kynges wyll by the lawes of the realme ; wherupon 
he, returning to the kynge, by his commandment graunted to set his 
hand therto. 

Shortly after this kynge Edward departed out of this transitory 
lyfe, I doubt not unto lyfe eternall with Chryst. After whose 
deathe the councell caused the seyd lady Jane to be proclaimed 
quene ; but, partly for the right of her title and partly for the malice 
that the people bare to the duke of Northumberland (whose sone 
had maryed the seyd lady Jane) as well [as] for the death of [the] duke 
of Somerset and other cruelty by him used, the more part of the 
comens with certen of the nobilitie tooke part with lady Mary, who 
also proclamed herself quene. Wherfore the duke of North- 
umberland raysed an army, entending to subdue quene Mary; but 
shortly after his departure from London the councell caused lady 
Mary to be proclamed quene, and apprehended lady Jane in the 
Toure; wherupon much of the duke's army fled from him, and he 
was taken, at Cambrege without any resistence, and sent to London 
to the Towre atid dyvcrse other with him. Whyther quene Mary 
shortly after repayred : to whom the seyd archbushop by his frcndes 
made humble sute for his pardon; but she, as well for his religion 
sake, as also because ho had bene a worker in the devorce of her 

* It will be recollected that Cranmcr himself addressed to queen Mary an explanation 
of the circumstances under which he had been induced to consent to king Edw&rd*i 
settlement of the crown. It is to bo found in Strype's Cranmer, Appx. No. LXXiv. 
Cranmer's Remains, i. 360 ; and Cranmcr *s Works, (Parker Soc.) ii. 442. It does not 
confirm the statements of the text in every particular. Cranmer had an interview with 
the king in the presence of the council, and desired to talk with him alone, but was not 
■uffered to do so; nor did he personally consult the judges, but both the king and the 
privy council informed him of the opinions given by the lawyers, when *' methought it 
became not me, being unlearned in the law, to stand against my prince,^* and then, at the 
king's personal requisition, he placed his signature to the will. 

^ Edward Oryffyn. He, however, disappeared from the scene between tlie 12th and 
14th of June, and consequently retained his place ander.queen Mary. (See before, p. 46.) 


fatlier and mother,* wold netlicr here hym nor poc hym. In the 
mcane tyme yt was fiilslye brutcd abro(!e that he offered hymBclfo to 
Byngo the masse and requiem at tho kyngca burynge and also had 
restored the masse in hys cathedral! churche of Canturburye. To stay 
thya slaundcr he wrote a letter to a frynd of hya, that lio never 
made any suchc promyBsc nor that lie dyd erccte tho maBse at 
Canturburye, but that yt was a false flattoryng lyeng nioncko,'' doctor 
Thorden, a man havyng nether wytte, lernyng, nor honesty ," and 
yet liya wytt ys very ready, for he pi-oadieth as well extempore as 
at a yeaj-ca warnyiig, bo leornedlye that no man can tell what he 
cheady entendith or goeth aboute to prove, so aptlye that a grosso of 
poyntcs ys not sufficiento to tye hys sermon together, a man not 
unlyke to Jodocus, a moncke of home Erasmus muketli mencion in 
hys Colloquies, who yfi'he were not garnysshcd with these glorioiise 
tytells, Monck, Doctor, Vicedeanc, and Suflragane, were worthye to 
walke openlye in the atrcatcs with a bell and cockacome.'' 

* Foie but thus ramonldeil lUii puugo, — " for u jrot tliQ old sludges igajrnit the 
ftrdibuhop for the devorccnient of liai mother renujncd hid in the bolloni ofher heart — 

Manet atta monto rcportum 

JiKlicium Pu-Ulia HprDt«qiiL' injuria niatriB. — Tirgil. ^Dcid i," 

[It !■ at tbis point of (he text in the MS. that (he hniidwritlng chaagH.] 

!• " Wharfon thw lie to ligniflo to tho world that it wunot I that did »tt up themaue 
at Oontcrburj, hut it was a false, filtering, \jeng, and dlMembling monke whiah calwid 
the main to he Kit up dier, with, eut mjr Bilviis or oouhkII." Thla li the ptBUge of the 
arehbiahop'n deElantlon (nolieod in (lie neit page) which is qnolcd in tho text. In tho 
M9. U Ihia plaoe tho following lido-nole li unneied, iu a dilTetant hand to the text, 
" ThcM words foiowing were not is the archbialiop'a liittera, but the; [are] vsr; true, and 
added b; the writer of thia hietury, who bnoweth hi* [Tbomden'B] condition nsrj weii." 

' Richard Thomdeu, aliu Id SlDdo.wu vlDB'dean of Camerburj and iuffragan bUhop 
of DoTcr. Foie tells ua he wai called " Dieli of Dayer," and deicribea bla death as eo- 
■uing from aandden attack of palsy, u lie wu ono Sunday " vertuouslj occupied looking 
Upon Ilia men pleying at tho bowli," at Bourne, near Canterlmry, Foie's pagn abound 
with instancca of his " cruel tyranny upon many godly men at Canterbury." Tbe cba- 
ruter given or him in tlie text, Strype (Mem. of Cranmer, p, 306) attrihutca olther to 
8cnry or Becon : ace tbe introductory remorka made in p. 218. (See additional notea,) 

<i " Jodocui adoo stupidus cmt, nt nial vesta men commandamtur, obamhularet publi- 
nitua in cuoulia btui, cum auriculia ac tintinnabniis." Cnumi Colloq. " Virgo Mia6-fapoc' 


N VI. 

go many ol" tli*' 
kynpcs atl*»iii. 
Bubscrybo t«» ■ 
hand tlicrt 

lyfc, 1 -^ 


that ■ 
of ^ 








»uO' ■■■ 



_,lili'«, and squyers, wher a sermon was made by doctor Cole,* 
. M^t^ the which sermone he wepte very sore,** and the sermon 
■ j; iynished he, beynge comaunded to declare hys mynd, sayd 
■i'lwctli^: — 

<Jood chrysten people, my deare beloved brethern and system 

lirystc, I beseche you moost hartlye to prayc for me to Almighty 

id that he wyll forge ve me all my S3mnes and offences, which be 

;iiy and without nomber and greatc above measure. But yet 

:i' thynge greveth my conscience more then all the rest; wheroffe, 

• pdd wyllynge, I intend to speake more herafter. But ho we many 

lid ho we greatc soever they be, I beseechc you to pray to God of hys 

inarcye to pardon and forgeve them all." 

And here kneeling downe [he] sayd, ** O Father of heaven! 
Son of God, Redemer of [the] worlde! Holy Gost, [proceeding 

*■ Honiy Cole* warden of New college^ and doan of St. PauPfl. 

^ " I shall not nede, for the tymo of sarmon, to describe hys bchavyour, hys sorrowfull 
coimtynance, his heyvye chero, his foce bedewed with teares : sometyme lyftyng hys eyes to 
heaven m hope; sometyme oastyng them downe to the earthe for shame : to be brefe, an 
image of sorowe, the doloro of hys hart burstyng owt at hys eyes in picntye of teares, re- 
taynyng ercr a quiet and grave behaveour, which incressed the pyttye in mon^shartes, that 
th£y unfeynedly loved hym, hopyng yt had byn hys repcntaiioe for hyn transgression and 
error.** (Letter of J. A.) 

^ In the MS, Harl. 422 is preserved a contemporary account of the last hours of 
Cranmer, written by an eye-witness, and dated only two days after his execution. The 
writer, who signs J. A., tliough professedly condemning Cranmer, had an evident sympathy 
in his sufferings, and viewed his fate with deep commiseration, as the extract just given 
has shown. Tliis document, highly important and interesting, is printed by Strypoi 
Memorials of Cranmer, p. 884; and by Todd, in his Life of Cranmer, vol. ii. p. 403. The 
report it contains of the last prayers and exhortation made by the martyr is not only remark- 
able as coming from a quarter professedly unfavourable, but further as coinciding very closely 
with that given in the text, and which was publiHlicd by Fuxe. How is this close coincidence 
to be accounted for ? I am inclined to think that the letter of J . A. is in fact the original, and 
that the version in the text was written from it for publication in the Actcsand Monuments, 
certain modifications being made, which will bo shvwn in the ensuing notes. Most of the 
incidents also of Cranmcr's last hour, as the pertinacious conduct of the two Spanish friars, 
and of Ely of Brazenosc, who refused to take the martyr by the hand when parting at the 
stake, and the final and most striking incident of all, that uf the archbishop stretching forth 
his right liand, and exposing it fint to the Hames — all these are related by J. A., and 
confirm the supposition that Foxc's account was really founde<l upon the letter of J. A. 


from them both,*] thre persons and one God 1 have mercye apon me 
moost wretched catyfe and miserable synner, I have offended bothe 
heaven and ertlie more then my tounge^ can expresse. Wether 
then may I goo, or wether shoulde I flee for succor? To "heaven I 
am ® ashamed to ly ft upp my eyes, and in erthe I fynd no succoure or 
refuge. What shall [I] then doe? Shall I dcspayre? Godd forbydd ! 
Oh, gode Godd ! thou art mercy full, and refusest none that come to 
thee for succoure. To thee therefore doe I come.** To thee I doe 
humble myselfe, saynge, Lord [God], mysynnes be greate, but yet 
have mercye apone me for thy greate mercye ! [0 God the Son, thou 
wast not made man,*] Thys mysterye was not wrought that Godd 
became man for fewe or ly ttell offences. Thou dyddest not gyve thy 
Sonne [unto death*], Heavenly Father, for [our little and *] small 
synnes onlye, but for all and the greatest of the world, so that the 
synner retume and repente® unto thee with hys whole ^ harte, as I doe 
here at thys presente. Wherfore have mercye upon me, Lord, 
whose property ys alwayes to have mercye and P3rtye, * for, although 
my synnes be great, yet ys thys mercye greater. Wherfore have 
mercye upon me, Lord, after thy greate mercye. I crave nothyng, 
Lord, for myne owne merits, but for thy name sake, that yt maye 
be halowed therbye. And for thy deare Sonne Jesus Christ's sake. 
And nowe therfore, Father of Heaven, halowed be thy name." 

And then standing up he sayd: ** Every man, good people, 
(^syreth at the tyme of hys death to geve some good exhortation 
^Uflt other may remember after hys deathe and be the better therby, 
tor one word spoken of a man at hys last end wyll be more remem- 
bered then many sermones made of them that Ijrve and remayne;** 
so I beseche God grant me grace that I may speake that somethjmge 
at [this] my departynge wherby God may be gloryfyed and you 

• Letter of J. A. *» — •* more grievouslj than any tongue/' Letter of J, A. 

c may be. lb, ^ Muprinted run 2»y Strype and by Todd. 

« and repent tfiMf^. ' a penitent Letter cfj. A, v and pytye interied, 

h « for remayne/' not in the letter of J. A, 



" -Fyrat, yt ys as licvy a case to boo that many folkes bo so dototl 
upon the love of the false world and bo careful! for yt, that of the 
lovo of Qod or the workle to come tlioy scino to care very lyttcll or 
Bothingo. Therfore thya shal bo my fyrat cxhortaoion, that you set 
not overmuche by thys [falBo"] gloayngc worldo, but upon God and 
the worldo to corao j and learno what thya Icaaon meanctb which aaiut 
John t«acheth, that the hve of t/ie morlde ys hatred agaynai God, 

" The second cxhortaoion ys that next unto Godd you obey your 
kyng and quene, wyllyngly without murmur or gmdgyng, not for 
fcare of them onlye, but muchc more for the feara of God, knowyng 
that they be Godea mynistcra apoynted of Godd to rule and govome 
you, and therfore whosoever resisteth them resistctho Goddes 

"The thyrd exhortacion ya that you love altogether like brothien 
and aytters. But alas 1 pitye ya to see what oontentyone and hatred 
one man hath agaynat an other, not takyng c-che other for brethemo 
and Bysters, but rather as atrangers and niortall enymyea. But I 
pray you lernc and beare well away thya lesBon, to doe good to all 
men as muchc as m you lyeth.and hurtc no man, no more then you 
woldc hurte your own o naturall brother" or ayater. For thya you 
may be sure that whosoever hat«th hys brother or ayster, and gooth 
about malycioualyc to hyndcr or hurte hym, surclye and without all 
double God ys not with that man, althougho he thynck hymsdfo 
never so muchc in. Goddcs favor. 

" The fourth cxliortacion ahal bo to them that have great substaAh 
and ryches of thya worldo, that they may well conaidor and w^ 
theic ilj tayngoa of the scripture. One ya of our Saviour Ghryst 
hymselfe, who aayothc that yt ya a harde thyngo for a ryuhe man 
to come ynto heaven, a sore saynge, and [j'ct] spoken of hym that 
knoweth the truthe. The second ys of saint John, whoso saynge ya 
thys, He that bathe the substance of thys worldo, and aoetli hys 
brother in necessytje, and abuttcth up hya compassion and mercy 

• LetUrufJ. A. 


from hym, howe can he saye that he loveth Godd ? The thjrrd of saint 
James,* who speaketh to the covetous and ryche men after thys 
manner : Weep and howle for the mysery which shall come uppon you. 
Your ryches doth rotte, your clothes be moth-eaten, your gold and 
sylver is cankered and rusty, and the rust therof shall beare wyttenes 
agaynst you, and consume you lycke fyer. You gather and hord up 
treasure of Goddes indignation against the last daye. Let them 
which be ryche ponder well theise sentences, for yff ever they hadd 
occasion to shewe theyr chary tye they have yt nowe at thys present, 
the poore people beyng so many and victuells so deare ; for, although 
I have been longe in pryson, yet have I harde of the greate penurye 
of the pore.^ 

** And nowe, forasmuchc as I come unto [the] last cnde of my 
lyfe, wheruppon hangethc all my lyfe passed and all my lyfe to 
come, ether to lyfe with my Savior Chryst in joye, or ells to be ever 
in paynes with wycked dy veils in hell ; and I see before myne eyes 
presently eyther heaven (poyntyng hys fynger upward) redye to 
receave me, or elles hell (poyntyng downward) readye to swalowe 
me up, I shall therfor declare unto you my verye fay the, howe I 
believe, without coulour or dyssimulation, for nowe yt is no tyme to 
dyssemble, whatsoever I have sayd or wrytten in tymes past. 

" Fyrst, I beleve in God the Father Almyghty, maker of heaven 
and earthe, &c. I beleve everye article of the catholike faythe, every 
worde and sentence taught by our Savior Chryst and hys apostelles 
and prophetes, in the newc and old testament. 

** And nowe I come to the greate thynge that so muche troblethe 
my conscience more then anye other thynge that ever I dyd or sayd 
in my lyfe. And that ys settynge abrode in wrytynge contrarjre to 
my conscience and the truthe; which nowe I here renounce and 

* This is omitted in the letter of J. A. 

b In Oxford itself the scarcity '* was so great, that several societies, being scarce able to 
live, had leave from their governors to go into the country to their respective homes, to re- 
main there till such time as bread-corn was more plentiful.^* Wood's Annals of the 
University of Oxford, under the year 1555. 


refuse as thynges wrytten with my hand contrarye to the truthe 
which I thought in my harte, and wrytten for feare of dcathe, to 
save my lyfe yf yt myght be. And that is all suche bylls or papers 
which I have wrytten and sygned with my hand sence my 
degradacion; wherin I have wrytten many thynges untrewe. And, 
forasmuche as my hand offendyd in wrytynge contrarye to my harte, 
my hand therfore shal be fyrste punished; for, yff I may come to 
the fyre, yt shall be fyrste bumte. And as for the pope, I utterly 
refuse hym as Chrystes enemy and Antechryst, with all hys false 
doctrine. And as for the sacrament, I beleve as I have taught in my 
booke agaynste the — 

The rest of the original manuscript is lost : Foxe terminates the words of 
Cranmer*s address thus : — 

— bishop of Winchester, the which my book teacheth so true a 
doctrine of the Sacrament that it shall stand at the last day before 
the judgment of God, where the papistical doctrine contrary thereto 
shall be ashamed to shew her face.'* 

This was certainly for the greater part an addition of Foxe, for his earlier 
Latin version of 1559 concludes thus : 

— cujus libri assertionem tam firmam judico, ut omnes omnium 
Papistarum conatus nunquam sunt repulsuri. 

The letter of J. A. probably presents the true circumstances under which 
the archbishop's mouth was stopped : — 

*^ He added that, for the Sacrament, he believed as he had taught 
in his book against the bishop of Winchester, And here he was 
suffered to say no more,'^ 





This article has been added to the present collection on the suggestion of 
the Rev. J. E. B. Mayor, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of St. John*8 College^ 
Cambridge, editor of the very interesting series of memoirs published under the 
title of '* Cambridge in the Seventeenth Century :" who has also been at the 
trouble of transcribing it from the library of Bene*t College. It is there pre- 
served among the manuscripts of archbishop Parker : at whose request it was 
evidently written, as towards the conclusion he b twice addressed under the 
appellation of "your grace." 

The propriety of attaching this document to the previous contents of the 
present volume will be acknowledged on finding that it formed part of the 
materials used by the historian Foxe; to whom Parker must have communi- 
cated it, previously to the publication of the second English edition of the 
Actes and Monuments in 1576, and of course subsequently to the first in 1563, 
to which the writer makes reference. 

It will be found, on comparison with the present text of the Aotes and 
Monuments, that Foxe, whilst interweaving this information with his former 
narrative of Cranmer (which had been formed from the MS. printed as the pre- 
ceding article of this volume), remodelled and re-arranged the whole of Morice's 
anecdotes, greatly amplifying them in most parts, but retrenching them in 
others : generally changing Morice*B language, but still retaining some of his 
most singular phrases and expressions. He gives Morice^s name in one of his 
side-notes (where the archbishop's attendance outside the council door is men- 
tioned :) " This secretary was mr. Ralph Morice, witnesse and drawer of this 

I shall show in the notes some remarkable examples of the recastings made by 
Foxe, but they can be fully appreciated only by comparing the present paffes 
with those of the Actes and Monuments. 

Strype had the use of what he terms the " MS. Life of Cranmer in Bene't 
College;" but he did not discover that it had been previously worked up by 
Foxe. In chapters xxx. and xxxi. of his Memorials of Cranmer, Strype has 
inserted a great part of Morice's MS. verbatim. The introductory portions. 



which be omitted, were published by Mr. Mayor ia the Britieh Moguxine in 
1849 (toI. xxxTi. p. 165). 

lUJph Moricc, the writer of this paper, wm the younger brother of Willinm 
Uurice e«qnire, o( Chipping Ongar, in Essex, ■ who has been noticed ftl p. 4S of 
the present volume. Having graduated at Cauibridge B.A. 1523 and M.A. 
1026, he spent the beat portion of liis dajs aa a faithful servant of archbishop 
Crannier, of whose history, qualities, and actions he gives a cursory but cITeet- 
ive sketch. So mucli has been written upon the biography and charac- 
ter of CranmcT that it appears unnecessary to burthen the following pages with 
much illustration or remark. The reader may drink elsewhere of more mixed 
streams: he must here imagine himself to be placed at the fountain-head. 

Two undated supplications, or petitions, addressed by Ralph Moricc to queen 
Elizabeth are still extant, and have been noticed by Strype.^* In one of these' 
he thus describes his parentage: — 

"Ralph Morice sonne unto James Moriee late of Koydon in the countle of 
Essex esquier, some tyme servante unto that Tirtiotis and noble princcsac of 
renowned memorie L. Margaret Countesse of Richmond and Derbic, yonr 
higliDes' greate-graundemother, and to her graae also clerckc of her kechin and 
mr. of her werkes, nomelic of those ij colleges in Cambridge, Christes collodge 
and St. John's." 

In the other petition llalph Morice sets forth the extent of his services to 
Cranmer. They had been continued " for the space of ^0 yeres and aboTC, 
being reteyned in service with the said most reverend father in the rowineof a 
KCretory," wherein he had "bestowed and spent both his time, youlhc, and 
prosperityeof his life, not so much in writing of the private busynes of the said 
moost reverend father, as in travailing with his pen abouglite the serious odoires 
of the prince and the realme, commy ted unto him by those most noble and worthie 
princes K. Henry the eighth and K. Edward the sixth, your majesties dcare 
father and brother, conccruyng oswcl the writyng of those great and weightie 
matrimonyol cauaea of your highnes' said dere father, (the good effectes, suc- 
cesse, and benefits wberof to Godd's glory this hole realms with the subjectes 
therof in your highues' most noble and royal personage do now moat happilie 
cnjoye,) as also aboutc th'exstirpation of the bishop of Home his usurped power 

• The bmil; of Morice of C!iip|>lng Ongar ttte 
John Horice baving uimioci llio -laughter nnd 
ilaDgbMr ofTbomu Pojnti »qulre, lliechiaf pati 
AdmU of tlie English BIblo, 1. G25. 

' 9oe bUo the momair of Morioc in Athenie CiLiitabriglBtuei, 

' MS. Lansdowns lOB, nrl. S. 

itrds oHumod the nims of Po^nli, sir 
r of air Gabriel Poyntz, and grand- 
of Williain Tyndalo. SovAiidcnon^ 


and authoritie, the reformation of corrupte religion and ecclesiastical lawes, 
th*alteration of divine service, and of divers and sundry conferences of lernid 
men for th*cstablisliing and advancement of sincere religion, with such like : 
wherin your highnes* said orator most painfullie was occupied in writing of no 
small volumes, from tyme to tyme ; as in that behalf divers lernid men now 
living can testifie, namely dr. Hethe,* dr. Thirleby,** the bishops of Elie,* 
Chichester «J and Heriford." * (The rest of this petition will be found in Strype*s 
Memorials of Cranmer, Appendix, No. cm.) 

Ralph Morice was register to the commissioners appointed in 1547 to visit 
the dioceses of Rochester, Canterbury, Chichester, and Winchester : who were 
sir John Hales, sir John Mason, sir Anthony Cope, dr. Cave (a lawyer), and 
mr. Briggs, preacher (of Pembroke college, Cambridge.) Strype's Memorials 
of Cranmer, p. 147. 

Ralph Morice had his share of persecution and suffering in the reign of 
Mary. In the course of two years his house was thrice searched, by which 
he lost many valuable papers, and especially certain epistles of Edward YI. to 
archbishop Cranmer, and the archbishop's answers. When this occurred 
Morice had fled from his house ; and was committed to custody, but esc^>ed 
by breaking prison. His latter years were passed at Bekesboum in Kent. 
He appears to have been living in 1570, but the date of his death has not been 

Morice made other communications to Foxe; one of which, relating to 
master Richard Turner preacher, follows the story of Cranmer in the Actes and 
Monuments. Another, (which appears to have been the earliest, and is ad- 
dressed to Foxe*s printer John Day,) is an account of Cranmer's patronage of 
doctor Thirlby afterwards bishop of Ely. This has been already laid before the 
Camden Society by Sir Henry Ellis in the "Letters of Eminent Literary Men," 
at p. 25. At its conclusion Morice tells Day that he " could say moche more 
concemyng the notable doinges of this worthic archebisshop which were 
worthie to be committed to perpetuall fame. And also sumwhat towching the 
progeny and advancement of the lorde Crumwell, which ys not attall towched 
in his storye." It was probably afler writing this (which is dated " from Bekis- 
borne, the x^ of January, 1565,") that the old man was induced by archbishop 
Parker to indite the following anecdotes of Cranmer. 

There can be no doubt that he also materially contributed to the portion of 
Foxe*s work entitled *' The life, actes, and death of the famous and worthy 
counsailour lord Thomas Cromwell earl of Essex," which is greatly enlarged 

* The deprived archbishop of York. ^ The deprived bishop of Ely. 

^ Richard Cox. <* William Barlow. « John Scoiy. 



n the aecond edition from what it was in (he first. The story " How tbe lord 
Crorawell helped Cranmcr's secretary," when the urchbishop's manuscript argu- 
mcats on the Six Articles fell into the river, and were detained bj the lady 
Elizabeth's bearward who happened to pick them oat, is eridcntly from the 
TCCrctary's own pen ; iind bo probably are Bereral of tbe subsequeDt anecdotes, 
That relative to "The talke betwene the lorde Cromwel and cerlebe of the 
lordes at Lambetli," is acknowledged to be ex tettimonio Secrelarij Caniuar. 
(Second edition 157G, fol. 1160. The date 1S40 there given to the anecdote 
woi gubeequcntl; corrected to 153Q.) 

Again, the story of bishop Gardyner's exclusion from King Henry's will, aa 
Horice had heard it told by sir Anthony Denny to Cranmer, is related by Foxe 
on thereportof" the said archbishop's secretary, who is yet alive." (Edit. 1576,) 
Kalph Morice likewise wrote an account of Hugh Latloier's first conversion 
at Cauihridgc, which is preserved among Foxc's papers, MS. Harl. 422, art, 12, 
Uid printed by Strype, in Ecclcs. Memorials, ill. 233, and in Latimer's Works, 
edit. Corrie, (Porker Soc.,) vol. ii, pp. xxvii — xxxi. Oa the same sheets are 
some anecdotes of mr. Thomas Lawnej and bishop Stokesley, which will be 
found hereafter in the present volume. 

Also a paper " concern jng rar. Latymer's comuiunicaciou with mr. Bayiicliain 
in the dungeon of Newgate," preserved in the same volume, MS. Harl. 422, art. 
26. This has been printed in the Appendix to the fourth volume of the new 
edition of Foxc, (by Townsend andCattley, 1846,) p, 770: and in a modernised 
version, liy Strype, Eccl. Memorials, iii. p. [236], and Latimer's Works, (Parker 
Soc.) ii. 221. 

A brief narrative, written by him, of " master Dusgate" burnt at Exeter, 
would have been appropriately placed in the present volume, hnd it not already 
appeared in one of the Camden Society's works, prefixed by Sir Henry Ellis 
to the letter before mentioned. 

But, after all, perhaps the most valuable I'clic of the labours of Ralph 
Morice's pen is the MS. Harl. 0148, being a book in which he kept copies of a 
large number of letters on important matters of business, written for his master 
the archbishop. This volume was probably one of those of which his study 
was robbed during hii troubles. It subsequently came into the possession of 
sir Richard St. George, who, filling up its blank pages with his heraldic 
collections, has nearly smothered the labours of Morice. Unfortunately, the 
letters are for the moat part undated ; but they have been published, first in the 
Chriatian Remembrancer, next edited by the Rev. Henry Jenkyna in his 
Remains of Archbishop Cranmcr, and a tbinl time in the Works of Cranmer, 
edited for the Parker Society by the Rev. John Eilmuod Cox. (Strype had 
made transcripts of them, which are now in the MS. Lansdowue 104J.) 


[MS. Coll. Corp. Chr. CanUb. 128, f. 405.] 

A declaration concem3n3g the Progeny, with the maner and trade 
of the lif and br3mgyng upp, of that most Reverent Father in 
God, Thomas Cranmer, late archebisshopp of Canterbury, and 
by what order and meanes he came to his prefermente and 

First, it ys to be considered that the said Thomas Cranmer was 
borne * in a vilage named Arselacton, ^ in the countie of Notyngham, 
and the sonne of one Thomas Cranmer, gentilman, descending of an 
aunciente and famous famylie and progeny.^ Insomoche as there 
yet remayneth an aimciente mansion house of antiquitie called 
Cranmer halle, in Lyncolne shere; whose armes at this present 
remajme there in the glasse wyndowes of the same house to be scene. 
And as it is thought by some men, the firste of that familie and 
name was one of the gentilmen that came into this realme with 
William Conqueror; whiche semeth something true, in that a gen- 
tilman being a Norman borne, and in kyng Henry the Vlllth his 
tyme assosiated in commission with a certeyne ambassador of France, 
gave the self-same armes in parte that the Cranmers do here in 
England, who was of the same name, whiche occasioned the same 
archebisshoppe to invite that noble gentilman unto his house at 
Lambeth, where he did banquett hym, so that after diner there was 
conferenceof both thair armes togethers, in divers poyntes nothing 
atall discrepaunte. 

Secondlie, as towching his education and bryngyng upp in hia 
youthe. I have harde hymselfe reporte, that his father did sett hym 

» July 2, 1489. 

^ First hand, Aneleton. It is commonly written Aslacton. 

Where 9ee<md hand is mentioned in the ensuing notes it implies that the words so 
marked are above the line in paler ink, but it is believed written by the same hand as 
the text. 

* Progtuy, as is well known, was a word at thb period applied rather to ancestry than 

hobice's anecdotes of abohbibhop cbanheb. 239 

to Bcole with a mervelous severe and cruell scolemaster.* Whose ' 
tyranny towards youthe was suche, that, as he thoughte, the said 
scolemaster so appalled, dulled, and daunted the tender and fyne 
wittes of his scolers, that the! comonlie [more ^] hated and aborred 
good litterature than favored or inbraced the same^ w[ho8e] 
memories were also therby so mutulated and wounded, that for his 
p[arte] he loste moche of that benefitt of memorey and audacitie in 
his youthe that by nature was given unto hym, whiche he could 
never recover, as he divers tymes reported. 

And albeit his father was very desirous to have hym lernyd, yet 
wolde he not that he shouldo be ignorante in civill and gentilman- 
like exercises, insomoche that he used hym to showte,^ and many 
tymes permitted hym to hunte and hawke and to exercise and to 
ryde roughe horsses. So that nowe being archebisshopp, he feared 
not to ryde the roughest horse that came into his stable. Whiche 
he wolde do very comblie, as otherwise at all tymes there was none 
in his house that wolde become his horse better. And when tyme 
served for recreation after studie he wolde both hawke and hunte, 
the game being preparid for hym beforehand. And wolde some- 
tyme showte in the longe bowe, but many tymes kille his dere with 

> Who this was U not known. In the former biographj he is termed ** a rude parish 
clerk/' and Foxe supposed Cranmer^s master to have been the clerk, or priest, of 

Aslacton. The place of Cranmer's early education was probably a country school 

indeed Morice presently speaks of his leaving a grammar-school for Cambridge. Thomas 
Tysser's verses on Nicholas Udall, the school-master of Eton, have been often quoted in 
illustration of the severity of the schoolmasters of that time. 

From PauPs I went to Eton sent. 

To learn straightways the Latin phrase, 

Where fifty-three stripes given to me 

At once I had; 
For fault but small, or none at all, 
It came to pass thus beat I was. 
See, Udall, see the mercy of thee 

To me poor lad. 

b The margin is torn off. 

^ t. e, shoot with the long bow, as again mentioned a few lines lower. 


the crosebow, and yet his sight was not perfayte, for he was poore- 

Item, after this his bringing upp at gramer-scole he was sent to 
the universitie of Cambridge, where for the moste parte he remayned 
within Jesus coUedge, being firste felowe of the same house; where 
he proceded in the degrees of the scole untill he was doctor of 
divinitie. But firste being mr. of arte, it chaunced hym to marye a 
wif,* by meanes wherof he was constraynyd to leave his felowshipp 
in the same coUedge, and became the common reader at Buckingham 
coUedge in Cambridge. And within one yere after that he was 
maried, his wif travailing with childe, both she and the childe 
died, so that incontynentlie after her decease, he contynuyng in the 
favor with the master and felowes of Jesus coUedge, they choise hym 
again felowe of the same house, where he remaynid. 

And then after, when cardynall Wolsey hadd begune his colledge 
at Oxforde, the said cardynall (emongs other of that universitie 
of Cambridge whiche he there procured to be of his newe foundation) 
wolde have hadd mr. Cranmer to be one of his felowes in his said 
new colledge, but he utterlie refused the same, abyding still in Jesus 
colledge where he proceded doctor of divinity, and there was ad- 
mitted the reder of the divinitie lecture in the same colledge, untill 
he was preferred unto the king's service, whiche was after this 

It chaunced that when cardinall Campagious and cardinall 
Wolsey, commissioners frome the bishopp in the king's cause of 
divorcemente betwene Katheren lady dowager of Spayne and his 
highnes, there was that yere a plague of pestilence in Cambridge, 
by meanes wherof doctor Cranmer, having ij scolcrs with hym at 
Cambridge the sonnes of one rar. Crcsscy of Walteham Abbey, 

* The name of Granmer's first wife has never been recovered : but she is said to have 
been a cousin of the good-wife of the Dolphin inn at Cambridge, with whom she lodged. 
On this subject see archdeacon Todd^s Life of Cranmer, 1881, i. 4 — 8. Morice hereafter 
tells the story of a priest *s slandering the archbishop as having been once *^ a hostler.*' 

^ " A name (remarks Dr. Thomas Fuller) utterly extinct in that town (where God hath 
fixed my present habitation) long before the memory of any alive. But, consulting 



whose wyfe was of kynne unto tlie eaid doctor Craiimer, came frome 
Cambridge unto Walteham witb the sakl scolerp, to their father's 
house, to ih'intente to rcmayne there during the plague tyrao. 

In the meaae season, whiles he was thus abiding at Walteham in 
the house of the said mr. Cressey, and uftor the cardinalls had endid 
the tyme of thair commission, fynysshing no mnttier according to 
the king's expectation, kyng Henry for a daie or twayne removid in 
great displeasure with the said cardinalles from London to Walteham 
Abbey. And ao than, as it chuuncod, doctor Stephqns" the kinges 
secretorye and doctor Fox '' almosyner (the great and onelie cheif 
doers of the kinges said cause at that tyroe,) were by the harbengers 
lodged in tlie said mr. Creesey's house, where D. Cranmer was also 
lodged before thair comyng thether. By meanes wherof all thei 
three, being of olde acquayntaunce and met^-ng togethers, tlie firate 
night at supper, hadd famiUer talke concernyng the estate of the 
universitie of Cambridge, and so entering into ferther communica- 
tion, thei debatyd emongs themsclfs that great and weightie cause of 
the king's divorcement, than of late ventulalcd before the said 
cardynnlls. In whiche their communication and conference D. 
Cranmer uttered his opinion after this sorter " I have nothing atall 
studied, (saied he,") for the voritio of this cause, nor am not beaten 
theiin as you have byn, howeheit I do thincke that you goo not the 
nexte wey to worke, as to bryng the mattier unto a perfecte conclu- 
aon and ende, specialUc for the satisfaction of the troubeled (sic) 
conscience of the king's liighnes. For in observyng the common 

Wearer'a Funenl-MonnnieaU of Wottbam chnrch (mora truly llicn neatly liy him tom- 
posed), I Snde tlienin tlii* eijilaiih. 

Hare Ijrctti Jon und Jono Crest}' 
On whote souljii Jnu hST mere;. Amon. 
Fullcr'a Churcb Hi>Iur]r, fal. 165S,baok v. p. (ITB.) 

* Attontsrda belUi knoOD bj liie name of Stephen Ganlyner ; appoinleil Kcrelftr; lo 
the king IfiSS; conwcraled biiliop at Winclietter 1531. 

■' EJward Foxc, almoner 1631, bisbop of neretur'l 1G35, divd 163S. 
' Thii speeeli or wgunienl of Oranmer ii «erj mueh abridged by Foie; iiut t!io lub- 
■equent coin man icatiao of Foxe uiU Gtrdjnet witb the king vetj cotuidcrslil}' ainplitled, 
CAHD. 80C. 2 I 


processe and fnistratory delaies of theis your courtes the raattier will 
lyngar longe enoughe, and peradventure in th'ende to come unto 
smalle effecte. And this is moost certeyne, (sayed he,) that there 
ys but one trueth in it, whiche no men ought or better can discusse 
than the divines. Whose sentence male be sone knowne and 
brought so to passe with litle Industrie and charges, that the king's 
conscience therby maie be quieted and pacified, whiche we all 
cheifelie ought to consider and regarde in this question and doubt. 
And than his highnes in conscience quieted maie determen with 
hymself that whiche shall seme good before Grod, and lett theis 
tumultuary processes give place unto a certeyne trueth." When he 
hadd thus spoken his advice, or like wourds in effecte, thei both 
liked well his counsaile therin. And within ij. dales after, D. Fox 
communyng with the king towching the farther prosecuting of that 
cause, declarid the <5onference thei hadd at Walteham with doctor 
Cranmer, whose device so pleasid the king's highnes, that he ther* 
apon commanded them to sende for D. Cranmer. And so by 
and by being sent for, he came to the king's presence at Grenewiche. 
And afler some speciall communication with the said D. Cranmer, 
the king reteynyd hym to write his mynde in that his cause of 
divorcemente, and committid hym unto therle of Wilshere quene 
Annys father, to be enterteynyd of [him] at Durham place^ where 
therle did lye, untill he hadd pennyd his mynde and opinion con- 
cemyng the said cause. 

And when doctor Cranmer hadd accomplisshed the king's request in 
this behalf, he, with the secretary and the almosyncr and other lemid 
men, hadd in commission to dispute that cause in question at both 
the universities of Cambridge and Oxforde, whiche being firste 
attempted at Cambridge, D. Cranmer by his authoritie and persua- 
sions brought vj. or vij. lemyd men in one dale of the contrary 
parte and opinion on his parte.* Wherapon, after the determynation 

• i,e. obviated their olijeotioiM, and oonverted them to his opinion. This remarkable 
circnmstanoe is unnoticed by Foxe, although it is aaserted by the former biographer 
(p. 220) as well as by Morioe. 

MORICE's anecdotes op archbishop CRAJIMEIt. 243 

of the Baid universities, (wliicli both confirmyd the king's cause,) 
tlie king's majeatie appoyntid the eric of Wtlteahere, D. Crannier, 
D. StockiBlcy, I). Bennett, nnd other Icrnid men ambassadoi-s 
unto the bisahopp of Rome, to have the mattier there disputed and 
ventulatid.' And for that tlic king liked well D. Cranmer's 
travaile and industry in this inattior, he proraotid hym before he 
wente forthe unto the deanery of Tanton in Devonshere,'' and unto 
an other benofico named (blank). 

And when thei hadd accomplished thair ambassed with the 
bishopp of Rome, th'erle of Wilahere and th 'other Icmid men re- 
tumyd again into England, and D. Granmer not being answered 
with the bisshopp of Rome, was Bent forwardes " ambassador to 
th'emperor, than being in expedition againste the T urkc at Vyenno. 
And apon of {sic) th 'emperor's retume homewarde thorough Ger- 
many he hadd in his jorneyaswell conference with divers lemyd men 
in Germany as with certeyn lernyd of th'emj>eror'8 counsaile, whO| 
being of the contrary opynion, was («'c) by hym alurid to favor the 
kingis cause; insomoche that, being by this meanes both well ac- 
quayntid and enterteynid emonga the lemyd men tliere, it was hia 
chaunce to mary a kyniswoman of one of thairs,'' this his laste wif, 

■ Tliii embsHj loft. EnglkDil in Deo. 15SEI, nnd rcpdred to Bononia, where Uie pope 
WM then resldonl. Tbs names of the unboisadon ue already noticed in p. 220. 

* The dale at hb preferment u not recordoc). Le Nete in hia Fa»li refers it lo the 
jeu'lS22, but wllhont nn; authority. There \a nn mention of it in the epiMopal regjater 
of the iiiahop of Bath and Weils of that period; nor in the chapter aols oF Wells, which 
indeed commeaee nut till 1633, accorilinf; to Infonnalion communioated bj' the luahop of 
Bath and Weill to the rev. Hcnr; John Todd, U.A., Life of Cranmer, 1831,1.23. 

■ Mnriee waa mislalien In hli auppontion that Cranmer did not return to England 
between the embaasj to the popo, and bin being tent to the emperor. Hit commiMlon aa 
oratar at the imperial court wan dated In Jan. 1530-1 ; but mr. Todd abowg lliat he wu 
■till in England In the following June. Life afCnuimer, 1. 29, 30. 

* She wa« niec* to Osiander paiitor o( Nuremburg. Strype aaji, "Whom wlien be 
Ttlnmed from Iili embaiijr he lirongbt not over wllli him: hut in the jcar 1GS4 h* 
privately lent for her." Tbia apparvally is a misundentonding of the text. Horiee 

I plainly atatea thai Cnnmer aent bia wife to England ihortly before he became arebbiahop, 
he »ent for her in 1534, a year afior hla oleralion. The few existing parllrulnre 
Ml miatreBa Cranmer have never hitherto been collected. In the pedigree preflaed lo 


whome te secretelie sente home into Englande (before his retume 
altered to) within one yeer of his placing in his dignitye. 

And whiles he was in this ambassage with th'emperor, th'arche- 
bisshopp of Canterbury William Warram being departid this trans- 
itory lif,* the said D. Cranmer was nominated and electid arche- 
bisshopp of Canterbury in his rowme.^ Thusmoche concemyng his 
enteraunce towardes his dignitie. 

Nowe, as towching his qualities wherewithall he was speciallie 
enduyd, like as some of them were very rare and notable, so oughte 
they not to be put in obblivion. Wherfore emonge other thinges it 
ys to be notid that he was a man of suche temperature of nature, ' 
or rather so mortified, that no maner of prosperitie or adversitie \ 
collide alter or change his accustumed conditions: for, being the ' 
stormes never so terrible or odious, nor the prosperous estate of the 
tyme never so pleasante, joyous, or acceptable, to the face of [the] 
worlde his counteynance, diete, or sleape comonlie never altered or \ 
changed, so that thei whiche were mooste nerest and conversante I 
aboute hym never or syldome perceyvid by no signe or token of 
counteynance howe th'affaires of the prince or the realme wente. i 
Notwithstanding privatelie with his secrete and speciall frends he 

Todd*B Life of the archbUhop she is named Anne, as she was by Strype, and so in the 
works of the Parker Society, and most other places in which she has been mentioned; but 
her name was Margaret. Her children by Cranmer were, one son, Thomas Cranmer 
esquire, and two daughters, Anne, who died before her fiither, and Margaret who torvived 
him. After the archbishop's death she had two other husbands : the first of whom was 
Edward Whitchurch the printer, who had suffered imprisonment in 1540 for printing the 
Bible, and again in the beginning of Mary^s reign, together with his partner Richard 
Grafton. His burial is supposed to be recorded in the register of Camberwell as ** maitter 
Wychurch/' Dec. 1, 1561; and at the same place was celebrated on the 29th Nov. 1564, 
the third marriage of the archbishop's widow with Bartholomew Scott esquire, also of 
Camberwell, and a justice of the peace for Surrey ; in whose epitaph (after he had 
survived her and married two other wives,) she was described as Margaret *' y* wido of y* 
right reverend Prel: and Martyr Tho: Cranmer, Archbish: of Canterburie.'* (Collectanea 
Topogr. et Genealogica, iii. 145.) 

« Warham died August 28, 1532. 

*> Nominated by bull dated Fob. 22, 1532-3. He was consecrated at Westminster on 
the 80th March following. 



wolde aliede forth many bitter teares, lamenting the miseries and 
calamities of the ivorlde. 

Agayne, he so behavid hymself to the whole worlde, that in no 
maner of condition he wolde seme to have any enemy, although in 
verie ded he hadd both many greate and secrete enemyes, whome 
he alweya bare ■with such countenance and benivolence that thei 
coulde never take good oportunitie to practize thair malice againste 
hym but to thair greate displeasure and hinderaunce in th'ende. 
And as concei-nyng his awne regardo towardea slanders and reproche 
by any man to liym ymputid or ympinged, suche as enticelie knewe 
hym can testifie that very litle he estemcd or regarded the brute 
therof, by cause he altogether traivailed evermore fvome gyvyng of 
juste occasion of detractione. Whereapon grewe and proceded that 
notable qualitic or virtue he hadd: to be bcneEciall unto his 
enemycs, so that in that respecte he wolde not be acknowne to have, 
anye enemy atall. For whosoever he hadd byn that hadd reportid 
evillofhym, or otherwaies wrought or done to hym displeaBure, 
were the reconciliation never so meane or aymple on the behalf of his 
adversarye, yf he hadd any thing attaU relentid, the matter was 
both pardoned and clerelie forgotten, and so voluntarilie caste into 
the sachell of oblivion bchinde the backe parte," that it was more clere 
nowe oute of memoric, than it was in myndo before it was either 
commensid or committed : insomoche that if any suche person sholde 
have hadd any sute unto hym afterwardes, he might well rcckcn 
and be aa Buer to obteyn (yf by any meanca he might lawfulUe 
do it) as any other of his speciall frendcs. So that on a tyme I do 
remember that V>. Hethe late archebisshopp of Yorke, parlelie mis- 
lyking this his overmoche lenitie by hym used, saied unto hym, 
'' My lorde, 1 nowe knowe howe to wynne all tliinges at your handes 
welenough," "Howe so?" (quoth my lorde.) "Mary, (saied D. 
Hethe,) I perceyve that Imustc firstc atteinpte to do unto you some 
rotable displeasure, and than by a litle relenting obteync of you 

» quod in tergo est. Cntulliu 


what I can desire. •*' Wherat my lord bitt his lippe, as his maner 
was when he was movid, and saied: '* You saie well: but yet you 
maie be deceyvid. Howbeit, havyng some consideration so to do, I 
may not alter my mjoide and accustumed condition, as some wolde 
have me to do." 

Againe, one thing he comonlie used wherin many did disoomende 
hym, whiche was this: he alwaies bare a good face and countenance 
unto the papistes, and wolde both in worde and dede do very moche 
for theym,pardonyng thair offences;^ and on th'other side, somewhat 
over severe againste the protestants; whiche being perce3rvid not to 
be don but apon some purpose, on a tyme a frende of his declarid 
unto hym that he therin did veraie moche harme, encoraging therby 
the papistes, and also therby in discoraging the protestants. Wher- 
unto he made this answer, and saied, " What will ye have a man do 
to hym that ys not yet come to the knowledge of the trueth of the 
gospell, nor peradventure as yet callid, and whose vocation ys to me 
uncerteyne? Shall we perhapps, in his jorney comjrng towards us, 
by severitie and cruell behaviour overthrowe hym, and as it were in 
his viage stoppe hym ? I take not this the wey to alleure men to 
enbrace the doctrine of the gospell. And if it be a true rule of our 
Saviour Christe to do good for evill, than lett suche as are not yet 
come to favour our religion lerne to folowe the doctrine of the gos* 

* Foxe suppressed the name of doctor Heath , but gives the same sentiment as ^ a common 
proverb,** with the following introduction : ** Few we shall find in whom the saying of 
our Saviour Christ so much prevailed as with him, who would not only have a man to 
forgive his enemies, but also to pray for them : that lesson never went out of his memory. 
For it was known that he had many cruel enemies; not for his own deserts, but only fbr hb 
religion sake : and yet, whatsoever he was that sought his hinderanee, either in goods, 
estimation, or life, and upon conference would seem never so slenderly any thing to relent 
or excuse himself, he would both forget the offence committed, and also evermore after- 
wards friendly entertain him, and shew such pleasure to him, as by any means possible he 
might perform or declare; insomuch that it came into a common proverb, Do unto my L. 
of Canterbury displeasure, or a shrewd turn, and then you may be sure to have him yoor 
friend whiles he liveth/* 

^ His treatment of the quondam abbat of Tower hill, related by UnderhUl, (befbre, p. 
157,) was an instance of such conduct. 



pell by our example in using tliem frendlio and cliaritablie. On 
th'otlier side, auche aa have tasted of syncere religion , and as it were 
taken holde of the gospell, and seme in wourdes to maynteyne the 
true doctrine therof, and than by the eviU example of thair lyvea 
moste pernitiouBly becomcstombeling blockes unto sudie as areweake, 
and not attall as yet ent«rid into thia vioage, what wolde yon have 
mc do with them ? beare with thorn and wyncko at their faultes, and so 
willinglie suffer the gospell (by ihair outci-agioua doingcs) to bo 
troden under our feete? neglecting herwith an other notable saying 
of our Savioiu- oute of our memorie, whiche saieth, 'iTie servanU 
knowing his Lorde and Matter's pUasure a7id comandement, yf h» 
regardilh not the same is(&a& man might say, of all other) u/ourthit of 
many plagues." And thus with theis ij. Bcriptures or doctrines of our 
Saviour Christe he answered myn eldeste brother, who was erncst 
with hym for the amendement of this his qualttie. Mr. Isaac, yett 
lyvyng, ys a witnes of the mattier. 

Againc, if any matier of weight© (besides his awne cause, wherin 
evermore with all kinde of pei-sones he was redie to relente and give 
place, according to the qualitieof the mattier, more than became hia 
estate,) whiche towched Goddes cause or his prince, there was no 
man more etoughte or more inexorable, so fareforthe that neither 
feare of losing of promotion, nor hope of gainc or wynnyng of 
favour, coulde move hym to relente or give place unto the trueth of 
his conscience- As experience therof well apperid, aswell in the 
defence of the true religion againste the vj. Articles in the parliaments, 
as when he offered to combate with the duke of Northumberland in 
king Edward's time, speaking than on the behalf of hia prince for 
the Bteying of the chauntriea untyll his highnes hadd come unto law- 
ful! age,' and that spociallie for the better maynteynance of hie 
estate than, 

> "Anaole wbereby o«rtAlnoohkniitriM,eollegai, fraectupelles, noil the poaMokins of 
Ihc lame, be giTon to ibe kingca mtjoalio,'* nu fnnml in 1 Edw. VI. cap, 14. (SUlutrs 
st the Realm, it, t>.) A eommlitiDD for their wla wu umied in the nimmgr of 1 S52, 
>■ for the ]«}meiit of mj detlot," as ths idng stotet in bli Jounikl (Litoru? Renuini of 


But if at the princess pleasure in cause of religion at any tynie he 
was forced to give place, that was don with suche humble pro- 
testation, and so knyt upp for the savegarde of his faithe and 
conscience^ that it hadd byn better his good will had never byn 
requestid, than so to relente or give over. Which moste dangerouslie 
(besides sondrie tymes else) he speciallie attemptid when the yj. 
Articles by parliament passed, and when my lorde Crumwell was in 
the Tower, at what tyme the booke of articles of our religion was 
newlie pennyd; for even at that season, the hole rablemente, 
which he toke to be his frendes, being commissioners with hym, 
forsoke hym, and his opinion in doctrine, and so, leaving him post 
alone," revolted altogethers on the parte of Stephen Gaidyner 
bisshopp of Wynchcster, as by name bisshopp Heathe,^ Shaxton, ^ 

Edward VI. p. 414.) It was probably on ibis occasion that Cranmer made the opposition 
which Morice describes : though his modem biographers refer to the earlier date. There 
is a chapter on Chantries in Fuller's Church History, book vi. § vi. 

* Upon the occurrence of this phrase we may place in juxta-position with the text the 
passage of Foxe which is evidently founded upon it. *' At the time of setting forth the 
Six Articles, mention was made before in the storie of king Henry the eighth, how ad- 
venturously this archbishop Thomas Cranmer did oppose himself, standing as it were potl 
alone against the whole parliament, disputing and replying three days together against the 
said Articles. Insomuch that the king, when neither he could mislike his reasons, and 
yet would needs have those Articles to pass, required him to absent himself for the time 
out of the chamber while the act should pass, and so he did, and how the king afterward 
sent all the lords of the parliament to Lambeth to cheer his mind again, that he might 
not be discouraged.** It will be observed that in this passage Foxe speaks lai^y of the 
stand made by Cranmer against the Six Articles, of which Morice says little; but borrows 
the singular phrase employed by Morice, where the archbishop is described as standing pott 
alone in opposition to his fellow commissionera when revising " the book of Articles of 
our religion,** and transfers it to his conduct in parliament upon the former occasion. 
By "the book of articles of our religion*' is intended the manual entitled, "A ne- 
cessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christen Man,** which was provided as a 
substitution for the ^ Institution of a Christian Man,** before noticed in p. 224. It was 
promulgated in 1543. 

<> Nicholas Heath, afterwards archbishop of York, was elected bishop of Rochester, 
March 26, 1540. 

* Nichohis Shaxton, consecrated bishop of Salisbury 1585, resigned that see in conse- 
quence of not sabeoribing to the Six Articles, 1539* 

morice's anecdotes of AKCHBISHOP cranmer. 249 

Tliirlby," erased) Dnyt-,'' and all other of the meaner sorte, by wliomo 
theis BO named were clieifelie advaunccd and preservjd unto tliair dig- 
nities." And yet, this sodden invertion notwithstanding, God gave 
hym suclie favour with hia prince, that the bookc altogethers paasid 
by hia assertion againste all thair myndes, more to be mervaiied at, 
the tyme considereJ, than by any reason to composse howe it shold 
so come to passe: for tlien wolde there have byn laied thousands of 
powndea to hundrethcs in London, that he shoulde have, before that 
aynode hadd byn endid, byn sett upp iatbe Tower beside his fvende 
the lorde Crumwell. Ilowbeit, the kynges majestic, having an 
assurid and approvid affiance of his botlie dcape knowledge in religion 
and Hdelitie both to God and liyra,susspected Jn that tyme other men 
in thair jndgmentes not to walke uprightlie nor syneerlie, for that some 
of them swarved frome thair former opinion in doctrine. And having 
greate experience of the conatancye of the L. Cranmer, it drave hym all 
alone to joyne with the said lorde Cranmer in the confirmation of his 
opinion and doctrine againste all the reste, to thair groat admiration. 
For at all tymes when the kinges majestic woldc be resolved in any 
doubt or question he woldc hut send wourdc to ray lorde overnighte, 
and by the next daie the king ahoulde have in writyng breve nol«s of 
the doctors' mynds, aswcU divinoa as lawers, both aiincicnte, olde, and 
new, with a concluaion of his owne myude ; whiche he coulde never 
gett in suche a redynes of none, no not of all his chapleyns and 
clergy aboute hym, in so ahorte a tyme. For, being throughlie scene 
in all kindc of expositors, he coulde incoutynentlic laye open xxx'i, 

ttiu cotutontcd bialiop of 

• Thomu Thirleby, BftenmrJa biihop of Norwioh and El; 
Wntminitor in 1510. 

^ Qvorge Dij, biiUop otCbtcboiler ]SJ3. 

* ¥oxe telli tbii ator; alin, but quile in n different w&j. 
nun«a of Shailon, Tliirleby, or Da; : but be ttate* that it 
biabop Skip (John Skyppe, iiiabop of Hereford 1339-1552) tba 
pall]' to contend : these two prelatea (ho tnjt) had Cranmer down rrom the i 
commuaionen into hi> garden at Lambeth, and there by all manner of penuadani Ihaj' 
endsavoured tn alter bU detemiinatiDn, but without auecea. 


e does not mention the 
la with biihop Hoatli and 
10 arohbiahop had princi- 


xl^S lx^> or mo sumwhiles of authors, and so, reduceyug the notes of 
them altogethers, wolde advertise the kinge more in one daie than aU 
his lernyd men coulde do in a moneth. And it was no marvaile : for 
it was well knowene that commonlie, yf he hadd not busynes of the 
prince's, or speciall urgent causes before hym, he spente iij partes of 
the daie in studie as effectuallie as he hadd byn at Cambridge, and 
therfore it was that the king saied on a tyme to the bisshopp of 
W[inchester?] (the king and my said lorde of W. defending togethers 
that the canons of the appostells were of as * good authoritie as the 
iiij evangelistes, contrarye to my lorde Cranmer's assertion)** My lorde 
of Canterbnrye (saied the king,) ys to olde a Trewante** for us 

And emongcs other thinges, this ys to be noted : that the kinge, 
afore hande pcrcejrving that the said lorde Cranmer shoulde 
have moche adoo in the defence of christian religion, did alter 
his armes,^ changcyng the iij cranes which were percell of his 

» MS. as of. 

*» Trojan ? See in Nares's Glossary various examples of the use of the word Trojan in 
a &miliar way. 

<^ The Rev. G. C. Gorham, in his Reformation Gleanings, 1857, 8vo., has stated, at 
p. 10, that the anus of Cranmer were probably first assumed when he was promoted to the 
see of Canterbury in 1533 ; and in a very singular way. He found on a seal of his prede- 
cessor Warham the coat of a chevron between three birds : these birds Cranmer chose to 
interpret as cranes, bji\ therefore retained them on the seal, which he adopted for himself, 
adding on a second shield (w':ich was plugged and re-engraved) his maternal coat of 
Aslacton. It is very probable that the Cranmers bad previously used only the ooat of the 
ancient family of Aslacton, whose property they had acquired by marriage in the reign of 
Henry VI. See the pedigree in Tboroton's Nottinghamshire. It was not until about the 
year 1540 that the archbishop changed the cranes into pelicans, which first appear on the 
title of the great bible printed in that year. (Gorham, p. 14.) The pelican in her piety 
was a favourite device in religious henddry at this period; the arms of Richard Foxe bishop 
of Winchester, were. Azure, a pelican in her piety, and are still displayed as those of his 
foundation of Corpus Christi college, Oxford. " The like coat of arms, (remarks Strype,) 
or much resembling it, I find several of queen Elizabeth *s first bisliops took, whether to 
imitate Cranmer or to signify their zeal to the Gospel, and their readiness to suffer for it, I 
do not determine.^* Memorials of Cranmer, p. 390. 

moricb's anecdotes of archbishop cranmbr. 251 

aunciters* armes into iij pcUicanes, declaryng unto th'archebisshopp, 
that those birdes shoulde signifie* to hym, that he oughte to be redie 
as the pellicane ys to shede his bloode for his yonge ones brought upp 
in the faith of Christe ; for (saied the king) you arr like to be tasted 
(tested) yf you stand to your tacklyng ^ at lengeth ; as in veraie 
dede many and sondric tymes he was sholdered att by his secret 
enemys the papistes, as well suche as were of the counsaile as gen- 
tilmen and justices of the shere of Kente, and elswhere, inso- 
moche that the prebendaries and certeyn gentilmen of Kente at one 
tyme conspired againstc hym,complaynyng of hym unto the kinges 
majestic of the doctrine by hym and his chaplens tawghte in Kente. 
An other tyme one sir John Gostewyke knightc of Bcdfordeshere,® 
a man of greate service in his tyme, but yett papisticall, accusid hym 
openly in a parliament for his preaching and reading att Sandewhiche 
and at Canterburye. At the lengeth the confedcracye of the 
papistes in the counsaile (as king Henry the viij^** hadd of both sectes 
aswell papistes as protestantes,) accusid hym moste grevouslie unto 
the kinge, that he with his lernyd men hadd infectid so the hoole 
realme with thair imsavery doctrine, that iij partes of the realme 
were become abominable heritiques. And therfore desired of the 
kyng that he might come to examination and triall, and to be com- 
mitted unto tlic Tower for that purpose. But the said L. Cranmer 

* Parker has in the Manuscript underlined with his red pencil the ?rorrfi 'shoulde have 
moche adoo — signifie. 

^ Foxe borrows this phrase, though not in the same place. He says that *' many 
wagers would have been laid in London, that ho should have been laid up with Cromwell, 
at that time in the Tower, for his siijf standing to his (aclle.^* 

^ Sir John Gostwick was for many years treasurer and receiver-general of the first fruits 
and tenths; but the information of his descendant sir William Gostwick (quoted in Wotton^s 
English Baronetage, 1741, i. 239, and thence copied by various other writers,) that he was 
afterwards master of the horse to Henry VIII. is surely erroneous. He was knight in par- 
liament for Bedfordahire in 1539, and sheriff of Beds and Bucks in 1541. Leland says of 
him, when noticing Willington in Bedfordshire, (where the family was settled as early as 
the year 1209,) " Mr, Gostewik, beyng borne at Willington, boute (bought) this lordship 
of the duke of Northfolk now living, and hath made a sumptnus new building of brike and 
tymbre afundamtntU in it, with a conduit of water derived in leaden pipes.** 


was so growne in estymation with the kinges highnes, that none of 
theis complayntes colde prevaile. 

For as concemyng the firste attempte of the prebendaries and 
justices of Kente, the kinge on an evenyng rowing on the Thames 
in his barge,* came to Lambeth bridge and there receyvid my L. 
Cranmer into his barge, saying unto hym merily, ** Ah, my chaplen, 
I have newis for you: I knowe nowe who is the gretest heretique 
in Kente." And so pulled onte of his sieve a paper, wherin was 
conteynid his accusation artycled againste hym and his chaplens and 
other preachers in Kente and subscribed with thandes (the hands) of 
certeyn prebendaries and justices of the shere.** Whenmto my L, 
Cranmer made answer, and besought his highnes to appoynte suche 
commissioners as wolde effectuallie try oute the tnieth of those 
articles, so that frome the highest to the loweste thei might be well 
punisshed in example of others, yff thei hadd don otherwise then it 
became theym. '* Marye, (saied the king,) so will I doo; for I 
have suche affiaunce and confidence in your fidelitic, that I will 
committ th*examination herof wholie unto you, and suche as you 
will appoynt." Than saied my L. Cranmer, ** That will not (if 
it please your grace,) seme indifferent." '* Well, (saied the kinge,) 
it shalbe none otherwise; for sucrlie I reken, that you will tell me 
the trueth : yea of yourself, yf you have ofFendid. And therfore 
make no more adoo, but lett a commission be made oute to you and 
suche other as you shall name, wherby I maye understande how this 

^ Foxe has enlarged tbis into a more finished picture—" The king finding occasion to 
solace himself upon the Thames, came with his barge furnished with his musicians along 
by Lambeth Bridge, towards Chelsey. The noise of the musicians provoked the arch- 
bishop to resort to the bridge to do his duty, and to salute his prince : whom when the 
king had perceived to stand at the bridge, eftsoons he commanded the watermen to draw 
tow^ards the shore, and so came straight to the bridge. ' Ah, my chaplain,' (said the king 
to the archbishop,) come into the barge to me/ The archbishop declared to his highness 
that he would take his own barge, and wait upon his Majesty. ' No, (said the king,) you 
must come into my barge, for I have to talke with you.' When the king and the arch- 
bishop all alone in the barge were set together, said the king to the archbishop, ' I have 
n^ws out of Kent,* "' &c. &c. but much amplified from the text. 

I* See note in the Addenda, 

MOEICE'S anecdotes of ARCHBISHOr CBANMER. 253 

confederacie came to passe.'* And so a commission was made oute 
to my lorde Cranmer, dr. Coxe his chanceller, dr. Belhowsls,* and to 
mr. Hussey ^ his regester, who came immediatelie downe to Canter- 
burye, and satte there to enquire of theis matiers. By meanes 
wherof every one that hadd medeled in thos detections shroncke 
backe and gave overthair holde. And than his chaunceller and 
register were suche fautours of the papistes, that nothing wolde be 
disclosid and espied, but every thing colorablie was hidd. Inso- 
moche that uppon lettres by me written unto D. Buttcs ® and mr. 
Deny,<J D. Lee ® was sent downe (after thei had satt vj wekes) by the 
king. And he by the kinges advice did appoynte to the nombre of 
ix or X of my lordes gentilmen, to serche both the pursses, chestes, 
and houses of certeyn prebendaries and gentilmen, all in one 
momente, by meanes wherof suche letters and writinges were founde, 
and that a great nombre, that all the confederacy was utterlie 
knowen and disclosed, to the defaceyng of a greate sorte of their 
dishonesties. And so, a parliament being at hande, great labour 
was made by thair frendes for a generall pardon, which wypedawaie 
all punisshement and correction for the same, specially my L. 
Cranmer being a man that delighted not in revengjmg. 

As towching mr. Gostewycke*s accusation, the kinge, perceyving 
that the same cam of mere malice, for that he was a stranger in 
Kente and had not harde my lorde neither preache nor reade there, 
knowyng thcrby that he was sett on and made an instrumente to serve 

> Anthony Bellosia, LL.D. a master in Chancery, prebendary of Westminater 1540, of 
Lincoln 1543-4, of Wells 1546, of York 1549; archdeacon of Colchester 1543; died 

*> See a note before in p. 210. 

^ Dr. William Butts, the king's favourite physician ; see Athens Cantabrigiensee, i. 87. 

** Sir Anthony Denny, another favourite attendant of Henry YIII. See his memoir in 
the same work, i. 09. 

« Foxe states that the king sent to York for doctor Lee, in order that he might proceed 
into Kent for this business, lliis was Thomas L^h, a master in chancery, who was much 
employed as one of the visitors of religious houses. He was knighted before hia death, 
which occurred in 1545 : see Athene Cantabrigiensea, i. 87* 


other mennys purposes, his highnes mervelously stormed at the 
matter, calling openly Gostwyke verlettj and saied that he hadd 
plied a vilonyous parte so to abuse in open parliamente the primate 
of the realmc, speciallie being in favour with his prince as he was; 
"what will thei (quod the king,) do with hym yf I were gon?" 
Wherapon the king sent wourde unto mr. Gostewycke after this 
sorte: *' Tell that varlctt Gostwyckc, that if he do nott acknowlege 
his faulte unto my lorde of Canterbury, and so reconcile hymself 
towardes hym that he male become his good lorde, I will suer both 
make hym a poore Gostewyck^, and otherwise punishe hym, to 
th'example of others." Nowe Gostewycke, hearing of this heynous 
threate frome the kinges majestic, came with all possible spede unto 
Lambeth, and there submittid hymself in suche sorrowfull caase, that 
my lorde oute of hande not onelie forgave all th*ofFence, but also 
went directlie unto the king for th'obteynyng of the kinges favour 
againe, which he obtcynyd very hardelic apon condition that the 
king might here no more of his medeling that weye. 

As to the thirde accusation, wherin the counsaile required that 
the L. Cranmer might be committed unto the Tower, while he were 
examined, the kinge was veraie straight in graunting therof. Not- 
withstanding, when thei toldc the kinge, that, the archebisshopp 
being of his privie counsaile, none man durst objecte matter against 
hym oneles he were firste committed unto indurancc, whiche being 
don, men wolde be bolde to tell the trueth and sey thai r consciences: 
appon this persuasion of thairs, the kinge grauntid unto them, that 
they shoulde call hym the next daie before them, and as thei sawe 
cause so to committ hym to the Tower. At nighte about xj of the 
clocke, the same night before the daic he should appere before the 
counsaile, the kinge sent mr. Deny* to my lorde at Lambeth, 
willing hym incontynently to come unto Westminster to speake 
with hym. My lorde being abedd rose straight waie, and wente to 
the king into his galery att Whitehall at Westminster; and there the 

<^ Sir Anthony Denny. 

MOBICE'S anecdotes of ABCHBI8HOP CRANMER. 255 

king dcclaird unto hym what he had don in gyvyng libertie unto 
the counsaile to committc hym to prison, for that they bare hym in 
hande * that he and his lemyd men hadd sowne suche doctrine in the 
realme that all men almoste were infectid with heresie, and that no 
man durstc bring in matter against hym being at libertie and one of the 
counsaile oneles he were comittcd to prison, **and therfore I have 
grauntid to thair requeste, (quod the king,) but whither I have don 
well or noo, what sey you, my lord?*' My lorde answered and 
mooste humblie thancked the king that it wolde please his highnes 
to give hym that wamyng aforehandc, saying that he was very well 
contente to be committed to the Tower, for the triall of his doctrine, 
so that he mighte be indifferentlic harde (heard), as he doubted not 
but that his majestic woldc see hym so to be used. " Oh Lorde God ! 
(quod the king,^) what fonde syniplicitie have you : so to permitt 
yourself to be ymprisoncd, that every enemy of yours may 
take vantage againstc you. Doo not you thincke that yf thei have 
you ones in prison, iij or iiij false knaves wilbe sone procured to 
witnes againste you and to condempne you, whiche els now being at 
your libertie dare not ones open thair lipps or appere before your 
face. Noo, not so, my lorde, (quod the king,) I have better regarde 
unto you than to permitte your cnemyes so to overthrowe you. 
And therfore I will that you tomorow come to the counsaile, who no 

» This phrase, which was one in frequent use, was equivalent to *' tried to persuade 
him.'* I beare hym in hand, Jt Ivyfais arcroyrf. Palsgrave, Lcsclarcissement de la Langue 
Francoyse, 1630. 

^ Foxc's version of this speech afifords a good example of the liberties he took with 
Morice's narrative, and certainly often with little or no improvement either in force or 
probability of expression : — ** The king perceiving the man^s uprightness, joined with such 
simplicity, said, * O Lord ! what maner of man be you ! what simplicity is in you ! I had 
thought that you would rather have sued to us to have taken the pains to have heard you and 
your accusers together for your trial, without any such indurance (t. e, imprisonment). Do 
you not know what stato you he in with the whole world, and how many great enemies you 
have ? Do you not consider what an easy thing it is to procure three or four Cftlse knaves 
to witness against you ? Think you to have better luck that way than your master Christ 
had ? I see by it you will run headlong to your undoing if I would suffer you. Your ene- 
mies shall not so prevail against you ; for I have otherwise devised with myself to keep you 


doubte will sende for you, and when thei breake this mattier unto yow, 
require theym that, being one of theym, you maie have thusmoche 
favour as thei wolde have themselves, that ys, to have your accusers 
brought before you, and if thei stande with you withouten regarde 
of your allegations, and will in no condition condiscende unto your 
requestes, but will nodes committe you to the Tower, than appele you 
frome them to our person, and give to them this rynge,* (which he 
delivered unto my L. Cranmer than,) by the whiche (saied the kyng,) 
thei shall well understande that I have taken your cause into my 
hande frome theym, which ryng thei well knowe that I use it to none 
other purpose butt to call mattiers frome the counsaile into myn 
awne handcs to be orderid and determy[ni]d." And with this good 
advice my L. Cranmer, after mooste humble thanckes, departid from 
the kinges majestic. 

The nexte mornyng, according to the kynges monition and my 
lorde Cranmer's expectation, the counsaile sent for hym by viij of 
the clocke in the mornyng ; and when he came to the counsaile cham- 
ber doore, he was not permitted to enter into the counsaile chamber, 
but stode withoutc the doore emonges servyng men and lackeis above 
thre quarters of an hower, many counsellers and other men nowe and 
than going in and oute. The matter semed strange, as I than 
thoughte, and therfore I wente to doctor Buttes and tolde hym the 

out of their hands. Yet notwithstanding, tomorrow, when the council shall sit, and send 
for you, resort unto them, and if in charging you with this matter they do commit you to 
the Tower, require of them, because you are one of them, a counsellor, that you may have 
your accusers brought before them without any further indurance, and use for yourself as 
good perswasions that way as you may devise, and if no entreaty or reasonable request 
will serve, then deliver unto them this my ring (which then the king delivered unto the 
archbishop), and say unto them, ' If there be no remedy, my lords, but I must needs go 
to the Tower, then I revoke my cause from you, and appeal to the king*s own person by 
this his token unto you all;* for (said the king then unto the archbishop) so soon as they shall 
see this my ring, they know it so well that they shall understand that I have resumed the 
whole cause into mine own hands and determination, and that I have discharged them thereof.** 
* Of the custom of sending a ring by way of token some examples have been before 
given in p. 56. The present passage is still more remarkable : " and so incontinently, (as 
Foxe words it,) upon the receipt of the king's token, they all rose, and carried to the king 
bis ring, surrendering that matter, as the order and use was, into his own hands/* 



manor of the thing, who by and by came and kepe my lorde com- 
pany. And yt't, or tliat lie was called into the counsaile, D. Buttea 
wente to the king, and tolde hyra that he had sene a strange sights. 
" What ya that?" quod the kyng, "Mary! (aaied he,) my lorde of 
Canterbury ys become a lackey or a servyng man ; for well I wootte 
he hath stande cmonges them this hower almoste at the counsaile 
chamber doore, so that I was ashamed to kepe Iiym company there 
any lenger." "What! (quod the king,) standoth he withoute the 
couusaile chamber doore? Have thei servid roe ao? (saied the 
king.) It ia well enough, (aaied he,) I shall talke with theym by 
and bye." 

Anon my lorde Cranraer was callid into the counsaile. And it 
was declaird unto hym, that a great complayntc was made of hym 
both to the king and to them, that he and other by his permiaaion 
had infectid the hole realmo with hcreaie, and tberfore it was the 
kingea pleasure that thei slioulde committ hym to the Towre, and 
there for his triall to bo examined. My lorde Cranmer required, as 
is before declaird, witli many other both reasons and persuations, 
that he might have his accuaarcs come there before hym, before thei 
used any suche extremity againste hym. In fyne, there was no 
entreatio colde serve, but that he muate ncdcs doparlo [to] the 
Tower. " I am eorye, my lordus, (quod my L. Cranmer,) that you 
dryve me unto this oxigentc, to apple (appeal) frome you to the 
kinges majestic, who by this token bathe resumed this mattier into 
his awne handes, and diachargeth you therof;" and so delivered the 
kingea ryng unto them. By and by the lorde Kussell ' aware a greate 
othe and aaied, " Did not I tell you, my lordea, what wolde cwme of 
thia matter? I knewe right well that the king wolde never per- 
mitte my lorde of Canterbury to have suche a blemyshe aa to be 
ymprisoncd, onclea it were for high treason." And as the maner 
was, when thei hadd ones receyvid that ryng, they leftc of thair 
mattier, and wento all unto the kiugcs person both with his token 
and ihe cause. 



Wlicn ihei came unto his highnea the king eaicd unto theym^ 
"Ah! my lordes, I hadd tlioughte that I had hadd a discrete and 
wise coiinsaile, but nowe I perceyve that I am deceyvid. Howe 
have ye handeled here my L. of Canterbury? What make yc 
of him a slave, shitting hym oute of the coun cell- chamber emongcs 
§ervyng men? Wolde ye be so handeled yourselfes?" and after 
auche tanting wourdea saied, " I wold you ahoulJe well understaode, 
that I accompte my L. of Canterbury as faithtliU a man towardea 
me as over was prelate in this realm e, and one to wbome I am many 
waies beholding, by the faith I owe unto God (and solaied his hand 
nppon his brestc) and therfore who so loveth me {saied he,) will 
regarde hym theraftor." And with theJs wourdes all, and specially 
my lorde of North foike,' answered and saied, " We mente no maner 
hurte unto my lorde of Canterburye in that we requested to have 
hym in durance, that we only did bycause he might after his trial! 
be sett at Hbertie to his more glorye." " Well, (saied the king,) I 
praio you use not my frendes so. I perceyve nowe wellenough howe 
the worlde goeth amonge you. There remayneth malice emonge you 
one to an other; lett yt be avoyded oute of hande, 1 wolde advice 
you." And so the king dcpartid, and the lordes shoke handes every 
man with my lorde Cranmer, against whome nevermore after no man 
durste spurne duryng the kyng Henry's life. 

And for bycause the kyng wolde have amitie alwaiea nunisshed 
bctwene the lordes of the counsaile and hym, the king wotde sonde 
theym divers tymes to dyner unto my lorde of Canterbury's, as he 
did after this reconciliation, and also after the parliamentc endid 
wherin the vj articles were grauntid.* And at that diner I harde 
the lorde Crumwell saye to my lorde Cranmer, " You were borne in 
a happie hower I suppose, (saied he,) ffor, do or sey what you will, 
tbc kyng will alwaies well take it at your hando. And I must 
nedes confcsse that in some tbinges I have complaynyd of you unto 

■ Thonuu Eloward, (eccmd duke ot Norfolk, at Uiia time tbu [eadiug nu n of thv king's 
caancll ; mo Alhenn Contabrigienwa, i. 113. 



his majcatie, but uU in vayne, for he will never give credite againstc 
you, what soever is laied to your charge; but lett me or any other of 
the counsalle be uomplayned of, his grace will moste seriously chide 
and falle oute with us. And therfore you arr inoate happy, yf you 
can kepc you in this estate." 

Againc his estymation was suche with his prince, that in matters 
of greate ymportance wherin no creature durste once move the 
king, for fcare of displeasure or moving the kinges pacience or 
otherwise for troiibeling bis mynde, tlian was my lorde Craumcr 
moste violeatelic by the bole counsaile obtruded and thrustc outc, 
to undertake that danger and perill in hande; as, besides many tymes, 
I remembre twise he aervid the counsailes expectation withoutc all 

The firste tyme was when he stayed the king's determinate mynde 
and sentence, in that he fullie purposed to sende the ladye Mary his 
daughter unto the Tower, and there to suffer as a subjectc, by cause 
she wolde not obey unto the lawes of the realme in refusyng the 
bishopp of Home's aiilhorilie and religion.' Whose stey in that 
behalf, the kinge than saied unto the L. Cnmmer, ehoulde be to hia 
utter confusion at the lengethe.*" 

Tli'other dangerous attemptate was in the disclosing the unlnwfull 
behaviour of quene Katheren Howarde towardes the king in keping 
unlawfull'' company with Durranle her servante;* for the kinges 
affection was so mcrvelously sett appon that gentilwoman as it was 
never knowne that he had the like to any woman, so that no man 
durste take in hande to open to hym that wounde, being in greate 

■ The 1*d} Mu7'b ovsrt act of duobodienoe to her tutbor eonuited in bar reFuul lo 
reliiiquigli the title of PrincSB, with wbich be b»l previaualj inveited her. The Hniggle 
iicvurred looa a&er queen Anne BultTno Uw) ^len liiitli tu the Ud; EliuUilb, ip Ihe 
}i'u' 1533. 

i> io bit— leagelbe iit iramil kaiut oMi- an iratuit. T/u Konli enutd iteih lo kavt bicn ; 
una uf tbeym ahonldo tee CBUW to rdpviilc, 

" unlawful) lit itemd kand. 

* PnaeU Deibam. 


perple[x]itie howe lie wolde take yt. And than the counsaile hadd 
noo other refuge but unto my lorde Cranmer, who with overmoche 
ymportunitie gave the charge, which was done with suche circum- 
spection, that the king gave over his affections unto reason, and 
wraught mervelous colorablie for the triall of the same. 

Nowe, as concemyng the maner and order of his hospitalitie and 
house-keping. As he was a man abandoned from all kjmde of 
avarice, so was he contente to maynteyne hospitalitie both liberallie 
and honorablie, and yet not surmountyng the limites of his revenewes, 
having more respecte and foresighte unto the iniquitie of the tyme, 
than (then) being inclynyd to pull and spoile frome the clergie, than 
to his owne private commoditie. For els, yf he hadd not so don, 
he was right suer that his successors sholde have hadd asmoche 
revenewes lefte unto theym, as were lefte unto the late abbeys; 
specially considering that the landes and revenewis of the said 
abbeys being nowe utterlie consumed and spredd abrode, and for 
that there remaynid no more exercise to set on wourcke our newe 
officers, both surveyors, auditors, and receyvors, it was high tyme 
to shewe an example of liberall hospitalitie; for, although theis 
said wourkemen, onelie brought upp and practized in subverting of 
monasteriall possessions, hadd brought that kinde of hospitalitie 
unto utter confusion, yet ceasesid not thei also to untermynde 
(undermine^ the prince by divers persuasions, for hym also to over- 
throwe the honorable estate of the clergie. And, bycause thei wolde 
lay a suer foundation to buylde thair purpose apon, thei founde 
meanes to putt into the kinges headde, that th'archebisshopp of 
Canterbury kepte no hospitalitie or house correspondente unto his 
revenewis and dignitie, but solde his wooddes, and by greate 
incombes and fynes makcth money to purches landes for his wife and 
his children. And to th'intente the king shoulde with more facilitie 
beleve this information sir Thomas Semer, the duke of Somerset's 
brother, being of the privic chambre, (took altered to) was procured 
to take this raattier in hande. And before he informyd the king 
therof, he blastid it abrode in the courte, insomoche that [myne 

MORICe's anecdotes of ARCIIDISnOP CRANMEll. 261 

eldeste brother, being one of '] llic gentiimen uascrs, and lie fell oute 
for ilie same, my brother declaring that his reporte was manifesto 
false, aswell for the keping of his house as for purchasyng of landea for 
his wife ond children. This notwithstaniUng, mr. Semour went 
thoroughe with his said information, and declaird nnto the king ss 
is before declaird, Tlie kinge, heringe ihta tale, with the aequele 
(that was that it was mete for the bisshoppa nott to be troubeled ne 
vexed with temporall affaires in ruling thair honours, lordeshippe, 
and manours, but rather, they having an honeste pension of money 
ycrlie alowed unto theym for thair hospitalitie, shoulde surrender 
unto the kinges majcatic all thair royalties and tcmporallies,) aaied, 
" I do mervaile that it ys saied that my lorde of Canterbury ahoulde 
kcpe no good liospitalitie, for I have hardc the contrary." And so 
with a fewe wourdes moo in commendation of my L., as one that lltle 
rcgardid the Bute, but yet, as it appered afcrwarda, something 
smelling what thci wente aboute, Icfte of any farther to talkc of that 
mattier, and convertid his communication to another purpose. Kot- 
withstanding, within a monelh after, whither it was of chuunce or 
of purpose it ys unknowne, the king, going to dyner, callid mr. 
Seymour unto hym and said, " Goo ye straight waies unto Lambeth, 
and bydd my lorde of Canterbury come and speakc with me, at ij of 
the ciocke at after noone." Incontynently mr. Seymour cam to 
Lambeth, and being brought into the halle by the porter, it chaunced 
the halle was sett to dyner, and when he was at the skrenc, and 
perceyvid the hall furniaahed with iij princtpall messes, besides 
the reate of the tables ihoroughlic sett, " having a giltie conaoience 
of his untrue reporte made to the king, ' recoylid backe and wolde 

• These word* bave been erased in the H3. 4ncl the iror-ji " mj bratber" in the next 
line tllereil tu "Ihej," in ordur to tupprea* tlie nittna of mr. William Morii^e. 

^ Faie hag rawritlen this pasungB Ibiu — "tbehitll, which was thurough]; [nrnisbed tnd 
set, both with the boiuebold nervanU uid slnti^ra, wilb/oKr principsl] head meSKa of 
o9(»n, u dulj It vrss Hccustomucl to be." Tlis MS. had originalif ilij, bat the flnt i. has 

' made to the king jr 

vuml ftaml. 



have gone into my lordc by tlie chapell awaie. Mr. Nevill * heiag 
atewarde,perceyving that, rose uppo and wente after hym, anti declaird 
unto hym that he could not goom [»tc] that wey, and so brought hyrn 
backe unto my lorde thoroute the halle; and when he came to my 
lorde, and had don his message, my lorde caused hym to sit downe 
and dyne with hym. But, making a shorte dyner bycause he would 
bring the kinge wourde againe of his message, he departid and" 
came to the king before he was rysen frome the table. When he 
came to the kinges presence, saied the kJngc, " Will my lorde of 
Canterbury come to us?" " He will wayte on your majestic, (saied 
mr. Seimour,) at ij of the clocke." Than saied the king, " Had my 
lordc dynod before ye came?*^" " Noo forsothe, (Buicd mr. S.) for 
I founde hym at dyner." "Well, (saied the king,) what chere 
made he you?" With those wourdes mr. Seymour knelid downe 
and besought the kingia majcstie of pardon. " What is the matter?" 
(aaied the king,) " I do remcmbre (saied mr. Seymour,) that I 
tolde your highnes that my lorde of Cnnterburyc keptc no hoapi- 
talitic correspondent unto his dignitic; and nowe I perceyve that 
I did abuse your highnes with an untroth, for, besides your grace's 
house, I thiuckc he be not in the realme of none estate or degrc 
that hath suchc a halle furnyssbed, or that fareth more honorablie 
at his awne table." " Ah I (quod the king,) have you espied your 
awne faulte nowc?" "I aasuer your highnes, (said mr, S.) it is 
not somoche my faulte as other mennys who semed to be honeste 
men that enformede me herof, but I shall hensforthe the woursse 
truste tbeym whiles thei lyvo," Than saied the king, " 1 knowe 
your purposes well enoughe; you have hadd emonge you the 
conimodilies of the abbeis, whicbo you have consumed some with 
superQuous apparell, some at dice and cardes and other ungratious 

• " Ricburi] Seytl, genlleuun. Iliu Btewvd of Uic LuuabolJ." (Poih.) Du wu Hits 
wiiof sir Alexander Kevilli: of Noltlnghnoisliiiv, and Iirulbcr miir Antlign; NevIUc; uiI 
liiaioD TbomH Ngtilli), U. D.,boFuae ilwi or Canterbui} >u 1G9T. Sen Ilutid, JliatoiT 
ot Koiit, fiillo odiL i>. S34, G91. 

t bg departid uid, in ttanut hami. ' bafure ju cmnu, in ucbmI haiid. 



rule, and nowe you wolde have the bisliopp landes and revenewes 
to abuse UkewiBe. ' Yf my lorde of Canterbury kepe suche a halle 
as you Bey, neither being terme nor parliament, he ys metelie well 
visited at those tymea I warranto you. And if th 'other bisshopps 
Icepe the like ibr thair degre, thei had not node to have any thing 
taken fronio theym, but rather to be aided and holpen. And thcr- 
fore sett your harte at rcate; there sliali no suche alteration be made 
whiles I lyvc" (quod the kinge). So that in very dede, where some 
had pennyd certeyn bookes for the altering of that estate in the nexte 
parliamentc, thei durste never bring them forthe to be redde. Wher- 
apon also it came to posse that when the kinge understode that, 
contrary unto the reporte, my lorde C. hadd purchasid no maner oF 
landes, his highnes was contente apon th'onelic motion of D. Buttes, 
without my L. C. knowledge, that he shoulde have that abbey in 
Notynghamshere whiche his wife nowe enjoyeth," to hyin and his 
heires. " 

Thusmoohe I have declarid concemyng mr. Seymour's practise, 
to th'intente men may understande that my lord C. hoapitalitie was'* 
a mesne to stcye the estate of the elergic in thair possessions. 

And here I muste answci' for my lorde C. againstc ccrtcyne 
objections whiche arr in divers mcnnys heddes, that by his meanea 
alt the preiermontcs, offices, and fermea arr so given and lett oute, 
that his successours have nothing to give or bestowe appon thair 
frendes and aervantes, nor that suche hospitalitie can be keptc by 
reason of his decay in letting goo auche thinges as shoulde have 

• Parker bst nwtked this paragraph (T/yaii lUmiie) » 

down the margin. Poxc bu tnnilatod the laltcr cluute — "a 
would fain have me make anoLher chnance nitb the bialiopg 
greed; appetites." 

>■ Todd (hioka thii wu a miitake, and 
Nottinghamahire, but merel; the rectoriea ol 
to the abbey of Welbeck. Life at Cninmer, 
of ThDma* Cranmer, tan of the arcbbi^oi 

litrokeof bis red pencil 
ndi, to accotaplisb your 

at CrBnmer'ft widow enjoyed do 
tlacton and Whattua, which had 
513. There U, however, eilnnl 
ng that bit bther had purohued 

1 petil-on 

Till, and Edward VI. the moceaterj of Kirkatall anil nunnery of Arlhington {Ibid. p. 
CIS,) which IB perbapa the purcbaae lo which MoHce refen, 

c Thii paragiaph alio ia tcorod with the red pcncU. 

' WW » Mcend ha»d. 


maynteynid provision of householde. But to answer this in a fewe 
wourdes before I descend to any particular declaration : It is mooste 
true, that yf he hadd * nott well behavid hymself towards his prince 
and the worlde, his successours shold not [have] byn combered with 
any pece of temporall revenewe, either in landes, wooddes, or other 
revenewes. And I praie God that thei may majmtejnie, in this 
mylde and quiete tyme, that whiche he in a moste dangerous worlde 
did upholde and lefte to his successours. Yet for better declaration 
in answering those objections, it ys to be considerid that when he 
enterid unto his dignitie, every man aboute the kinge made meancs 
to get some reversion of ferme or of other office of hym ; insomoche, 
the king hymself made mcanes to hym for one or ij thinges before 
he was consecratid, as for the ferme of Wyngham barton, ^ whiche 
was grauntid unto sir Edwarde Baynton knight ^ for iiij"xix yeres. 
When my lorde perceyvid that suche sutes as he graimtid to the 
king and the quene men wolde nedes have a hundreth yere save 
one, he wrote to the chapiter of Christes churche,^ and willed 
them in any condition nott to confirme any moo of his grauntes of 
leaces which were above xxj yeres. By this meanes moche sute 
was stopped, so that in very dede he gave oute his leaces but for xxj 
yeres, whiche wolde not satisfie the gredie appetites of some men. 
And therfore thei founde a provision for it ; for, when my lorde hadd let 
oute certeyne goodlie farmes at Pynner, Heyes, Harrow-on-the-hill, 
Mortelake, &c., to the nombre of x or xij fermes, for xxj yere, taking 
no maner of fyne for theym, all theis fermes by and by were put 
into an exchange for the kinge. And the kinge hadd nott them in 
his poss[ess]ion vj daies, but thei were my lorde Northes and other 

^ hadd in second hand. 

^ The manor of Wingham was one of the reudences of the archbishops of Canterbary 
(see Hasted, History of Kent, folio edit. iii. 695), but was one of those exchanged to the 
crown in 29 Hen. VIII., as mentioned in a subsequent note. 

c Sir Edward Baynton was vice-chamberlain to queen Anne Boleyne, and it is said to 
two others of king Henry VIII.»s queens. See Latimer's Works, (Parker Society,) ii. 322. 
He is mentioned in a letter of Hooper in 1546 as one of the chief supporters of the Gospel 
in England then recently deceased. Zurich Letters, 1846, iii 86. 

«* t. e. Canterbury. 



a but 

meimys;' and thei were not paste one yere in thair possessions h 
that the reversion of every [of] theym was solde for more yers, some 
for c", some for cc", and some for more nnd ?omc for lease, making 
swcpeatakc of altogcthcra. 

And so ivaa my lordc used in all thinges almoste that he did Ictt 
oute for xxj" yores, by meancs wherof justice Halcs^ and other of hia 
connsaile lernid in the lawo adviccd him to let outc his fermcs for 
many yerea, whiclie might be a meanea that thei shouldc not be ao 
moche desired in exchanges aa thei he, for thos fcrmea as came to my 
lotde came with yeics enough apon thair backcs. And so uppon 
thia conaideration ray lorde was faync to alter his purpose in letting 
of his fcrmes. Wherapon he did Ictt S. Oregoris" in Canterbury to 
mr. Nevill, the Priory of Dover, Chislett Parke, and Curlcawood 
Parke, with other, for so many yercs as he did; of purpose to stay 
them, or ela he had gon witKoute theym one tyme [i>r] other. And 
aa I hardc sey syns your grace ^ waa electe Curleswood Parke was in 
exchange, and the rente therof paied for one halfc yere unto tlie 
quonys use; but ao sone aa thei iinderstode that thei were so many 
yere to come in it, it was revereid to the archcbiashopricke againe. 
So that herby partelie maic be perceivd in what estate my lorde 
Cranmer stootlc with big landca. And sis towchiug the diminiashing 

• Ednsrfl lord Nurtli, auinoiinio iroMiircr aiid aflcrwurJ* thouctllur of llio courl o[ 
aagmentationB, waa UDO or the grcntcit tniBioken in church laadt. 

'' Sir Junes llnlcs, of the DanKean,CflnterbDr]', (tee Hosted, iv, 4J0, J DiiiilBouuattlie 
juilgca of the comnum pleu and knigbtod 1G17- tleautfercd i>ur>«iutioii for hia rcligioui 
principle under Mary, after having been apooiallj lignnliMd amang tho Judges for bia 
lojallj alhcr«cce»aion; nnd, liig mind becoming ini|>(urcil, committed auicitle in tho Fleet 
priaon. Sec the trc»ti»e on this cataitiophe written bj biihop Hooper, printed by Stiype, 
Ecclee. Memorials, iii. Appendix Xxlt. Hooper's Works, (Parker Soc.) ii. 31i; at»1 for 
tlw Judge*! hio^phy aee Post't Judges, vol. t. p. 370, 

< The ambbbhop became puueissd of the late prioi^ of St, Gregury's in Canterbury in 
Biclunge for the late alibuy of St. Radogund near Dover. Richard Neville of (.'auler- 
bury emjoire, (see before, p. 202,} dietl poncned of the lease In 5 Edw. VJ., and by his will 
gave it, after bis wlfe'a death, to Alexander Natillc caquirs his son. Hasted, i*. O'M, 

* 1, 1, archbishop Parker, to whom tbe»s anecdotes were addtesaad by Morioo. He was 
elected archbishop Aug. 1, ISSl>. 

CAUD. 80C. 2 M 


of his rentes, houses, and other comodities for the provision of his 
hospitalitie, if all thinges be well pondered, he hath lefte the same 
in better estate then he fonde it. 

For as towching his exchanges, men ought to consider with 

whome he had to do, specially with suche a prince as wolde not be 

brydeled, nor be againste-said* in any of his requeste, oneles men 

wolde danger altogethers.^ I was by when Otteford and KnoUe was 

given hym.<J My lorde, m)mding to have reteynid Knoll unto hym- 

self, saied that it was to small a house for his majestic. "Marye, 

(saied tlie king,) I had rather have it than this house, (meanyng 

Otteforde,) for it standith of a better soile. This house standith 

lowe, and is rewmatike, like unto Croydon, where I colde never be 

withoute sycknes. And as for Knoll standeth on a sounde, perfaite, 

holsome grounde.** And if I should make mjme abode here, as I do 

suerlie mynde to do no we and than, I myself will lye at Knolle,'and 

moste of my house shall lye at Otteforde." And so by this 

meanes bothe those houses were delivered upp into the kingis 

handes; and as for Otteforde,® it ys a notable greate and ample house, 

whose reparations yerlie stode my lorde in more than men wolde 

* Agairut'Saidf hence the word gainsay. 

** oneles ^— altogethers, in second hand. 

<= By indenture, dated 30 Nov. 29 Hen. VIIL (1537) the archbishop and the prior and 
convent of Christ church in Canterbury conveyed to the king and his successors all those 
his manors of Otford, Wrotham, Bexley, Northflete, Maidstone, and Knoll, with other 
lands and appurtenances, as particularised by Hasted in his History of Kent, folio edition, 
i. 340 See a letter of Cranmer to Cromwell on this exchange, in Jenkyns, i. 203. 

^ Knole was granted in the reign of Edward VI. successively to the duke of Somerset 
and the duke of Northumberland. By queen Mary it was restored to the archbishop of 
Canterbury, then cardinal Pole; but, being conveyed to him personally, it returned to the 
crown on his death, and when queen Elizabeth stayed there for five days in 1573 it waa 
called her own house. (Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, i. 333, 847.) She granted it first 
to her favourite Leicester, and it afterwards became the property of the Sackvilles, under 
whose care this interesting specimen of ancient magnificence has been handed do^n 
little altered to our own times. 

« The palace of Otford had been 'largely repaired by Cranmer *s immediate predecesflors 
Deane and Warhara ; but soon after it came into lay hands, it was allowed to fall 
into total ruin. The Duke of Northumberland was resident there towards the close of the 
reign of Edward VI. ; and it became the property of his son-in-law sir Henry Sidney. 

mobice's anecdotes or archbishop cbanmeb. 267 

thincke. And so likewise did Maidestone, which had no maner of 
comoditie to belonge unto yt And I am suer that after certeyn 
exchanges past betwene the kinge and hym, there was aboute a C. 
merke a yere, or thereaboute, alowid unto hym in his latter 
exchanges for recora pence of his parckes and chaces. And yet those 
parkes and chases, besides the provision of his venson, stode hym 
yerely in moche more money, by reason of the patentes and fees 
belonging unto them, than he by any meanes els gate by theym ; 
for, as for Curleswoode, it stode hym in xx^ nobles a yere fee, and 
yet there was no gaine in yt, but only coneys, whiche the keper had 
also in his patente, so that the archebisshopp by suppressing of that, 
and raising that smale rente it paieth, may spcnde therby vij^ a yere 
more than it was accustumed to paie towardes [the revenue] of the 
archebisshoppricke. And towching Chislet Parcke,* it came to my 
lorde in exchange for viij" a yere, and the fe[r]mour paieth x*^, so 
that therby is gotten xl* a yere, wherefore it cannot be indifferentlie 
gathered that my lorde in preferryng his friendes unto theis thinges 
hath any whitte hindered the revenewe of the bisshoppricke. 

And as towching pasture and medowefor the provision of his house 
both at Croydon and aboute Canterbury, Forde, and Cheslett, there 
arr thrise so moche medowe, pasture, and mersshe, than was lefte 
unto hym. 

And as for the sale of his woodes,** like as he was dryven to 
exchange theym and sell theym for to maynteyne his hospitalitie, 
specially having almoste xx** yeres togethers lernyd men contynu- 
allie sytting with hym in commission for the trying oute and setting 

• Chislet Park, seven miles from Canterbury, had belonged to the abbat of St, 
Augustine's. It was granted in 29 Hen. VIII., in exchange for other lands, to the arch- 
bishop and his successors. Hasted, iii. 627. 

^ Aylmer bishop of London was afterwards, from necessity or choice, a great destroyer 
of timber, and in consequence acquired the punning nickname of Mar-elm, Such 
satirical transpositions were not unusual. Archbishop Qrindars name was converted, by 
no less a person than the poet Spenser, into Al-grind t and sir Richard Sackville, chancel- 
lor of the augmentations, the careful father of the lord treasurer Dorset, was thought to be 
properly characterised when his name waa inverted into Fill'tiiei. 


forthe of the religion receyvid, and for the discussing of other mat- 
tiers in controvercie, some of them dailie at diete with hyin, and some 
evermore lying in his house, so provided he againe like wooddes 
more commodious for his houses ; as the Blene woodes * belonging to 
St. Austen's, and Pyne woodde, and others, whiche be knowne well 

. As towching provision for corne oute of Chislett Courte and in 
other places, yt is uncredeble what a busynes he hadd, and^ ado 
with sir Christopher Hales <^ for that ferme and corne, who c[h]alenged 
it of the king by promise, and so wolde have defeatid my lorde 
therof, had not the kinge very benignelie stande of his syde, and it 
ys no smale revenewe to have yerlie so moche come, bothe wheate, 
malte, and ottes, of so meane a price. 

And therfore lett men leave of that rcporte of hym that he was 
not beneficiall unto his successours. Other bisshopps some of them 
loste hole manours and lordeshipps, withouten any exchaunce attall. 
Thusmoche my conscience hath compellid me to sey in defence of 
my lorde and mr. his good name, whorae I knewe to take as moche 
care for his successours in th'archebisshoppricke as ever did arche- 
bisshopp or shall do, and wolde asmoche have advaunccd the same, 
yf the iniquitie of the worlde wolde have permitted hym. 
^ Nowe, finallie, concernyng his behaviour towardes his familie, I 
thinckc there was never suche a raaister emonges men, both fearid 
, and entierlie belovid ; for, as he was a man of moste gentill nature, 
voide of all crabbed and churlishe conditions, so he coulde abide no 
suche qualities in any of his servantcs. But if any suche outeragious- 
ness were in any of his men or familie, the correction of thos enor- 
my ties he alwaics lefte to the ordering of his officers, who wekelie keptc 

'^ The forest of Blean was given to the church of Canterbury by Richard I. in the first 
year of his reign. (Somner*s Canterbury, 4to., 1640, p. 221.) It extended from the 
suburbs of the city, where there is a church named St. Cosmos and Damian of the Blean, 
to the neighbourhood of Feversham, where lies the parish of Houghton under the Bleftn. 

^ and in teeondhand, 

* Sir Christopher Hales, solicitor-general 1525, attorney-general 1529, master of the 
rolls 1536, died 1541. Hasted, History of Kent, ii. 576 ; Foss, History of the Judges, v. 183. 

MOKICE'8 anecdotes op Ar.OnBlSHOP CRANMER. 2G9 

a counting-house. And if any tbing universalUc were to be reformetl 
or talked of on that daie, ivliiche comonlie was Friday, the same was 
putt to admonition. And if it were a faulte of any particulcr man, he 
was callid forthc before the company, to whome warnyng was given, 
that if he so iised hymself after iij monitions he should lose his 

There was an infamy of liym, that he ahoulde have byn an osteler, 
whiche the ignoraiite popishe prelstes for very malice liadd ptiblislicd 
againstc hym, saying that he had no maner of lernyng attaile more 
than ostelers arr wonte to have; and this rumour sprangc of that, 
that when he hadd maricd his firste wife, being reader than of 
Buckingham coUedge,'' he did putt liis wif to borde in an inne at 
Cambridge. And he resorting thcther unto her in the inne, some 
ignorante preiste named hym to be the osteler, and his wif the 
tap.ster.* Tliis brute than began. But it inoche more was quickened 
when he was arcbebissliopp than before. Insomochc that a preiste 
farr northe, about Scarbarowe, syttyng emonges his neighbours at the 
alehouse and talking of the arehebisshopp Cranmcr, divers men there 
moche commending hym, "Wliat! (saied the preiste,) make ye 
Bomoche of hym? be was but an oatcler, and hath oamochc lernyng 
as the gooslyngoa of the grene that goo yender," quod the preiste. 
Appon whiche wourdes the honest '^ men of the parishe, whiche 

■ Here [liD romaindor of Iho M8. pago 431! is covered b; a Hrlp of pnper containing 
■ix line*, whicli U ■!! that boa been preserved of Iho Inf whioli in Morioo'i origin&l cnmo 
between the fugea numbered <by pHrker) 430 tind 437. Probablj P»rkcr cut ivaj die 
Ibe parts now wanting, t* thinking them uf little gonoral intercat. Some riiih hand has 
partiallj rsiaed the patch, so that one can read a few words beneath. Tlio text nn : 
>■ And suerlio there [was never an;?] committed to the porter's lodgeoncles it were [for?] 
iheding of bloodde, picking, or rtoating." ThoHme subject seenu to hare been continued 
at Iho Inttam of the opposite page. 

' Now Magdalcno collcgo. 

' It maj he presumed tlmt originall; an ki/iltlti- was tLo master ot on hostel or inn, ot 
which term hotl wat an sbbrcviBtion. At Iho period bcr»re ua tlie hosteler appears to 
Lave been the principal servant or chamberlain, (see a fonnor note in p. 100,) — wliilst the 
/unction of serving liquor was usually performed bj a woman, whence wo read so much 
ofaleiriics. Id n titird stage, the term ostler was transferred exclusirel^toserrants in the 
(table. '' honest ircond hniiit. 


harde theis wourdes, gave information to my lorde Crumwell of that 
his slanderous wourdes. The preiste was sent for before the coun- 
saile, and caste into the Fleete. My L. Cranmer not being that 
daie emong the counsaile nor hearing no maner of wourde of the 
preistes accusation, it chaunced the preiste to He in the Fleete viij 
or ix wcekes, and nothing saied unto hym. He than made sute 
(by one named Chercey, a grocer dwelling within Ludgate, nowe 
yet aljTNTC, and uncle as I suppose to the preiste,) unto my lorde 
C. for his deliverance. This Charcy brought the copie of the 
preist's accusation frome my lorde CrumwelFs house, wherby it 
planly appered that there was nothing laied unto the preiste but those 
wourdes againste my lorde Cranmer: and therfore besoughte my 
L, C. to helpe hym oute of prison, for it hadd putt hym to greate 
chargis lying there, and he had a benefice whiche was unservid in 
his absence, and saied that he was very sory that he hadd so un- 
honestlie abusid hymself towardes his grace, Wherapon my lorde 
Cranmer sent to the Fleete for the preist.^ Whan he became before 
my lorde, saied my lorde to hym, "It is tolde me that you be 
prisoner in the Fleete for calling me an osteler, and reporting that I 
have no more lernjmg than a goseling. Did you ever see me before 
this daie?" "No, forsothe," quod the preiste. " What ment you 
than to call me an osteler, and so to deface me emonge your neigh- 
bours?" The preiste made his excuse, and saied he was overseen with 
drincke. " Well, (saied my L. C.,) now ye be come, you may appose 
me, to knowe what lemyng I have; begynne in gramar yf you will, 
or els in philosophic and other sciences, or divinitie." ** I beseche 
your grace to pardon me, (quod the preist,) I have no maner of 
lemyng in the Laten tongue, but altogether in Englishe." ^* Wei, 
than, (saied my lorde,) yf you will not appose me, I will appose you. 

* Foxe says that the archbishop ** tent his ring to the warden of the Fleet, willing him 
to send the prisoner unto him, with his keeper, at afternoon,'* and that the parson was 
brought into the garden at Lambeth, where the archbishop received him, sitting under the 
▼ine. This tale, like other parts of the original, is considerably worked up and amplified 
by Foxe. 

mobice's anecdotes op archbishop cbanmer. 271 

Arr you not wontc to reade the Bible ? " quod my lorde. ** Yes, that 
wee do dailie," saied the prieste. " I praie you tell me, (quod my 
lorde than,) who was Davides father?" The preiste stode still, and 
Baied, ** I cannot suerlie tell your grace." Than saied my lord 
againe, " Yf you cannott tell me, yet declare unto me who was 
Salamon's father." ** Suerly, (quod the preiste,) I am nothing attall 
scene in those geneolagies." ** Than I perceyve (quod my L.) how- 
soever you have reported of me that I hadd no lernyng, I can no we 
beare you witnes that you have none attall. There arr suche a 
sorte of you in this realme that knowith nothing, nor will knowe 
nothing, butt sitt appon your alebenche and slander all honeste and 
lernyd men, Yf you hadd butt common reason in your headdes, 
you, that have named me an osteler, you might well knowe, that the 
king, having in hand one of the hardeste questions that was movid 
oute of the scriptures theis many yeres, wolde not sende an osteler 
unto the b. of [Rome]* and to the emperour's counsaile, and other 
princes, to answer and dispute in that so harde a question, even 
emonges the hoole coUidge of cardynalls and the Roote ^ of Rome. 
By all likelyhodd the king lacked moche the helpe of lemid men, 
that was thus dryvcn to sende an osteler on suche a vioage, or els 
his majestic hath many idle preistes withoute witt or reason, that can 
so judge of the prince and the counsaile and of the waightie mattiers 
of the realme. God amende ye ! (said he,) and gett ye home to your 
cure, and frome hensforth lerne to be an honeste man, or at leaste a 
reasonable man." The preiste, lamenting his folic, went his waic 
into the countrie, and my L. C. dischargid hym ^ oute of the Fleet, 
bycause there was no mattier against hym but that whiche onclie 
concemyd my L. C. My lorde Crumwell within iiij daies after cam 
to my L. C, and sware by a great othe that the popisshe knaves 
shoulde pyckc oute his eies and cutt his throote before he wolde 
any more rebuke theym for slanderyng of hym. ^* I hadd thought 

• The Rota. 

^ Either R has been hidden by the binding, or Rome omitted altogether. 

^ hym second hand. 


that the knave preiste whiche you have dischargid and sente home 
shoulde have recantid at Paules crosse on Sunday ncxte." " Yea, 
mary, (quod my L. C.,) you wolde have all the worlde knowe by 
that mcanes that I was an osteler in dcede." " What maner of 
blockeheddes wolde so thinck?" quod my lorde CrumwcU. " To(o) 
many papistes, (quod my L. C.) Howbeit, (quod he,) you have 
caused the poore preiste to spend all that he hath in prison, and 
wolde you nowe put hym to open* shame too? He ys not the 
firste, not by v*^ of them, that hath callid me so, and therefore 
I will nott nowe begynne to use cxtremitie againste this prieste.** I 
perceyve he ys sory for yt." *' Well, (quod my lorde Crumwell,) 
yf you [do] not care for it ® no more doo I; but I warrante you one 
daie, yf thei may, they will make you and me both as vile as 
ostelers." This I repeted to declare his lenytie and promptnes to 
remitte notable offences; howbeit, it should have byn placed before 
yf I hadd rememberld it. 

Thus I have hastelie pennyd suche thinges as came to my memory 
synce Satterdaie laste, beseching your grace to take it in good parte, 
being certeynlie assuryd that I have devised nothing of myn hedde as 
concemyng the very mattier. 

I have Icfte oute here where he was maricd, and the hole ende 
of his lif and doinges concemyng King Henry's divorcement, by 
cause it ys at large towched in the boke of the Actes and Monu- 
mentes of the Churche, speciallie from his begyninge, fo. 1470.* 
And of his trouble and vexation for religion, and the maner of his 
death, &c 

• open in tecond hand, *» this preiste in second hand, c f^p Hin second hand, 
*i This refers to the first edition of Foxe*s great work, printed in 1563. 



Tliig \a anotlier of tlip coinmmiications miflc by Italph Morite to Foxe, in 
Ailrlitiiin to thoBu nlready citum&ralcil. It was not publLalicd b; Uic nmrtyro- 
lo^iat : but \s intro'luce'l (in a inoderiil^d form) iuto Strypo's MuinoriulB ol 
Cranmer, p. 8S. Strjrpe was not atrsre of its nutliorahip. 

[MS. Harl. 119, M, IIS.] 

At what tyme the cathedral ehurche of Canterbury e, newlic erected, 
altered and changed frome monekes to seculcr men of the clergie, in 
the time of kingc Henry the viij"", as to prebendaries, canons, peti- 
canons, quercsters, and scholers, there were present at tliat erection 
Thomas Cranmer archebisshopp of Canterbury, the L. Richechaun- 
cotlor of the courtc of the Augmentacion of the revcnewes of the 
crown, air Christopher Hallis knight the kyngca atlomoy, sir 
Anthony Senctclcger knight, with dyvcrs other commissioners; 
and taking upon them to nominate and electc suche convenienle 
and apte pcrspns as sholdc serve for tlie funiyturo of the said cathe- 
drall ehurche according to the newe foundacion, it came to pasae 
that wlien thei sholde electe the children of the grammer scolc, 
there were of the commisaioncrs mo than one or twoo whiche wolde 
have none admitted but younger brethren and gontilmenys sonncs; 
aa for other husljcnde mcnnys cliildren, ihci were more mete {thei 
saied) for the plough and to be artificers than to occupio the place 
of the Icrnyd sorte. So that thei wisshed none els to be putt to scolc 
but onelie gcnlilrnennys children. Whcreunto that niosto reverend 
father Thomas Grimmer archebisshopp of Canterbury, being of aeon- 


trary mynde, saied that ** he thought it not indifferent* so to order 
the mattier, for (saied he) pore mennys children arr many tymes 
enduyd with more synguler giftes of nature, which are also the 
giftes of God, as with eloquence, memorie, apte pronunciacion, 
sobrietie, with suche like, and also commonly more gyven to applie 
thair studie, than ys the gentilmannys sonne delicatelie educated.*' 
Whereunto it was on the other parte replied, that it was mete for 
the plowe mannys sonne to go to plowe, and the artificer's sonne to 
applie the trade of his parentes vocation, and the gentilmenys chil- 
dren arr mete to have the knowledge of govermente and rule in the 
common wclth; for we have as moche nede of plowe men as on any 
other state, and all sortes of men male not goo to scole. ** I graunte 
(quod th'archebisshopp,) moche of your meanyng herin, as nedefuU 
in a common wealth; but yet utterlie to exclude the plowe mannys 
Sonne and the poore manys sonne from the benefite of lernyng, as 
though thei were unworthie to have the gyftes of the holie Goste 
bestowed apon them as well as apon others, ys asmoche to sey as 
that almightie God sholde not be at libertie to bestowe his greate 
giftes of grace apon any person, nor no where els but as w-e and other 
men shall appoynte them to be enployed according to our fansey, 
and not according to his most godlie will and pleasure ; who gy veth 
his giftes both of lernyng and other perfections in all sciences, unto 
all kinde and states of people indifferentelie; even so doeth he many 
tymes withdrawe frome thcym and thair posteritie againe those bene- 
ciall giftes, yf thei be not thanckefull. Yf we sholde shitt up into a 
straitc corner the bountifuU grace of the holic Goste, and therapon 
attemptc to buylde our fanseis, wc shold make as perfaite a worke 
therof as those that toke apon them to buylde the Tower of Babelon ; 
for God wolde so provide that the ospring of our best borne children 
sholde perad venture become moste unapte to lernc, and very doltes, 
as I myself have scene no smalle nombre of them verie dull and 
withoute almaner of capacitie; and, to saie the trueth, I take it that 
none of us all here being gentihnen borne (as I thincke) but hadd 

• t. e. fair or equitable. 


our begynnyng that wey from a lowe and base parentage; and 
thorough the benefite of lernyng and other civile knowledge for the 
moste parte all gentil ascende to thair estate." Than it was againe 
answered, that the moste parte of the nobilitie came up by feate 
of armes and martiall actes. ''As though (quod the archebis- 
shopp;) that the noble captayne was always unfurnisshed of good 
lernyng and knowledge to persuade and dissuade his army rethori- 
cally, whiche rather that wey is broughte unto authoritie than els 
his manly lokes. To conclude, the * pore mannys sonne by paynes- 
taking for the moste parte wilbe lernyd, when the gentilman's 
sonne will not take the payne to gett yt; and we arr taught by the 
scriptures, that alraightie God raiseth upp from the dongehill and 
setteth hym in high authoritie; and, when so it pleaseth hym of his 
divine providence, deposeth princes unto a right humble and poore 
estate. Wherfore yf the gentilman's sonne be apte to lernyng, lett 
hym be admitted ; yf not apte, lett the poore mannys childe apte 
enter his rowme — '* with such like wordes in effecte. 

• MS. to. 



TuBSE anecdotes are written by Ralph Morice upon the same sheet with his 
account of the conversion of Latimer, as already stated in p. 237. 

Little is known of the witty master Lawney : but that litUc is to the effect 
that he was one of the party of students of New college at Oxford, who were 
among the earliest welcomers of the Protestant doctrines. Foxe mentions him 
as "" Thomas Lawney, chaplain of the house, prisoner with John Frith/* He is 
said to have afterwards enjoyed preferment in Kent. 

[MS. Harl. 422, t 87.] 

Concerning the yj. Articles. The answer of mr. Thomas Lawney 
unto my olde lord of Northfolke, concemyng preistes' wy ves. 

At what tymc the vj. articles were paste by acte of parliament, 
more by the authoritie of a parliament than by the authoritie of the 
worrde of God, it chaunced that my lord of Northfolke mett with 
mr. |Lawe(ney), a preacher at that tyme in Kent, whose chapleyn he 
was in tymes paste. ** Ah ! mr.* Lawney, (quod the duke, knowing 
hym of olde moche to favour priestes' matrymoneys,) whither may 
preistes nowe have wyfes or noo?" quod the duke. '* Yf it please 
your grace, (quod Lawney,) I cannott well tell whither preistes maie 
have wyfes or noo ; but well I woott, and I am suer of it, for all your 
acte, that wifes will have preestes." " Harken, maisters, (quod the 
ducke,) howe this knave scorneth our acte, and makethit not worthe 
a flie! Well, I see by yt that thou wilt never forgett thyne olde 
tryckcs." And so the duke, and such gentilmen as were with him, 
went awaic mcrelie lawghing at mr. Lawnjr's sodden and apte 

* Misprinted my in Strype'^t Memorial* qf Cranrntr^p, 35. 



Concerning Bishop Slokialey, bisaliop of London,' 
The lykc fyne answer he maJc of the busshopp Stokislcy's answer 
made to my lordc of Canterbury his lettrea requiryng his pane of 
the translation of the New Testament. 

My lordeCranmer, mynding to have the New Testament thoroughlic 
corrected, devided the same into ix or x partes,'' and caused it to be 
written at large in paper bokc^ and sent unto the best lernyd 
bishoppS] and other lernyd men, to th' intent they sholdc make n 
perfect correction iherof, and when thei liadd done to scnde them 
unto hym at Lambeth by a day lymytcd for that purpose. It 
chanced that the Actea of the Apostcllea were sent to bisshopp 
Stokisley to oversee and correcte, than bisshopp of London. When the 
day came every man hadd sentt to Lambeth thair partes correcte," onlie 
Stokisley's portion wanted.^ My lorde of Canterbury wrote to the 
bisshopp Icttrcs for his parte, requiring to delyver them unto the 
bringer therof his secretary,^ Bisshopp Stokisley being at Fulliam 
receyved the Icttres, unto the whiche he made this answer, " I 
marvailo wliat my lorde of Canterbury mcanoth, that thus abuscth 
the people in gyvyng them libertic to readc the scriptures, which 
doith nothing else but infecte them with hcryses. I have bestowed 

• Jobn Stokiale;, biirhiip ot London from 1S30 nnljl hii ilealL in 1G39. n gru&t pene- 
outor of bentics. Suo niBmoiis of biui in Wooil'i AUianio Oxoa. (wiit. IIIIm,) iL 7<7. 
Thora is a iiietiliiiig portrait of liimbj Uolbuin in tbo pooealon of Her Usjcstjat WiadNir 
cutto : »e Waigcn, Truuurea of Art in Great Brilain, 1854, li, 431. It hu nol been 

' " Cranmcr look sn oiiating Inntlitlion — Tjn Jalc"*, of course, for u jti llicru w«» do 
other." Tbe Annala of UiB Engliab Uible, b] CLrinlophcr Andenon, 1S45, i. US. 

' i. t. (in m clem (jranimar) uorrecled. 

' " With regard 1« tbe portioni acluallj returned to Ctanmor. tliey mnM baTo fortiiud a 
■ingular medley, and, li>d Ihej renuuned in eiiilrnco, must have forciblj illuitralsd Ibu 
character of Cranmer'a auociates. But nol one tmgmeiit remaint, and It i> vtcll. They 
bare been coniigned to oblivion, with the lain Gflbrts, in ancient liniei, of manjr who had 
uken in bind that fur whioh thoj were not competent, and that of which Qod did nol 
appTDte. Luke, i. 1." (Andcnon^ Antiila ot the Engliah Bible, I. 4fi4,) biabop 
Uardjner, hjr hia own accoont, on tholOlh of June 1&3&, imd fiuiiliod tliu (ranilatioii uf 
.Saint Luke and SainlJohn, - wbcrcin I liavc gpeat a gmal kiLuur." (tl>JU, p. 4IG.} 

' Namely, to Merice. the writer of tlili ■tor}'. 


never an hower apon my portion, nor never will; and therfore my 
lorde shall have Ids boke againe, for I will never be gyltie to bring 
the symple people into errour." My lord of Canterbury's servante 
toke the boke, and brought the same to Lambeth unto my lord, 
declaring my lord of London's answer. When my lord had percey ved 
that the bisshop hadd done nothing therin, " I marvaile (quod my 
lorde of Canterbury,) that my lorde of London ys so frowarde, that 
he will not do as other men do. Mr. Lawney stode by, and hear- 
yng my lorde speake so moche of the bisshopp's untowardnes, saied, 
' * I can tell your grace whie my lorde of London will not bestowe 
any labour or payne this wey. Your grace knoweth well (quod 
Lawney,) that his portion ys a pece of Newe Testament; and than he, 
being persuaded Christe had bequeth hym nothing in his testament, 
thought it mere madnes to bestowe any labour or payne where no 
gayne was to be gotten. And besides this, it is the Actes of the 
Apostells, whiche were symple poore felowes; and therfore my lord 
of London disdayned to have to do with any of thair actes." My 
lord of Canterbury and other that stode by coulde not forbere frorae 
lawghter, to here mr. Lawney's accute invensyon, in answeryng to 
the bisshopp of London's frowarde answer to my lorde of Canter- 
bury's lettres. 




The following brief Chronicle is that which Strype has mentioned in the 
Preface to his Memorials of Cranmer, as '' Annals writ by an Augustine Monk 
of Canterbury," and cited in his Chapter V. and elsewhere in that work, as 
*^ an old Journal made by a monk of St. Augustine's, Canterbury ;" also in his 
Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. i. p. 206. 

It gives a summary view of the leading events of our ecclesiastical history 
during the years above specified, combining with occurrences of which we have 
much fuller accounts the particulars of several transactions in the city of 
Canterbury, particularly the dissolution and dispersion of its religious com- 
munities, which are not elsewhere recorded. It may be noticed that Hasted in 
his '^ Remarkable Occurrences " in the history of Canterbury, Hist, of Kent, 
folio edit. iv. 433, has recorded none between the years 1520 and 1573. 

[MS. Harl. 419,f. 112.] 

. . . y well scene. (^The MS, is tarn.) 

[The] year of our Lord 1532 Henry viij came to Canterb[ur]y 
the ix day [of October], who [the] xj^*» day of the same month 
say led towardes Calice with [thenjobles of his kingdom*; and from 
thence went to Boloyne, wher of the king of Fraunce,** the king of 
Navary® and of the cardinalle of Rotomagf ^ and the dolphin, and 
other famous men of France, with great reverence he was receaved; 
wher when he had remayned 2 dayes « he went againe to Calice, 
being accompanyed with the kinges of Fraunce and Navayre and 
other noble men of Fraunce, wher with kingly pompc they remayned. 

*■ See the company enumerated particularly in Tlie Chronicle of Calais, p. 41. 
b Francis I. « Henry d'Alhret II. 

* The cardinal of Lorraine, archbishop of Rouen. 

« According to The Chronicle of Calais, p. 43, the King was nine days at Boulogne, 
from the 21st to 30th of October. 


la thia jorncy peace and tranquilyty waa coDcludcd betwonc Lheac 

kings by a pcrpetuallc league. 

In the year of our Lorde 1533 the daughter of the carle of 
Wilahier, An Boleine, waa proclaymed qiieene and crowned at 
Westminster the seconde day of Pcnticoast in the prescnec of the 
nobles of the kingdome, whear (aa it was racte) a great feast was 
made, with great joy and gladncs. 

The same yeare mr. Thomas Craumer was made archbishop of 
Canterbury, who did foi'byd that the worde of God shold be preached 
in tlic churches throwghout his dioces, and warned the rest of the 
bishops throwghout England to do the same. 

The same year the 3 day of December Thomas Cranincr arch- 
biahop of Cftnt«r[bury] receaved the pontilicalle seat' in tho 
monasteryc of St. Trinety. 

The same year n certayn nonne, called Elisaiwth Earten,** by 
marvcylowa hipocrysy moked alle Kent and almost alle England, 
for which cause she waa put into prison in London, wher she 
confessed many horrible thingos agaynst the king and the quene. 
This forcnaraed Elisabeth had many adherentes, but Bpocialli doctor 
Docking monke of Christes church in Cantcrbyry, which was her 
chiefe author in her dissimulation; which alle' at tho last were 
accused of treason, hereaye, and conspiracy, and so before the open 
crosse of St. Poulc in London, and here also in the churchyard of 
the monastery [of] the Holy Trinitye, at the sermon time, ihey 
stode over the high seate, wher of the preacher they were grevosly 
rebuked for theyr horrible fact. 

* 1. 1. was intbroned in tho uthedial i^hnrch, noconling to uicient usjig& 

^ A numuiarj of Ihig woll-hnown mUter will bo faund in Ui» «ulDiiia of <* Letlen 

rolnCing to llie Suppretaian at tho Monasleriea," edited tor lbs rnnidon Societ; bj Jtr. 

Tbomu Wright, M p. 13, followed b; KTenl ari(^nal puj.en nlBtiiig lii it. 

' The rrulprits wok kltogother ux in numbsr : tniubbtb Butou, n nun of llie tiouao 

of St. Sepulchro at Cuatorbuij ; dootor Eilwird ilooking iidiI Itioliord Dcring, niatika uf 

Ills bouM uf tlie Uolj Trinitf, or Obriit church, Canterbury ; ileni? Gold, rector al St. 

Mary Aldvrmuj in Londoii ; Uagb Rich, warden of the friiu* olteintnt* st Canterbury) 

■nd Iticbard Higliy. oae of hu brethren. See another oceouDt of Ilieir penanee in tliu 

Chroniole of the Qrc; Friui uf Loodon, p. 37- 


The same year Thomas Cranmcr, archbishop, the ix day of 
Decembrc began to go on visitation throughout alle his diocese. 

In the year of our Lorde 1534 a certay.* ..... 

the XX day of Aprill the fifth day ^ call ...... 

prison of London through all the streates . . . Booking 
and his brother Jhon [Kichard] Dering monkes of the Holy Trinitye 
at the place of execution called Tiburne, wher she and these monkes 
and also two brothers of the Minors suffered with the rest uppon the 
gallhouse for treason and heresye. 

The same year of our [Lord] 1534, the brethren friers*^ wear 
expulscd from their conservance, from their seates and from their 
places throughout all England, for their disobedience towardes the 
kinges majestye. 

The same year also, as well religiows as laymen bound themselves 
by an othe concernyng the succession of [issue born] betwene the 
queene Anne and our king {altered to K. Henry). 

The same year thear were many heretiques in sundry places of 
England which did blaspheme the saintes and the worshipping of 
them, barking agaynst tithes, which neyther wold have fastingcs 
nor pilgramagies. 

The same year abowt Christmas it was graunted to the king in the 
parlyament, that the clergy showld paye to him yerely 30 thowsand 
markcs for ever. 

In the year of our Lord 1535 it was ordayned^ and confirmed 
that the king showlde be the Supreme Head of the whole Church 
of Englande. 

The same year, the clergy of England was admonished by the 

* The paper is here torn. 

^ The execution of the holy maid and her followers was on the 5th of May, according 
to the Chronicle of the Grey Friars, p. 37. Mr. Wright (ulti supra) places it on the 20th 
of April, prohably in consequence of Strype (Memorials of Cranmer, p. 22) having 
misapprehended the purport of this imperfect paragraph. 

c The words ** friers " is written above ** brethren.** It is probable that these notes 
were at first written in Latin, and translated. 

^ By act 26 Hen. VIII. cap. 1; Statutes of the Realm, iii. ri92. 



kinges commaundement* for to put forth altogether the name of Pope 
out of the canon and other places wher that name was written, and 
yet no man durst once name this word Pope, t. neyther to geve 
place to his authority, but with all theyr power in all thinges to 
reslste him, and also in sermons to bark agaynst his power, whiche 
hath been used many yeares before this time in this our kingdom.** 

And also the same yeare Jhon Fisher, bishop of Rochester, and 
master Thomas More, being excellent well learned men, suffered death. 

The same year also many Cartijienses suffered deth for disobe- 
dience towardes the kinges majestye. 

[The sa]me yere, being 1534 (1535), the king sent many doctours 
[of divinijtie and others throughout all England to visite all the 
[houses] of saynct Benedictes order, and all the monasteries 
[and nunneries] of every order, hospitalls, colledges, and chanteries, 
&c.; amongst whome, doctour Layghton,* being a professour in the 
lawes, and the chiefest,^ did visite this our house, mr. Bartlet^ being 
hys scribe and of counsayll wyth hym, the 20 day of October. 

In thys visitation, all men utterly renownced the name of the 
Pope, hys privilegies and exempt places, &c. 

The same tymc the newe house of the prior of the church of saynct 
Saviour's^ was set on fier and burnt, doctor Layghton the visitour, 
and mr. Bartlet the scribe, with others, being present, the xvj day of 
October at mydnight. 

> By proclamation dated the 9th of June, which is printed in Foxe's Actes and Monu- 

^ Some of the brethren of the writer^s house, countenanced by the prior (Goldwell), 
were specially charged with resisting this change : '* the sayde pryour hadde takyne a 
collette ffor the bjashoppe of Rome by name of Pope, contrarye to his othe and a lawe 
made in that bohalfe." Christopher Levyns to CrumweU, in W^righfs collection, p. 90. 

' Dr. Richard Layton, the writer of many of the ** Letters relative to the Suppression 
of the Monasteries,** edited by Mr. Wright. 

«* The principal visitors, under the direction of Crumwell the King's vicegerent or rioar- 
general, were doctors Layton, Legh, Petre, and London. See Strype, Ecdes. Me- 
morials, 1. 206 : and Mr. Wright*s volume, passim. 

• Richard Bartelot, who occurs in Mr. Wright's volume at pp. 69, 75. 

' Or the Holy Trinity, Canterbury. 



In the jere of our Lordii 1536, all ihe monasteriea and religious 
howses through [ill England, that were not above the yerly revenew 
of 300 li. (all chardgGS deducted) were by acte of parliament given to 
the King's majestie to the amplificng of hya crowne, and to hys 
successoiiTB for ever. 

The same yeere was quene Anne BuUelne, the lorde Rochford hyr 
brother, rar. Norrico, mr. Weston, mr. Bruton,' and Marcaa " com- 
mitted to prison; and the xvij. daye of Maye, fyve of them were for 
treason put to execution. 

The same yeere, Jane Seraer, the daughter of the lorde Semer,' 
was maried to kyngc Henry and crowned queene. 

Tlie aame ycre the fyi'st and second mariages of the kyngc, by the 
assent of all the parliament bowse, were annichilate and made unlaw- 
fulle. But thys the thurde mjiriage was confirmed by them all to be 
good and lawfuHe. 

The same yere, the xxj, daye of July, kyng Henry came to 
Canterburie with the lady Jane the qwecne, who in the monastery 
of Saynut Augustine was very honorably veseaved, the reverend 
father Thomas Goldwell ^ prior of Christes churche being present. 
Who fiom thence went to Dover to se the pecre, tohys great charge 
and cMte begonnc." 

■ Handle Breretan. '' Mark Sniciton. ■ Sir Julin Sefmour, a knight only. 

'' Thomaa Goldwell, priur of C\miA uhurcli, Canterburj, bom 1515 until it* diiuolatlDn 
in IfiSD, when n jearly p?n«ioD oF SOL wu luigned lo him, together " willi the office of 
one of Ihe prehendariBS there." lie win the prior who received Eraamiui on hia yiail 
tn Oanterburj, and ii thai nientioned in the Colloquy on Pilgrimage tor Itetigiuii's laka. 
" Ho appeared to mo lo be a man equallf pious and judicioiu, nor unskilled in the 
Seotian tl.eolDg; (i. {. of the achool of Duns Scotus.)" 

Alelter written bj him to Crumwdl relatJTe to Ellizabcth Barton i* printed in Ur. 
Wright'a Dollection. at p. 19. In another latter in the nme tolume (p. 9(J) aildrcsed to 
Crumwell bj ChriMopher Levjni, there are many grave charges against Goldwsll, among 
the rut thftl he bad murderei! cliveni monks of hii house. 

° William Lanibarde in his Perambnlatiun of Kent, written In 1S70, speaking of 
Dover, aayi that "now in our niBmorie, what by decay of the haven, whioh king 
Honrie the eight with tlie cost of 63,'i00 pounds apon ■ piere, but all in vaine, sought 
(o restore, and what by the gvrrthrowe of the religious bousM, and kw< of Calaicc, il 


The same yere, the 20 and 21 daye of September, doctour Peter,* 
being sent of the lorde Cromwell to visite all the clergie throughout 
all Kent, dyd visite this abbey of Saynt Agustine ; making 
inquierie of the observinge of the Injunctions which we in the fyrst 
visitation receved by doctour Leyghton. 

The i3ame yeare in the moneth of September was there a con- 
8pira[cy in the county] of Lincolne and in the North partes:** [to 
subdue which] were sent the duke of Norfolke, the [duke of 
Suf]folke, the earle of Derby, and the noble earle [of] Shrewsbury 
[with] an armie : who after that they had commoned of the matter, 
lyking the condicions of peace offered, were reconsiled to the kynges 
favour wythout any battayle stroken. 

In the yere of our Lorde 1537 the xxiij day of February, the 
monasterie of Seynct Gregories ® was suppressed and the chanons 
were expulsed : mr. Spilman and mr. Candish ^ being the kynges 
commissioners herunto appointed. 

The same day, the church of Saynct Sepulchre,® by the autoritie 
of the same commission, and by the same commissioners, was 

was brought in manner to miserable nakednease and decay.** (Edit. 1596, p. 147.) 
In the History of Dover, by the Rev. John Lyon, 4to. 1818, vol. i. p. 153, will be found 
an account of the works carried on in the reign of Henry YIII. for erecting a pier at 
Dover, which were commenced on St. Anne*s day (July 26) 1583. See also a dis- 
course written by Thomas Digges, esq. about 1582, in the Archseologia, vol. xi. ; and 
** A Discourse of Sea Ports, principally of the Port and Haven of Dover, by Sir Walter 
Raleigh, published by Sir Heniy Shears, 1700." 4to. 

* William Petre, '* who was then-, if I mistake not, master of the fiiculties to the vice- 
gerent, lord Crumwell, and afterwards secretary of state.** Strype*s Cranmer, p. 55. See 
Wright^s Letters relating to the Suppression of the Monasteries, 

^ See Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 89. 

c A priory of Black canons in Canterbury; see the Monasticon Anglic, new edit. vi. 614. 

** Misprinted by Strype (Eooles. Memorials, i. 472) " mr. Spitman and mr. Candel.** 
Thomas Spilman, of Canterbury, gentleman, was the grantee of the honse of Qrej Friars 
in that city, and of other church lands. The latter was William Cavendish, afterwards 
treasurer of the chamber, and a knight ; see Collinses Peerage, tit. Devonshire. 

* A house of Benedictine nuns in Canterbuiy : see Monasticon AngUcannm, new 
edition, iv. 418 ; Hasted's Kent, folio edit. iv. 449. Elizabeth Barton bad been a 
member of this house. 


suppressed. The moinalls * notwithstandyng at that tyme were not 
removed, for they obtayned lycence to abyde there untill Easter, 
which notwithstanding scarlsly (scarcely) remayned one moneth 
after wardes : so at the last the weeke before Easter they were expulsed. 

The same yere, divers persons of Lincolneshire, which made the 
forenamed insurrection, and allso many persons of Yorkshiere, were 
put to death both there and allso at London about the tyme of Lent 
and Whitsontyde.^ The captaynes of that conspiracie were the 
lorde Hussey, the lorde Darcie sonne of the lorde Tommas,*' with 
other gentelmen of those parteis. The chiefest notwithstanding in 
that conspiracie was a certen lawyer whose name was Aske ; a man 
of base parentage, yet of mervelous stomack and boldnes. 

The same yere was it forbidden by the parlament and by the 
bishops, that the feast of S. Thomas the martyr should not be 
celebrated, nor of S. Lawrence, nor of divers others, the feastes of 
the xij Apostells excepted and of our Ladye, S. Michaell, and Mary 
Magdalen. Allso the feast of the Holy Crosse was forbydden to be 
celebrated, and that none should presume to kepe any of thease 
feastes holy, that is, they should rynge no bells, nor adorne theyr 
churches, [nor go in] procession, nor other such thinges as belong 
to festiv[als.] 

The same yere dyed the noble lady Ka[therine.«*] 

The same yere the archbishop of Canterbury did not fast [on 
S. Thomas] even, but dyd eate fleshe, and dyd suppe in his [parlour 
with «] hys famulye, whiche was never scene before in all the coo. . 

The same yere ' died the most noble qweene Jane, and was buried 
at Windsor. 

• ». e, tho nuna : misprinted " monks '* by Strype, uln supra, 
^ See the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, pp. 4 0, 41. 

c The words " sonne of the lorde Tommas ^* must bo a mistranscript. Lord Darcy^s 
own name was Thomas. Strypo printed these words as ** son of tho Lord L.** 
** Katharine of Arragon, then styled ** princess dowager.'* 
c These words are supplied from Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 61. 
' On the 24th of October, twelve days after the birth of Edward VL 


The yere of our Lorde 1538, the archbishop of Canterbury dyd 
reade the epistell of S. Paull to the Hebrues halfe the Lent in the 
chapter howse of the monasterie of the Holy Trinitie. 

The same yere the monasterie of Abindon, by the consent of the 
abbot,* was given unto the kynges majestic, the moonkes therof 
being expulsed because of theyr slowthfulnes. 

The same yere was the monasterie of Boxley suppressed,^ and the 
fygure of the crosse called Roodrooffe {blank in MSs) before all 
the people for certen slayghtes and false inv[entions] that were 
fownde in the same, was at Paul's crosse broken and cut in peaces, 
the bishop of Rochester ^ at the tyme making the sermon. 

* The abbat of Abingdon, Thomas Pentecost alias Rowland, who had been one of the 
first to acknowledge the King^s supremacy in 1534, surrendered his monastery on the 9th 
Feb. 1537-8, and for his ready compliance was allowed to retain for life his manor of 
Cumnor, where he died in the reign of Edward VI. 

b Surrendered on the 29th June, 29 Hen. YIII. 1537-8. 

<^ This shows the MS. to be a transcript, a word here not having been understood by 
the transcriber. The original no doubt read ** the rood of grace,** which was the name 
by which this celebrated idol was known. It is described at some length in Lambarde's 
Perambulation of Kent: see also references to several contemporary letters upon its 
destruction in Qorham^s Reformation Gleanings, 1857, p. 17. 

^ John Hilsey. 



This ii another MS. lunong John Foxe's pnpers. It 
evidentlj contemporiu';; and it coiitnini some facta and 
are not uoticed clseisliere, except as Strype umj have 
source. The documeot therefore deserves to be printed 

It appears most probable thnt all thi 
1334, thoiigb 1555 in prefixed to most of the latter paragraphs. Such of them, 
however, as are ehewbere recorded, will bo found to belong to 1354. 
IMS. Harl. 419, f. 131.] 

1554. This yeare was comaundement gyven, that in all churchis 
in London, the sepulcre should be had upp agayn, and that every 
man should beare palraes, and goo to shrifte,' 

On Ashe weddinsday that Wyat was at Charinge crosse," did 
docter Weston stnge masse before the quenc in hamesse, under hia 
vestmentes :" this Weston reportid himself unto one mr. Robardes. 

1555. On Ilallowo thursdaie^ the quene went [in] procession about 
the courte at Seiuct Jamca by London. And Burne bussliopp of 
Bath dyd ther were a myter in pixicessioniand a paicr of elyppers of 
aylver and gilte, and a paier of riclic glove-s, with great owches of 
aylver uppoa them, being very riche. 

* ». t. thebolj lepulrhre to be roadofur Good Pridiy.pJms to be auriedon P»lmSiindaj, 
and confewiini made on ShroTe Tueadaj. Of tbeee aacient Qiago, with thai ofdiatribnting 
ashaon Aah Wednesdnj, ample particulan will be (bund in Onind'a 

They bad been abandoned in tbo Isl of Edw. VI. and were now revised in the dioreH of 
London lij biibop Bonncr'a injunctions, upon vhiob John Bale pubtiahcd a " DecLotv 
tion" and commenlarf . Thern' alu appeared " A Dialogue, orfiimilisrTalkc between two 
nelgbboun concernyng the chyetest ceremonyei tliat were, by the migbtie power of Ood'a 
moat bolie pure word, lupprnwd in England, and nowe for our UDworthinea set up 
agayne by the biihoppea the impea of Antichrist, Slc. From Roaoo tbe 20, of Febnury, 
a.n. IG64."12mo, 

• February 7, 15S3-4. * See a note hofore in p. Ifi6. 
' Probably Mays, ISSl.ahortiy after Gilbert Bourne (slrvudy nullLi'd i<> p. 112] liaJ 

d blahup of Batb and Wella. 


1555.a This yeare, the xix dale of Maye, came my lady Elizabeth 
out of the Tower by water, and so went westward unto Woodstock. 
At her comyng out of the Tower there were uppon the Teames a 
nomber of botes, full of people, which greatly rejoysed to se her, 
and heavy also for her trouble, that she went under safe-keping. 

1555 {read 1554). The second daie of Aprill this yeare beganne 
the postle masse againe at Poules.* 

1555. This yeare the xxiiij daie of June a preist was put into 
Newgate for synging the Englishe letany in his parishe church at 
Charing crosse. 

1555.° This yeare the ix worthies at Graces churche was paynted, 

• Certainly 1554. See the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 76, and 
Machyn's Diary, p. 63. 

^ The apostles* mass was one of the three masses which were daily performed by the 
minor canons of St. Paul's cathedral — Missa Beats Maris, Missa Apostolorum, Missa 
Capitularum. (Consuetudines Eccl. S. Pauti Lund., printed in Dugdate's Hbtory of St. 
PauPs, edit. Ellis, p. 853.) It appears to have derived its name from having been per- 
formed at the apostles' altar, (Ibid. edit. Ellis, p. 333,) and had been stopped in 1549. 
By a letter addressed to bishop Bonner dated the 24th June in that year, the council, 
*' having very credible notice that within your cathedral church there be as yet the 
ApottUs masse and our Ladies masse and other ma»es of such peculiar name, under the 
defence and nomination of our Ladies communion and the Apostles eommunionf used in 
private chappels and other remote places of the same and not in the chauncell, contrary to 
the King's majesties proceedings,*' &c. direct the immediate discontinuance of the same. 
This letter is printed by Foxe, together with Bonner's letter written on the 26th, forward- 
ing the same to the dean and chapter. This prohibition will be found noticed in the 
Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, at p. 59, and at p. 88 its revival, under the 
misnomer of " the epestylle masse,*' at the same date as in the text, " the y day of Aprille/* 
1554, not 1555. Machyn, in his Diary, under the sameyear, says "The xxx. day of ApreU 
begun the postyll mass at Powles at the v. of the doke in the momyng evere day :** which 
means, perhaps, that during the summer months the mass was at an earlier hour than in 
the winter. Again, after the accession of Elizabeth, Machyn says, "The xxx day of 
September (1559) begane the momyng [prayer] at Poulles at that owr (ue. at the same 
hour) as the postylles masse.** The Rev. Dr. Rock (who obligingly answered an inquiry 
of mine on this subject, in Notes and Queries, 2nd series, vol. v. p. 297,) suggests that 
the ritual used for this mass was probably that to be found both in the Roman and 
Salisbury missals for June 29 ; on which day of the month, though not in the same year, 
St. Peter and St. Paul suffered martyrdom at Rome. 

^ This date, again, should be 1554. 


and king Henry the eight emongest them with a bible in his hand, 
written uppon it terbum dei, but cominaundement was geven ymme- 
diatlye that it should be put out, and bo it was, and a, paier of gloves 
put in the place.' 

1555 [4?]. This yeare tliexj or xij daie of September In Ypswicb, 
beinge a xj parishe churches, there was but ij preistea to serve them, 
and in all Suffolk very fewe in comparison to the towens. 

This yeare, the Sondaie "" after All-hallowe daie, did certene prestes 
ther penaunce at Poules, and went before the procession, cch of them 
in a whit shirt, with a tapere in one hand, and a whit rode in the 
other. In the procession, thebussbopp came and displed them, and 
then kysscd them. Then they stode before the preacher at Poules 
Crosse till the praiers were made; then dyd the preacher disple them, 
and so they put of ther whit vesture, and stode all the reast of the 
sermond in ther clothes. 

1 555." This yeare, the xxvij daie of November, did the parliament 
sit at the courte at Whit-hall in the chamber of presence, where the 
quene sat highest, rychlye aparelid, and her belly laid out, that all 
men might see that she was with child. At this parliament they said 
laboure was made to have the kinge crowned, and some thought 
that the quene for that cause dyd lay out her belly the morc.^ On 
the right band of tlie quene sat the king; and on the other hand 
of him the cardinall,* with his capp on his head: who made an 

Clironiole of Queen Janesnd Queen Mai7, p. TB, 
t of [Ilia ceremon; In the Chronicle ol (he Grey 
Machyn'B DUr;, p. 73. Thepriests woretomeot 
uiib Iheir wi*e*. SUype, Memoriala of Cranmer, 
t in the dioce» of London who were called to 
perfomied Uie required penance. 

• Seoolher voraionsof tbis 
<< Nov. 4, 1GS4. See uiDthor account ol 

Prlars of London, p. 92 : and a third in Ua, 
thoae Kba wore now compellsd to relinquiit 
p. 32S, haa given a liM of those prietta ii 
amount on Ihii head, and tpociflea thoM w1 

" AIM laM : «e Machjn'a Diary, p. IS. 

' The tenure in an earidom or barany pouened by the husband of an beireia was fan. 
eidered (u be i?anflrniod by the birlh of a child, before which it wu incomplete. The 
pMiagB in the text ia luggeated by the application of (hia doctrine to the croivti. Had king 
Philip been crowned he would have continued king of England after quc«n Karj'f deilh. 

• Cardinal Puto. Ills omlion i> giten at full in John Elder's Ifiler, reprinted in the 
Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Murj. p. It-i. 

CA3ID. HOC. 2 P 



oracioD, that pope Juliua the thirde had sent thcni his benediction 
and blessiug, uppoo their reconsileacion agnine; willing them to 
knele all dowen uppon their knees, to receive the pope's blessing 
and benediction," for ther falling from the pope and his lawes and 
statutes, and in hope that they will turne to tlier ould use and 
cuatome againe, the pope by him offerith them his blessing: and so 
they all kneled dowen and receyved it, all save one* sir Uaulf 
Bagnall,*' who said he was sworne the contrary to king Henry the 

■ Btail abwlulion. 

'' The cireiuDitaacc tlul lliere wu cmi Buunber of the lomr houw of puliuDiml that 
ventured to open his mouth at tbia cridi, i* meotioncd, but withoat naming biin, bj 
bishop Gnnlyner, in thd conne of bii eumination of the inanjr John Rogcn, on tho 2'2B<t 
Jan. 16Eii-G. On tbM occuion Qardjner (then lord cbancellor) HJd lo Rogcn: " Yo 
hare heard of taj lord cardinal's (Pole) eommjng, and that the parliament bath 
rn»jved bii blening, not one rmiating unto it, liul SNi man ukick diit ipiatt a<^iiul il. 
Soch a unitle, and auch a lujraclo, bath not b«en aeon. And all Ibej , of which there arv 
■jgfat Boore in one houae, law {\) one that mat b^ , vkoie luine ! Hovnol, have with ona 
aasent rereyied pardon of Ihair oifena«B, for the wliiam that we haTo had m England, iu 
rafuaiog tho holj father o( Rome lobe head of the CatholiclieChnrcb." (I'ow.) 

(1) This word baa been miaprinled '■ laid " in all the edition a ofFoio hefore the Uat; 
but it waa pointed out lo be an error for " aave " iu the errata to the ftnt editinn at 15<!3,, 

" Sir Ralph Bogenal was aiideutlj an extraordinar)' personage in hia daj. The editor 
of the Urt edition of Foxe, (18*6, tI. 776,) baa termed him *• Ibia noble-minded individual " 
in rvfbrenac to the paasoge in Sli^pe (Memorials, iii. 20 J,) derived from the atatcmeDl in 
the text : but, from what wo clHiwhere find of him, be wai more probably a recklc« dia- 
aolute courtier, who choee to adopt the ProCeatanl party, and, having but little to low, did 
not stop abort, from any acrupita of aobriety or caution, in doing ot aajing whatever Oio 
inipulae of the moment dictated. Underbill in a paaugo already printed (p. 158) liaa 
tlaaaedhim with Ilia gamblen and "rufBing rojalen" of the reign of Hancy VIH. 
Ilia name occun aaone of the defender! In tlie joata holden on tho morrow of king Edward'a 
curnnation Feb. 21, ISlli-T. In 6 Edw. VI. heobUinedagnnt of Dieohiera abbey in 
StnlTurdahire, with varioua dependent manor*, oa thua related by Sampaon Erdeiwick : 
" TJie aald houic, witli the moat thing) belonging to it, waa given, in king Edward lb« 
Siith'a time, to air Kaufe Bagenbolt, for hia advancement. But air Rauh (good-lellow 
like) ditpened it tl if<di'rj)uv]fcriAiii,farheaald it lo the tenanti, tor the moit put loeierj 
man hia own, at m reasonable a rate, that they were well ablo to perform the purohaM 
thervot, and [he] apent the money he received, gcnllrjman-like, leaving bia aon air Samuel 
Uagenbnll (now lalely knighted at Cal«, anno IGUO) to advance biniHlf by hia valour, aa 
he bad done before." (Survcj of 8latTord*hire, edit. 1841. p. 403.) The »me author, 
when treiiliiig of the village ot Bageahall, had previuuaiy (p. IC) thus noticed til* Eamilj, 


eight, " which was a worthy prince, and labourid xxv" yeres before 
he could abolish him, and to say that I will nowe agree to it, I 
will not," 

slier listing lliat tliojr occumHl in nscordi of Itic lime of Henry lU. : "bul ■ince then ti\ 

until thij> aur prmsnl age, Ilial two brethren of thtt *umamo, son) of John Bngenhall, 
born at Barlccton [olAir topia lay Newcaitle], the one lUlte, the other NicboUa, wen 
tor tbeir valour. Kaute at MuHelbarough [1651] had Nlcbolaa in Irehnd [1S6S] both nf 
them adorned with the honour of knighlhood ; the ion of whioh sir Nirholas, Henry by 
name, tracing hia fatlier'a atepa, a lim advanced to the umc digniiy [ISTSj, u WM sIbo 
Samuel the son of Rulgih, knighted for his militu]' acr'icea [u in the preceding pon- 
gnph]." It does not Bpgiear for what place lir Ralph mm tilting at the time of bi* 
memorftble tpeech In parliBmenl ; but in 1 Rlii. be represented the count]' of Stafford, bis 
bntber air NiohoUa tben sitting for Newcastle- under- Lyme. In 5 Elii. air Ralph ul fin 
NawetMIe, in IS Elii. air John [qu. sir Ralph again ?) Sir Ralph wu sheriff of 
Staflbrdihire in 2 Elii. His name occura so late a* 1ST2 u being one of the com- 
dUmoubh (or conCDiUed landt. wbOHi conduct (according to Strjpe) had become "so 
odimu, «a unjuR, and so oppreasiie, that, bj tbe lord Ireiuurer's mejuia, tlio queen bj 
praelamation revoked her cotntniuiati, and Ibrced them lu ralore iho thingi the; had 
WTongfult; taken. But tfaej itood upon their juatiflcalion, and laboured again to get 
their eommivion renewed : and particularly one air lUcliard [read Ralph] Bagnal did m, 
who waa very severe, especially upon the clergy, being alto In commission (cither with 
Qeorge Delrn and Lancelot Boilocb esquires, or concurrently with them,) to compound 
for oifences gainst the statute of non-residence, and other offencea of (be clergy, and 
Id take the whole commodity thence arising." (See Stiype'a Annali, ii. 313, and hia 
Life of Arcbbiahop Parker, book iv. ohaptera 21 and IS ; also Archbishop Parker's Corre- 
■pondenee, printed ti>r the Parker Society, pp. 113, iU.) Sir Ralph Bageni 
Sable, vilhin an orle of martlets argent an incscocheon ermine charged with a leopard's 
boe guln ; and his crest. On a wreath or and sable a dragon's head erased gulea charged 
with two bara or. (MS. Collon. Claudiui, C. til.) Sir Nicholas Bagenal aboie men- 
Uoned occun aa maitiial of Ireland, 2S Jan. 1550-1. (Priyy-coDOcil register.) 

In Ward's History of Stoke- upon- Trent, 1843, 8vo., p. 346, there ii a pedigree of this 
family, extending from William Bagenball of Newoaatle-under-Ljme, 1 Edw. IV, (tbe 
greal-grandralher of sir Rslph) (o Anna-Maria and Frances the daughters and coheirs of 
John Bsgnall esq. of Early Court, Berks, who were married respectiTcly to William Seolt, 
Lord Sl"»ell. and the Hon. Thomas Windsor. 




Reminiscences of John Louthe. 

Page 1. Inquisition on the death of Lionel Louthe esquire. — By inquisition 
taken at Stilton on the lOtb May, 13 Edw. lY. it was found that Lionel 
Louthe esquire held no lands in the county of Huntingdon of the King in 
chief or in service ; but that Thomas Wesjnham esquire, Thomas Thorpe 
esquire, and William Horwode, being seised in fee of the manor of Bealmes 
in Sawtre, and the advowson of the church of saint Andrew, had by charter 
dated 20th Sept. 23 Hen. YI. demised the same to Lionel Louthe and 
Katharine his wife, and the survivor of them, with remainder to the right 
heirs of Lionel: and that, on his dying so seised, his widow was left in 
possession. Lionel died on the feast of saint Andrew (30 Nov.) 1 1 Edw. FY. 
(1471), and Thomas his son and heir was of the age of twenty-four and more 
at the date of the inquisition. The manor, &c. were held by Henry duke of 
Buckingham, as of his manor of Southo, and were worth per annum twenty 
marks. (Inq. p. mort. 12 Edw. lY. No. 31.) 

Page 4. The inquisition on the death of Thomas Louthe is preserved, but in 
an injured and obliterated state. It was taken at St. Ive*s on the 28th May, 
26 Hen. YIII. He had settled the manor, &c. of Sawtrey, so that on his 
death Thomasine his widow became seised thereof. It was valued at xx li. 
and held of Henry Nores, esquire of the King^s body, as of his manor of 
Sowthoo, as the fourth part of a knight*s fee. Thomas Louthe died on the 
26th Oct. 1533, leaving his great-granddaughter Margaret his heir, she being 
the daughter of Lionel, son of Edmund, son of the said Thomas, and at the 
death of the deceased four years old and more. 

Page 14. It is worthy of remark that doctor Robert Lowth, bishop of 
London 1777-1787, bore the same arms as our archdeacon (without the 
crescent), and was probably descended from the same family. He was not 


only, like John Lnuthe, a scholnr of Winchester college, but n nntive of thnt 
oily, where his father was a prebendary, lie published the Life of Willioiu 
of Wyfcehain in 17S8, Uia great-grandfather Simon Lowth wub rector of 
Tilehurst, in Berkshire. There was another Simon Lowth, rector of Dingley 
in NorthamptoneUire, in 1633, who wiia father of Simon Lowth, D.D. a non- 
juror, nominated dean of Rochester by James the Second (a memoir of whom 
is given in Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary). 

Page 23. Tliefirit Proleitan/s at Oxford.— The following members of the 
university of Oxford are named in the narrative of Anthony Dalaber (given 
by Foxe), among those who, besides himself, then a scholar of St. Alban hnll, 
were in 1528 suspected to be infected of heresy, from having purchased such 
books of God's truth as were brought to Oxford by Thomas Garret, fellow of 
Magdalen college, and curate of Honey-lane in London : — 

1. Maieter John Clarke, which died in his cbambrc, and could not be 
RulTered to rcceyre the communion, being in prison, and saying [in substi- 
tution for the elements] these woordes, Crede el tnandaeaati. 

2. Maister Somner, and 

3. Maister Bettes, feilons and canons of Friswith's college. 

4. KIchard Tavemer, then organist at Friswith's. lie was charged with 
concealing tome of the books under the boards of his school, but Wolsey 
excused bim, by saying that he was but a musician (see Alhente Can- 
tabrigicnses, i. 33S). 

5. Radley. These five all of Friswllh's or Cardinal college. 

6. Nicholas Udsll, of Corpus Christi college, allerwnrda master of Eton 

7. Sir Diet or Dyott, also of Corpus Christi college. 

8. Maister Edon, fellow of MogdaJen college. 

9. A black monk of S. Austines of Canterbury, named Langporte. 

10. Another black monk of S. Edmondes Bury, named John Saliabuiy, 
afterwards suSrngan bishop of Thetford, dean of Norwich, and bishop of 
Sodor and Man (see Athens) Cnntab. i. 318). 

11. 12. Two white monks of Barnard college. 

13, 14, Two canons of S. Maries college, one of them named Robert Ferrar, 
afterwards bishop of S. Davies, and burned in queue Maries time. 

" — with divers other." In a letter of John (Longland), bishop of I,inpoln, 
to cardinal Wolsey, "wryten in Ilolborn the thyrd day of March," IS27-B, it 
it stated that " The chefe that were famylyarly acquainted in this mater with 
master Uarrott was master Clarke, master Freer, air Frjth, sir Dyott, Anthony 
Delabere." And in another letter of the same writer to the cardinal, written 
two days Inter, " Master Freer was taken yesterday at the Blakke freera, 



LonJon, upon the commnutidciiicnt, inuncdiutelj af\er youT ilepnrtui 
Garrotl, Gierke, and Freer are thre porjlous moD, and have bene o 
coiTuptian of the jougthe. They have doou innche miacheve; and for the love 
of God latt them [be] hnndeled thcraflcr, for I feare me score thej have 
infecte laanj other partes of England, which will nppere if Ihey be strateljr 
handeled and examyned." See the letters in Appendix VI to the vth volume 
of Poxe'a ActeB and Monuments, edit. TowDsend and Cattlej. 

In 1532 Thomas Garret and Anthonj Dalaber did ponance at Oxford, "car- 
rjing a fagot in open procession from saint Maries church to Friswides, Garret 
having his red hoode onhia shoulders like a maistre of arte." 

Bearing a fagot irae part of the penance performed by heretics in the public 
ceremony of their recanlatton. Among the articles laid to Richard (or Robert) 
Bayfield in 1531, is this: 

" 8. Item, after jour abjuration it was enjojned to you for penance, that you 
ahoald go before the cross in procession, in the parish church of S. Bultolf at 
Biltinges gate, and to beare a fagot of wood upon your shoulders." (Foxe, Ist 
edit. 1063, p. 4S1.) 

The ceremony is circumstantially described by Foxe in his story of doctor 
Robert Barnes, when prosecuted In 1540; — 

" Then they (bishops Gardiner and Foxe — the former then secretary to 
cardinal Wolsey and the latter master of the wards) — commaunded the warden 
of the Fleele to carje hym with his feliowes to the place from whence he came, 
and to be kept in close pryson ; and in the morning to provide S fagots fur 
doctour Barnes and the 4. StJUiard men. The 5. Stilliard man was conunendcd 
to have a taper of fi pound weight to be provided for him, to offer to the roode 
of Northen* in Faulea, and oil these things to be ready by 8. of the clocke in 
the morning; and that hee with all that be could make, with bits and gleaves, 
and the knight marshal! with hie tipstaves that he could make, should bring 
them to Faulea and conduct them home again. In the morning they were all 
readye by theyr houre appoynted in Paules church, the church being so full 
that no man coulde get in. The cardinal [Wolsey] bad a scaffold made on the 
top of the Blairea for himselfc, with 36 abbots, mitred priors and byshops, and 
he in his whole pompe mitred (which Barnes spake against) sate there in- 
thronixed. his cbaplelns and spirituall doctors in gownesof domaske and satine, 
and he bymselfe In purple, even like a btoudye Antichriste. And there was a 
new pulpit erected on the top of the staires also, for the bishop of Rochester 

• This waaa bioarito ohjccl or ilcTOlion at Ilia North door of St. Paur* ehureh, 
mcntianDd u ■ pU« of great rcwrt lijr archbliliop Arumlol in liii u'tuniiiiatiun o( Tt 
Tboriw in 1467. ll wa> Ukm down in ths jru 1G37. 




[Heatli] to preache against LuthiT and doctor Barnes : and great buekctg 
full of t>ookca standing before lliem within the rsiles, nhioh was commaunded 
after the great fire was made afore the roode of Nortlicn there to be burned, 
and theK heretikes after the sermon to goe thryie about the lire, and to cast io 
thojr fagots," 

Latimer writes, in a letter to sir Edward Bajnton, — " Good saint Paul must 
bavc boriie a fagot, my lord of London [Bonner] being his judge. Oh, it had 
beenc a goodly sight to have seene saint Paul with a fagot on his backe, even 
at Paul's croBse, my lord of London, bishop of the same, sitting under the 

In the reign of Edward VI. the same course was still pursued towards the 
aDBbaptiHts. On low Sunday (1S49) one of them named Champenes bare a 
Cigot at Paul's cross, where Miles Coverdale preached the rehearsal sermon ; 
and on the following Sunday a farmer of Colchester named Putto, who had 
recanted, bare a fagot at Paul's cross, and after that at Colchester. (Stowe's 
Chronide, and the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. S8.) 

Sometimes the memory of the penance was perpetuated by a badge repre- 
senting a fagot being sown upon the ofTeader's dress. In IfiOfi, we read of one 
William Brewster, who, " after other pcnaunce done at Colchester, was enjoyned 
to weare a fagot upon his upper garment during his life ; wbiche badge he did 
beare upon his left shoulder ncare the space of two yeares, till the controller of 
the carle of Oxforde pluckt it way, because he was labouring in the workei of 
the carle." 

In 1530 Thomas Comwell or Austy, who had been injoyned by bishop 
PitijaiDes for his penance to wear a fagot brodercd upon his sleeve, under pain 
of relapse, having failed to keep the same, was condemned to peqietual custody 
in the house of S. Barlholemew. 

Page 23. JiiAn Petit. — Since the note in this page was written, a persevering 
research has recovered some memorials of John Petit. The records of the 
Grocers' company arc ancient, but not at present accessible. In those of the 
city of London at Guildhall, which arc in an admirable state of preservation, 
Petil's election to parliament is recorded ; but it docs not appear that he occu- 
pied that (tosition more than once, instead of for " twenty yeiira," as stated by 
archdeacon Louthe. The ancient mode of election for the city was that two 
out of the four representative citizens should be returned by the nldL'rmen, and 
two by the commoners ; and the result in 1529, when Petit was choseo, waa as 
follows : 

Et postea ad hustingus tcntas die martis viz. quinto die Octobris anno rcgoi 
regis Hcnrici octavi xxj", in magna aula, immeusa communitate tune presente, 

Tbouias Seymer miles et aldcrmaunua, 


Johannes Baker recordator, 

— per majorem et aldermannos nominati in interiori camera Gujbalde, et 
posiea per dictam communitatem in aula confirmati et ratificati, 

Johannes Petyte grocerus, 

Paul us Wythjpolle mercator scissor, 

cives civitatis prsedictae, cominarii electi per dictam communitatem. (Journal 
Rudston, f. 149.) 

The probate of Petit*s will, which is recorded in the prerogative court of 
Canterbury (22 Thower), shows he was dead in little more than three years 
after his election to parliament. It was proved on the 24th Jan. 1532-3, before 
dr. Richard Gwent, then commissary of the vacant see, and is as follows: 

" In the name of God, amen. The xxij' day of August, in the zxiij' yere of 
king Henry the viij*, I, John Petyt, of London, grocer, beinge hole of mynde, 
make this my last wille and testament, in maner and forme follow inge : First, I 
bequeth my soule to Almighty God and my bodye to the erth in cristen buriall ; 
also I bequeth my yeres and termes of my house and kaye to Luce nowe my 
wife. Item, I bequeth and wille that my detts be paide to every persone that 
I owe money unto. Item» I wille and geve all the residue of my goodes move- 
able and unmoveable to my wife and children indifferently to be devided, that 
is to say, the oon halfe thereof to my wife and th'other balfe to my children 
equally to be devided amonge them whan they come of lawful! age or mariage, 
accordinge to the custume of the citie of London thereof longe tyme used, and 
I make and ordeyne my sole executrice of this my last wille Luce my wife. In 
wittnesse whereof I have written this present wille with myne owne hand the 
daye and yere abovesaide." 

The name of ** John Petit alias Petye** occurs in a list given by Foze (first 
edit. 1563, p. 418) of those forced to abjure in king Henry's days, but in 
uncertain years. 

John Petit was not the only representative of the city of London in parlia- 
ment who at this period fell a victim to his patriotism and honesty. Robert 
Packington^ mercer, was in the year 1536 * murdered in Cheapside ; and his 
death, according to the report of Hall, Grafton, Bale, and Foze, was generally 
attributed to the malice of the clergy. HalPs narrative of the story is as 
follows : " In this yere one Robert Packyngton mercer of London, a man of 
good substaunce, and yet not so riche as honest and wise, this man dwelled in 
Chepeside at the signe of the Legg, and used daily at foure of the clock winter 
nnd sommer to rise and go to masse at a churche — then called saint Thomas of 
Acres, but now named the Mercers* chapel, and one momyng emong all other, 

• Foxe says 1538, but Hall places the murder in 28 Hen. VIH. u-e. 1536 or 7. 


OS lie 

beyng a great mistie mortijng fupIi m hsth spUlomo bcsoene, 
wns crossjng the aLrcte from liie bouse to Ihe churcbe, hu vas sodenlj mur- 
dered with a, ^nriL-, whiche of the neighbors wna plajnlj hiird ; and hy a. gfeat 
norabre of Inborers at the anme tjme stFuidyn^ at Soper lane end he ytas both 
»ene go furth of hia iiouae, and alao the clap of the gonne naa hard, but the 
ilede-doer was never espied nor knowen. Many were suspected, but none 
could he found faut^ : bowbeit it is true that, fornamuuh as lie was knowen to 
be a man of a great courage, and one that could botii speakc, and aluo would 
be hantc: and that the anuie tyme he was one of the burgesses of the parlia- 
ment for the eitie of London, and bad talked somewhat againal the covel«u»nes 
and crucltie of the elergie, he was had in contempte with theini, and tlierefcire 
mooste I)'kelT b; one of tbeim thus shamefully murdered, as you perceive that 
master Hoane was in the aixtc yere of tlie rcigne of this kyng." (Hull's 
Chronicle, edit. 1548, fol. CCxxsi, v.) 

To this account Hoi in shed adds, "At length the murtherer in deed was 
condemned at Zlanburic in Oxfordshire, to die for a fellonic which he afier- 
wanis committed ; and when he came to the gallowes on which he sulVcreil, lie 
confeaaed that he did this murther, and till that lime he was never had in anie 
Huspieion therefore." (Chronicle, folio, 1586, p. 944.) 

This passage, it may be hoped, is an answer to the asserlinn of John Fone, 
who in his Actes and Monuments (edit. 1563, p. 525) told the story, in the 
same words as above, but with thia addition : — " although many in the means 
time were suspected [one of whom, Foxe elsewhere tells us, was Singleton, 
chajilain some time to queen Anne Bolayne, and who sulfercd death ns a 
triutor in 1544,] yet none could be found fnultie therin, the murtherer so 
covertly was concealed, tytl at length by the confession of doctour lucent dcano 
of Faules in his deathbed itwaa knowne, and by him confessed that he was the 
author therof, by hiring an Italian for Ix. crownes, or thereabout, to do the 
fcate. For the tcstimonie whereof, and also of the repentaunt wordea of tlic 
said Incent, the names both of tbem which beard him confesse it, and of them 
which heard the witnesses report it, remayne yet in memorie to be produced, 
if needc required." This serious accusation against dean Incenl has continued 
uncontradicted in the pages of Foxe until thia ilay. 

Foxe adds that Robert Faekington was brother to Austen or Augustine 
Packington, mercer, mentioned in a former place of his book, as having been 
employed by Tunstall when bishop of London, about the year 1529, to buy up 
at Antwerp all the unsold copies of Tjmlale's New Testament, with the objett 
of burning them at Paul's cross: but the result of which t 
that the translator was thereby provided with the funds to print 
oiore accurotc cdiliori. 

CAMD. ftlK:. 2 g 



There WHS still anotlier aldcrmrtn of London, who Buffered impriBOnment 
the Trjwer, for the favour he had shown to the Reformers,— //um/iArej/ SIutnmiM, 
or Mimmouth, some account of whoee trouhles will be found in the Actca and 
Blonuments. Among the cliarges brought against him by bishop Sloltesley 
were these, — for having and reading heretical booka and treatises ; for giving 
exhibition lo William Tindal, Roy, nnd such otliers, for helping ihom over the 
sen to I.Htlicr; for miniaterxng privy help lo translate as well the Testoment 
tis other bonks into English, &c. &c. Monmouth served sbcriQ' in 1535-6, but 
b'Jt he did not live to be lord mayor. Foxe erroneously atatca that he was 
knighlcd. lie was buried in the chnruhyard of AUhallowa Barking, where by 
hig will, made in 1537, he dircpted thirty sermons to be preavhed by bishop 
Latimer, dr. Barnes, dr. Crome, and mr. Taylor, in lieu of the trental of roataes 
which had been cnslomary: see Strype's edition of Siowe's Survey. 

Subsequently, in the reign of Mary, there were several aldermen who were 
supposed to favour the Protestant doctrines, and suffered some persecution in 
conacqucni:e. Foxe enumerates their names, " ae master Lodge, master Hawes, 
master Machel, master Chester, &c." The first of these was afterwords sir 
Thomas Lodge, sheritT in I559'60, lord mayor in 1563-4 (of whom see further 
in the notes to Machyn'a Diary, p. 375). The second, John Hals, or Hawes, 
was aheriir in 1558-9, but did not arrive at the mayoralty. The third, John 
Klachell, w»s sheriflT in 1555-S, but also died below the mayoralty, on the I2Ch 
Aug. 1658 (see Maehyn's Diary, p. 170). Tie last, sir William Chester, sheriff 
in 1554-5, lord mayor in 1560-1, is noticed iu Machyn's Siary, p. 3S1, and tlierc 
is a memoir of him in the Athene Cantabrigienses, i. 311. 

Page 27. The marfyrdom of Thomas Bilnei/ took place an 
August, 1531 (sec Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol. 
is remarkable that Petit'a will (already given) is dated only thi 
and it may therefore have been made whilst he was still in the Tower, where 
we are told he was Bilney's fellow -prisoner. Thei'e is some inconaielency in 
what Loutb afterwards relates of Petit being secretly visited by Frith, whilst 
tiie latter was a prisoner in the Tower; for that was not until Uic year 1533, 
after Petit'a death. Frith 's visits must have been at an earlier period. 

Vaffi 28. In hia drbte booke these desperatle debtei he enttred Ihns, — Lent anla 
ChrytU. This mods of remitting di;blB is paralleled in the instaui-o of another 
ciliicn of London, John Petit'a contemporary. Sir WilliamFitxWilliain, in hi* 
will made in 1534, " remits and forgives all such poor as be in his debt, whoso 
names uppearelh in his seventh book of debts, under whose names he hail written 
these words, Amare Dei remiOu," (Collins's Peerage.) It was eustoiTiary for 
e.vecutors and uUicrs to class the debts of an estate under the hoakla Sperale 
and Detpenitv. 

the 19th of 
p. 300). Il 
dnys later: 



Tu^eSS. WiUiam Ilollei, the leeond huibaad of Luiy Petit.— lie was tlic 
son of Williuiii BMva csc(mre, of Worlliaiii in SufTolk, draccnUud from tbu 
fnioilj living at Haugh in Lincolnshire. He reoeWeJ the roval liPetiie to jmr- 
chosQ the manor of Osberton, in the parish of Worksop, jo 32 lien. YXIl., and 
lliua brought his wife Lucj, the widuw of John Petit, into the sphere of Mih~ 
■Icocoa Louth'g acquitintance. Ho dii>d March 2, 1J82, and his will was jiroved 
on the aoth May, 1583, "giving hia aout lo God almighty, hoping Ihrougli 
Jvsua Christ to be saved, and his boily to be buried in the south side nf the 
(]ui!rL' or chancel of the parish church of Wyrksop, and to have a fair and lar^e 
innrblc, with his arms and cognieance of hia wife Lucje Holies graven in 
uiL'ltle oalted lattin, and set forth in tlicir right colours. As also, on the same 
to lie graven nr written the duy and year of bolh their deutha, whose wife's 
death was 38tb November, 1558, whose bones he will have taken up where 
they lye, in the body of the said church of Wirkxop, and laid by his and his 
lost wife Agnes Hollea, who departed this life ad Nov. 1569." No remembrance 
of the proposed fair marble and its coininemorative engravings is presetted ; 
iind we are consequently not ncquninted with " the cognisance of his wife 
LuiTye." His posterity, descended from her, continued at Uxberton until the 
mi<ldie of the seventeenth century, when their heiress was married into the 
fuinily of Leeke. (History of Worksop, by John Holland, 1826, 4to. pp. 184, 

I'nge 31, note, Luify Purry.— Anne, daughter nf sir William Read, of Uore- 
stull in Quckinglinmshire, was married successively lo sir Giles Greville, str 
Adrian Fortescne, and sir Thomas Parry, comptroller of the household to 
queue Elizabeth, who died Dee. 15, 1604, and was buried in Westminster 
abbey. See a biographical note ou sir Thoiuas Purry in Lodge's Illustrations of 
British History, vol. i. p, 302. Lady Parry died Jan. 5, IS6S : see licr 
epitaph at Welfoi'd, in Ashmule's Berkshire. 

Page 39. Family hitlary of Anne Atkew. — The (larentiige of Anne Askew is 
undisputed. She was the aeeond daughter of sir William jVBkew,or Ayacough, 
uf South Kelsey, county Lincoln, by bis Eirst wife Elizabeth, daughter of 
Thomas Wrottesley. 

But the identity of her husbanil has not bei^n ascertained. Mr. I'isbuy 
Thompson, b his History of Boston, Iblio edition, 1856, at p. 388, remarks, 
"Kverytiiing relating to this martyr for conscience sake apiK'ars to be involved 
in impenetrable mystery ;" but at p. 385, Mr. Tbom|>sim conjectures that 
her husband was of the Stickfurd branch uf the Kymc family, upon the evidcnee 
of an armorial uoat (a chevron between three trefoils), supposed to b>> that of 
Kymc of Stickford, iiuindeil with Ayseough in the Ayscough cbnpel ut Kelsey. 
Butas the some bearings were those of Hubert Williamson of Noltingliamshire, 


wlio iiiiiiried Fnitli, daughter ut' i>ir Edwnrd Ajscough,* tliiH conjecture is not 
iuijjrobnbl^ based upon unBubstanlial evidence. 

Ill tbe Bistory of SleaTorJ, 1825, Bvo. p. 269, Anne Aeken is said to Iiave 
resided at Austhorpe, or Ewerbj Tborpe, till ber iuiprisonnient ; but no 
authority is alleged Tor thnt statement.'' 

Even her husband's chcietinn name is uncertain, for vtfailst Speed ualls liim 
Juhn Kjme, he appears bj the name uf Thomas in the register of the privy 

In tbu hope of solving this diRieuU; I have had recourse tu llm inquisitions 
post mortem ; but tbe result is atJU ambiguous and uneatisl'autorf. TLomas 
Kjme esquire, who died 9th August, 1 Edw. VI. seized nf Ililstall and other 
liuids in Frjsknej, WaynBet, Wrangle, and Tborp, left a son and heir named 
ThoiRoa, aged thirty years and mure, who may have Ireen Anuc Askew'a hua- 
bund. There was also a John Kyuie, who had a small estate of 3l. IGi. yearly 
value in Fryskney and Waynflele, and died 17th Out. I and 2 Phil, and Mnry, 
leaving Thamat bia cousin and heir, aged forty years and more. This Thuiuuii 
is stated to have been buried at Eriakney in IG91, in Oldfield's History of 
Waintleet and Caiidlesiioe, p. 170. 

The circunmtanees uf Anne Asketr's unhappy inarria!;c are thuit described 
by Bate : " Coni'eminj; master Kyuie []ber buBbaud] ibis should seem to be the 
matter. Her fuLlier sir \VilIiam Askewe, knight, and his father old master 
Kymc, were sometime of familiarity and neighbours within the county of 
Linoolnabire. Whereupon the said sir William coyenanted with him for lucre 
to have his eldest daughter [Martha] married with his son and heir — as, in an 
ungodly manner, it is in England much used among noble men, and it was her 
chance to die afore the time uf marriage. To save the money he uonatrained 
this [daughter Anne] to supply her room, so that, in the end, she was com- 
pelled agunst her will or free cousent to marry with him. Notwitlistanding, 
the innrrii^e once passed, she demeaned herself like a Christian wife, and had 
by him (as I oiu informed) two children. In process of time, by otl reading 
tbe sncred Bible, she fell clearly from all old superstitions of papistry lo a 
perfect belief in Jesus Christ; whereby she so oflended the priests, that he, nt 
at their aoggestiou, violently drove her out of his bouse. • • • • Upon this 
uci:usion (I hear say) she sought of tbe law a divorcement from him. ■ * * ' 
Of this matter was she first examined (I think) nt his labour anil suit." 
That is to say, when brought before the council at tireenwicb, she was (as 

• I am ftfourad with Ihtt •UKgution li 
" I'bu Rev, Dr. YerUurgh, Vicar ol S 
ui>|M*cU lu hd«a bc«a the cliitl aunlribati 



An her^plf rclatea) first " aaked of master Ejme. I auairercd that lay lord 
chancellor knew already mj mind on that matter. They with that answer 
were nut contented, but said it was the King's pleasure that I should open thu 
matter to tliem. I answered them plainly that I would not so do ; but if it 
were the King's pleasure to hear mc, I would shew him the truth. Then they 
uid it was not meet for the King with me to bo troubled. I answered, that 
Solomon wag reckoned the wisest king that ever lived, yet inislikod lie not to 
hear two poor common women ; much more his grace a simple woman and a 
faithful subject. So in conclusion I made them none other answer in that 

Thus in this as subsequently in her religious examinations this self-pOMesscd 
and intrepid woman bnd ever an answer ready for faer jieraccutors ; and the 
result of lier csamitintjon before the council was, that tbey deemed her very 
heady, self-willed, and obsdnate, and consequently determined that slie should 
be left to the cruel provisions of the act of the S\x Articlci. 
The entry in the register of the privy council is as follows : — 
" At Greenwiche, June 19lh, 1546.— TAobum Keyme, of Llncolnsbire, who 
hail married one Anne Ascue, called hether, and likewise his wiffe, who refused 
him to be her hosbaode without any honeste nllegacion, was appointed to 
returne to his countrey tyll he slioulde be eflesoones sente for ; and for that 
sbce was very obstynate and headily in reasonyng of matters of relygconu, 
wherein she shewed herselfetu be of a naughty oppiny on, seeinge no perswosiune 
uf good reason could take place, she was sent to Newegatc, to remaine there 
to answere to the lawe; like as also one [Christopher] White," who attemptetl 
to make an crronyous booke, was sente tu Newgate, after debatyng with biin 
of the matter, who shewed himself of a wrong oppinyon concemynge tlie 
blessed Sacrament." 

There ore many incidents in this sad history that on examination invest it 
with additional interest. Anne Askew was an orphan ; her own mother had 
long been dead; her father died between August 1S40 and May 1541, five 
years before the catastrophe. Her bitterest persecutors were of her own family j 
and, from tlie omission of her name in genealogical records, it seems that aft«r 
her death tliey ignored all memory of her. 

I'li^e 40. Mr. Dimeg, who married Anne Askew's sister, was probably a 
strong favourer of the doctrines of the Kefurmation, if we may judge from the 
Old-Testament names which he bestowed on his children. They are thus 
slatt-'ii in hia epitaph at Norton-Disney: " Kic'us Disney ct Nete uxor igus 

■ Sylwl 1 

ri>U;ii1iL!r Willie, of Lhc li 

c Clir 

roy |.-ri« 


filia Wiiri Ilussey luilltis, ux qua procreavit Wiirum, llumfriduti), Joli*ein, 
Danielein, Ciriacum, Zachariam et Isaac filios, et Saratii, Esther, Judith, 
Judeh, et Susannam filias. Jana uxor altera, filia Gulielmi Aiscough inilitis, 
per quam nulla soboles." (MS. Ilarl. 6829, f. 341.) It was, however, pro- 
bably long afler her sister Anne Askew*s death that Jane (by her first marriage 
lady St. Paul) became mrs. Disney. Mr. Disney died in 1578. 

Lionel Throckmorton was nephew of archdeacon Louthe, being the son of 
Simon Throckmorton (son of John of South Elmham, Norf. younger brother 
to sir Robert of Coughton, co. Warw.), by Anne, daughter of Edmund Louthe 
of Sautrey ; which Anne was remarried to John Duke of Bungay, gentleman, 
who died s. p. s. in 1559, leaving her surviving. Lionel Throckmorton was 
under twenty-one in 1540. He died in 1599, having married first Elizabeth, 
daughter of Bartholomew Kempe of Gissing, Norfolk, and secondly Elizabeth, 
daughter of John Blenerhasset of Barsham, by the latter of whom he left 
issue. (Davy's Suffolk Collections, MS. Addit. 19,151.) 

Page 42. Sir George Blaage was not knighted until the expedition in 
Scotland in 1547, in which he served as joint commissioner of the musters with 
sir John Holcrofl. (Patten's Narrative of that Expedicion, p. xxvi.) He was 
then one of the knights made by the duke of Somerset in the camp at 
Roxburgh on the 28th of September. He represented the city of Westmin- 
ster in the parliament which began Nov. 8, 1547. His death in 1551 is 
mentioned in one of Roger Ascham's letters as the loss of one of the brightest 
ornaments of the court. 

Ibid, note ^. Kenelm Throckmorton is mentioned in 1563 as having the 
custody of a French hostage or prisoner detained in England. (Strype's 
Annals, i. 433.) 

Page 43. John LasceUes. He is mentioned with others in the following 
entry of the Register of the Privy Council : — 

" At St. James's, the vij day of June, 1546. Weston the luteplayer, for his 
sedityous conference at sondrie tymes with one Barber and one Latham (sic) 
and LasceUes, with others, upon proffecyes and other thinges styrringe to com- 
motion against the Kinges ma^, after his briefe examination, wherein he 
(t. e, Weston) would confesse small matter in respect of that he had spoken, 
was comitted to the porter's lodge to be further examined." (MS. Harl. 256, 
fol. 217.) 

(Same day.) ^^ Lanam (sic) a prophesier was comitted this day to the Tower 
for prof[esy]inge, according to Weston's and Barber's depositions, and a letter 
was addressed to the lieflcnante for hb saufe kepinge theire accordingly.*' 
(Ibid. f. 217 b.) 



Page 43. The Rocking of Anne Aikent. — The Bpplication of torture In the 
case of Anne Askew wns so irrc^lar and so illegal, that some eminent writers 
have proDounci'd it to have been impossible. Because such a bitrbaritj ought 
not to have been perpetrateil, tbej have argued that it could not have been 
Bttcmpted. Th[s conclusion has not hitherto materially aSeeted tlie general 
stream of our historical and biographical literature, but the following passage 
is an instance of its doing so : — 

" The popular story that she was tortured previously to ber death, and that 
tlie chancellor with his own hands stretched her on the rack, seems nnworthy 
of credit. See Jardine's Reading on the use of Torture." (Women of Chris- 
tianity exemplary for acts of Piety and Charity. By Julia Kavanagh. ] S62.) 
Dr. Lingard also has published the following note: — 

" In the narrative transmitted to us by Foxc as the composition of this nn* 
fortunate woman, she is made to say: fily lord chancellor and master Riuh 
[why the name of bishop Gardiner has since been substituted for master 
Rich in several editions, I know not,] took p^ns to rack me with their 
own baails, till I was nigh dead. (Foxe, ii. 578.) Foxe himself adds that when 
Knivet the lieutenant, in compassion to the auffercr, reftised to order addi- 
tional torture, the chancellor and Rich worked the rack themselves. To me 
neither story appears worthy of credit. For, 1. Torture was contrary to law, 
and therefore was never inflicted without a written order subscribed by the lords 
of the council. 2. The person who attended on such occasions to receive the 
confession of the auffurer was always some inferior officer appointed by the 
council, and not the lord chancellor or other members of that body. 3. There is 
no instance of a female being stretched on the rack, or subjected to any of 
those inflictions which come under the denomination of torture. See Mr, Jar- 
dine's Reading on the use of Torture." (Utstoryof England, fifth edition, 1849, 
TOl. T. p. 201.) 

We now turn to Mr. Jardine's essay, where, in lieu of any detailed enamina- 
tion of Anne Askew's case, we find It summarily disniiased in the following pas- 
sage. Afler stating that he had not discovered n single instance of the appli- 
cation of torture to any persons of noble blood, Mr. Jordine adds, "Nor are 
there during the five reigns to which I have referred ( Edward VI. to 
CliBrles I.) any instances of women being exposed to regular torture; but 
bishop Burnet, in the History of the Reformation (vol. i. p. 342) mentions that 
AnneA£kew,thecelobratedProtcstsntmartyr,WBStorturedin theToweriDl54C, 
and states that the ■ lord chancellor, finding tlie rack-keeper falter in his opera- 
tions, threw off' his gown and drew the rock himself so severely that he nlmnst 
tore her body aEunder." Burnet says there is no doubt that she was tortnrcd,as 
he had seen a relation of the fact in an original journal of the tmnsacfions in 


the Tower. Wliat the authority of this journal might be is uncertain, and 
there is no authentic record of the fact. The story of the chancellor's bar* 
barity is treated by Burnet himself as one of the fables of Foxe's Martyrology, 
and entitled to no credit whatever.*^ 

Thus Dr. Lingard's incredulity rests on the dictum of Mr. Jardine, and 
Mr. Jardine*s on that of bishop Burnet, the " original journal " which bishop 
Burnet cited as his authority being set aside. But, on further investigation! 
it appears that Mr. Jardine has materially misrepresented the sentiments of 
Burnet, whose phrase is " no entire credit," instead of " no credit whatever." 
His words are : '* Foxe does not vouch any warrant for this ; so that, though 
I have set it down, yet I give no entire credit to it. If it was true, it shows 
the strange influence of that religion, and that it corrupts the noblest natures.** 
We further find, that after the publication of the first part of the History of 
the Reformation, the rev. William Fulman pointed out to its author, that the 
statement did not rest simply on the authority of Foxe, but that Anne Askew 
(whose narrative was originally edited by Bale,) had herself* related this cir- 
cumstance of the lord chancellor and master Rich racking her with their own 
hands; ''so (continues Burnet) there is no reason to question the truth of 

* As quoted in p. 48. The fact is also alluded to in her letter to John Lascelles, (writ* 
ten whilst under sentence of death,) in which she remarks : — 

'* I understand the council is not a little displeased that it should be reported abroad that 
I was racked in the Tower. They say now, that they did there was but to fear me ; whereby 
I perceive they are ashamed of their own uncomely doings, and fear much lest the king's 
majesty should have information thereof : wherefore they would no man to noise it. Well ! 
their cruelty God forgive them ! ** Foxe relates that sir Anthony Kny vett, the lieutenant of 
the Tower, actually went to inform the king, the councillors having threatened him for his 
repugnance to the torturing: ** Which when the king had understood, he seemed not very 
well to like their extreme handling of the woman, and also granted to the lieutenant his 
pardon, willing him to return and see to his charge.^^ The MS. original of this passage 
is still preserved, in Foxe*s own handwriting, in the MS. Harl. 419, f. 2, and, to place 
before the reader all the known evidence upon this matter, it is here appended : — 

** Anne Askew. 
'* Syr Anth. Knevyt, lieuetenant of the Tower and of the privy chamber in kynge Henry *s 
tyme, because at the commandement of Wrysley and syr John Baker he would not racke 
so extremely as they required, they put of their gownes, and racked her themselves, and 
fell out with mr. Knevet. He mystrustyng their thrctes, went iyrst to the kyng, and 
shewed hym the whole matter, and obteined so much favour of hym, that [he] came a glad 
man home.** 

[This note is followed by some on the loss of Calais, written in the same way and pro- 
bably at the same time : consequently the preceding would not be written before tlie 
reign of Elizabeth.] 


it ; and Parsons, who detracts as much from Foxe's credit as he can, does not 
question this particular/* * 

So that, instead of giving the story "no credit whatever," Burnet's conclusion 
was that "there is no reason to question the truth of it;" which very materially 
invalidates Mr. Jardine's arguments, upon which Dr. Lingard has relied. 

It is evident that the fact can only be disputed on the supposition that " the 
narrative transmitted to us by Foxe as the composition of this unfortunate 
woman" is a forgery, as Dr. Lingard appears to insinuate; in which case not 
Foxe, but bishop Bale, its first editor, must be responsible for its contents. 

How far such a suspicion can be fairly entertained, every reader of the nar- 
rative must judge for himself; but the general verdict may be anticipated to 
be, that it is too simple, natural, circumstantial, and consistent, to be a fabrica- 
tion. And Dr. Lingard's suggestion appears the less probable, when we re- 
member that it was published whilst the incidents were still recent, and their 
actors still surviving. Anne Askew suffered in 1546, and her narrative was 
edited by Bale in the very next year.** 

Nor is there a total absence of collateral evidence. The journal cited by 
bishop Burnet and ignored by Mr. Jardine has a claim to consideration as the 
production of a contemporary of known station and respectability. The writer 
Anthony Anthony was a man whose name continually occurs in the council 
register and elsewhere as that of an officer of the ordnance in the Tower of 
London, and who would have good opportunities of information.^ 

Besides that, a contemporary letter written by Ottiwell Johnson, a merchant 
in London, to his brother John Johnson in Calais, testifies to the report 

• Parsons, in fact, directly asserts that king Henry himself " caused her to be Appre- 
hended, and putt to the racke,'* in order to ascertain how far she had conversed with the 
queen and ** corrupted " his nieces of Suffolk. Parsons's version of the story is so remarkable, 
and has been so entirely ignored by recent writers, even of his own communion, in- 
cluding Dr. Lingard, that I have thought it desirable to extract it in the subsequent 
pages. It will be seen that he connects Anne Askew with queen Katharine Parr much 
more decidedly than Foxe had done ; and positively asserts that " the said Anne Askue 
was putt to the racke, for the discovery of the truthe." 

^ It is noticed as a new book in a letter of bishop Gardyncr to the protector Somerset 
dated May 21, 1547, printed by Foxe, in the Actcs and Monuments. 

* Anthony's journal is again quoted by Burnet as giving some important particulars 
towards the history of Anna Bolcyno. It i^ to be regretted that Burnet did not print it 
among his Records, or at least state where it was preserved. In the MSS. at the Ashmo- 
lean museum, Nos. 861 and 863, are ** Divers things excerpted out of a book of collections 
made by mr. Anthony Anthony, surveyour of the ordinance to Hen. 8, Edw. 6, and queen 
Mary,"" which may possibly, when examined, afford the desired particulars. 



current in London immediately after Anne Askcw's visit to the Tower. This 
gentleman, after describing dr. Crome's sermon, which was delivered on 
Trinity Sunday the 27th of June, (and which was the occasion of sir George 
Blagge's trouble : see p. 42,) proceeds to state that on the next day, that is, 
" On Monday following, quondam bishopp Saxon (Shaxton), maistres Askewe, 
Christopher White, one of maister Fayrcs sons, and a tailiour that come from 
Colchester or therabout, wer arraigned at the Guyldhall and received theyar 
judgement of the lord chauncelor and the counseil to be burned, and so wer 
committed to Newegate again. But sins that time th^aforsaid Saxon and 
White have renounced thayr opinions, and the talle goeth that they shall 
chaunce to escape the fyer for this viage : but the gentilwoman and th'other 
men remayne in stedfast mynd, and yet she hath hen rakkedisins her condempnacion^ 
(as men say,) which is a straunge thing, in my understanding. The Lord be 
mercifuU to us all!" Letter dated "At London the ij«^« in July, 1546," 
printed in Ellis*s Original Letters, second series, ii. 177. 

Lastly, we have the description of Anne Askew's enfeebled condition at her 
execution, in consequence of her frame having been racked. Foxe relates 
that " she was brought into Smithfield in a chair, because she could not go on 
her feet, by means of her great torments from the extremity she suffered on 
the rack." Louthe, who was present, states that she sat in a chair, supported 
by two Serjeants. The racking had been done in secret ; but its effects were 
made known in the great public market-place. 

The object of torture, as practised in this country, was not to punish, but to 
elicit information from unwilling witnesses. We may therefore admit that, 
when Anne Askew was placed upon the rack, it was not to vent a malicious 
spite, or to gratify any sentiments of revenge or gratuitous cruelty, but we 
find that, as she herself has related, it was to force her to betray her friends.' 
In burning the king's servant John Lascelles, in endeavouring to subject the 
courtier Blagge to the like doom, and in exacting from Anne Askew the 
penalty of her sincerity and enthusiasm, notwithstanding the favour and 
countenance she had received from many ladies of high rank and station, the 
object was evidently to intimidate persons in the highest position; and 
Wriothesley and the Romanist party were so anxious to push their advantage 
that they would gladly at this period have struck at " the head game," and 
found some pretence for attacking ladies that might have afforded a still more 
terrible example.'' The queen herself, who had been raised to the throne 

■ Who somo of these friends wore, or were suspected to bo, will bo shown in a 
subsequent note (p. 311). 

** The proclamation for the discovery of heretical books, which is dated on the Sth 


from a comparatively low condition, was not above their mark — unless we are 
also to disbelieve some other very remarkable passages both of Foxe's history 
and of Parsons's commentary upon it ; and from recent successful experience 
the statesmen of that day assailed as confidently an obnoxious queen as they 
would a rival minister. Under the provocation of such motives Wriothesley and 
Rich may have ventured to exceed the bounds of constitutional law in examin- 
ing Anne Askew upon the rack, and they were such influential members of the 
council that they can scarcely be supposed to have wanted its authority. 
There is therefore no necessity to suppose that the narrative left by the victim 
of this act of inquisitional cruelty was either fabricated or interpolated. 

Extract from Robert Parsons's "Examen of I. Fox his Calendar-Saints. The 
moneth of June." Published in " The Third Part of a Treatise intituled : 
of Three Conversions of England. By N. D. 1604." 8vo. p. 491. 

** After this, upon the second day of the same [moneth of June] there ensue 
foure other burned togeather at one fyre in Smithfield, upon the last yeare of 
the raigne of king Henry the eyght, for Zuinglianisme, Calvinisme, and denying 
the reall presence in the Sacrament of the Altar. Three were men ; to witt, 
Nicolas Belenian, priest, of Salopshire, John Lacells, gentleman of the house 
of king Henry the eyght, [and] John Adams, taylor, of London. But the 
captayne of all was a yong woman of some 24 or 25 yeres old, named Anne 
Askue ; who, havinge left the company of her husband John Kime, a 
gentleman of Lincolneshire, did follow the liberty of the new ghospell, goinge 
up and downe at her pleasure, to make new ghospellers and proselits of her 
religion, untill king Henry restrayned her by imprisonment. This yonge 
woman's story is so pittifully related by John Fox, as he would moove 
compassion on her side, and hatred against the king and his councell, that 
particularly handled this matter, and sought to save her, yf yt had byn 
possible. And twise she recanted publikely, once upon the 20. of March 1545, 
which Fox himselfe doth relate out of the register, subscribed with her owne 
hand, and testifyed by two bishopps, three doctors of divinity, and seaven 
other credible witnesses. Wherin she protesteth and sweareth amongst other 
words: — * I Anne Askue, otherwise called Anne Kime, do truly and per- 
fectly beleve, that after the words of consecration be spoken by the priest, 

July 1.546, and therefore only five days before the racking of Anne Askew, was evidently 
aimed to involve the same parties whom she was urged to betray. It required that " from 
henceforth no man, womarif or other person, of what estatCj condition^ or deyrce he or they 
may &e, shall, after the last day of August next ensuing, receive, have, take, or keep in 
hia or their possession the text of the New Testament of Tyndalo's or Coverdale's/* &c. ficc. 
See Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, ii. 202. 


accordinge to the common usage of the Church of England, there is present 
really the body and bloud of our Saviour Jesus Christ, &c.* 

"Another recantation also she made, or at least an abnegation, upon the 13. 
of June next followinge in the very same yeare in the Guyld Hall of London. 
Where Holinshed declareth, *that she was arraigned before the king's justices 
for spcakinge words against the Sacrament of the Altar, contrary to the statute 
of Sixe Articles,' togeathcr with one Robert Luken, and Joane Sawtry. 
And that she was quitt and dismissed thence, for that there was no witnesse 
to prove the accusation against her. Which in such matters of heresy is not 
likely would have happened, except there also shee had made profession of her 
faith to the contrary. But yet the next yeare followinge, king Henry being 
informed that, contrary to her oathes and protestations, she did in secrett 
seeke to corrupt divers people, but especially weomen, with whome she had 
conversed ; and that she had found meanes to enter with the principall of the 
land, namely with queene Catherine Parre herselfe, and with his neeces the 
daughters of the duke of SufTolke, and others : he caused her to he apprehended 
and putt to the rncke^ to know the truth thcrof. And findinge her guilty, he 
commanded her also to be burned. And by her confession he learned so much 
of queene Catherine Parre, as he had purposed to have burned her also, yf he 
had lyved. As may appeare by that which Fox relateth himselfe of her 
daunger, presently after the burninge of Anne Askue, in the same yeare 1546, 
which was the last of king Henry : prefixinge this title before his treatise 
thereof, *Thc Story of Queene Catherine Parre, late Queene and wife to 
K. Henry the Eyght, wherin appeareth in what daunger she was for the 
ghospell, &c.' In which narration, though Fox, according to his fraudulent 
fashion, doth disguise many things, and lay the cause of all her trouble upon 
bishop Gardener and others, and that the king did kindly and lovingly perdon 
her, yet the truth is, that the king's sicknesse and death shortly ensuynge 
was the cheefe cause of her escape. And the error of the lord chauncelour 
Wriothesley, (afterward earle of Southampton,) who lett fall out of his bosome 
the king's hand and comission for carryinge her to the Tower, gave her 
occasion (the paper being found and brought to her,) to go and humble her 
selfe to the king. At what tyme Fox confesseth, that the king said unto her, 
* Yow are become a doctor, Kate,' &c. And the truth is, that the principall 
occasion against her was for heretical 1 books found in her closett, brought or 
sent her in by Anne Askue. Wherof the witnesses were, the lady Herbert, 
lady Lane, lady Tyrwitt, and others. And hy that occasion was the said 
Anne Ashue putt to the mcke, for the discovery of the truth. 

'» And this is the story of Anne Askue, whome John Bale describeth in these 
wanton words, * Anna Ascua, praiclari generis juvencula, eleganti forma atque 



ingcnio priEdita, &o. — Anne Askuc, i» yong wench of a worshippfnll house, 
anil of elegant bewty and rnre will,' Ac. And ihen he placeth her annmg the 
famous wrytcm of her nge, for tliiit perhapps she wrote some 4 or 5 sheets of 
paper in private letters, which yow may ece sett downe in Fojt. As alao by 
the like reasons he mnketh thu lord Seamer duke of Someraatt a renowned 
WTjter, for settinge his hand perhaps to some proclamations, whilst he was 
Protector : *nd namely to a treatise of peace, printed and gent to ScoLlanJ 
firom Mustleborow field. Whems otherwise he is knowne to have bin acarse 
able to write or rend. And for that llaic calleth Anne Aekue jutmcula, e. 
jDug hesfTer or steere that abideth do yoke, he seemeth not to be farre amisse. 
For that she was a coy dame, and of very evill fume for wnntonnesse : in that 
the left the company of her huEband, maister Kyme, to gad np and downe the 
counlrey a ghospelling and ghossipinge where she might, and ought not. And 
this for divers yeares before her imprisonment ; but especially she delighted to 
be ID London neere the court. And for so mrieh ns Jo. Bale so highly com- 
mendeth her bcwty and youth, aflirminge besides that she was but 25 years 
of age when she was pult to death, yt is easily eeenc what may be sospected 
of her lyfc, and tlml the mysticall speaches and dcmnunds, which lierselfe 
relateth in Foi to have byn used to Uer by the king'* councell, aboute the 
leavinge of her husband, were grounded in somwhat. Especially, aoing that 
•he seemed in a sort to disdaync the bearing of hia name, calling herselfe Anne 
Aakue alias Kiine. And Bale in his deseription of her never so much as 
nnmctb her husband, or the name Kiroe: but only calleth her Askuc, afler 
her fatheTuanic. 

"By aUwhich.flndby the publike opinion and fame that wasof herligbtnesse 
uid liberty in that behalfe, every man may ghcsse what ajufrnnda she was, and 
how fitt for Bale his pen, and for i'ax his Calendar. And the proud and presump- 
tuous answers, quips, and nips, whiuh she gave both in matter of religion, and 
otherwise, to the king's couni'ell and bijihopa, when they examined her, and dealt 
with her seriously for her amendment, do well shew her intollerable nrroganny. 
And yf she hod livoil but few yeares longer, yt is very likely she would have 
come to the point that her dear sister, disciple, and handmnyd, Joane of Kent, 
(alios Knell, alias Butcher,) did. Wliome she used most coofideiilly in 
sendinge heretical) books hither and thither, but especially into tbe court. 
Who dcnycd openly within fourc years alter that our Savior tooke llesh of 
the blessed Virgin. And being condi^mned to the fire by Cranmerand other 
bishops and councelors in king Edward's doyea for the same, (aa in some other 
places also 1 have related, havin^e receaved yl from him that was present, 
•nd heard her spcake the words,) she said scornfully unto them, *Yt is not 
long agoe since yow comlemned and burned that notable holy woman Anne 


Askue for a peece of bread. And now yow will burne me for a pcece of flesh. 
But as yow are now come to beleeve that your selfes which yow condemned 
in her, and are sory for her burning, so will the time come quicklie that yow 
will beleeve that which now yow condemne in me, and be sory also for this 
wronge done unto me,' &c. And this was a nipp given by her to bishopp 
Cranmer especially, who had given sentence against Anne Askue and others 
of the Zuinglian sect : and yet now would seeme to be of yt himselfe. And so 
he is affirmed heere by John Fox, and put for a saint in the same Calendar 
with Anne Askue, whome he burned. And so much of her, I meane both of 
Anne Askue, of whome we have wry ten also largely in the Certamen^ as also of 
Joane of Kent, of whose notable resolute spiritt, in standinge against both 
Cranmer, Ridley, and other preachers after her condemnation, in my lord Rich 
his house for a whole weeke togeather, you may read a testimony of the said 
lord Rich afterward, in the story of John Philpott, December 3. 

" As for the other three, her companions, burnt in Smithfield at the same fyre 
(to witt, Nicholas Belenian, the priest of Saloppshire, John Addams, the taylor 
of London, and John Lacells, the king's servant,) all schollers and disciples of 
this yong mistresse, nothinge is recorded of their acts and gests by Fox, but 
only the copy of a letter sett downe of Lacells, treating against the reall pre- 
sence in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar. Wherin he discovereth himselfe 
to agree neyther with Luther, Zuinglius, nor Calvyn therin, nor in the expo- 
sition of those words. Hoc est corpus meum, but rather followeth the fancy and 
devise of Carolstadius, treated by us before in the third chapter of this part. 
Who, desiring to be singular, affirmed that Christ when he said, * This is my 
body,' pointed not to the bread in his hand, but to his body sitting at the table. 
Of which opinion also Lacells heere sheweth himself to be, in the discourse of 
his said letter. Where, amonge other things, he writeth thus, ' These words, 
Hoc est corpus meum^ this is my body, were spoken (by Christ) of his naturall 
presence. Wliich no man is able to deny, because the act was finished on the 
crosse, as the story doth plainly manifest yt to them that have eyes,' &c. 

" So as Lacells will not have the words, * This is my body,' to be applied to 
the bread, nor meant by Christ of the bread :• but of his naturall body there 
present at the table, which wa5 a peculiar devise of Carolstadius, as before we 

■ Though the letter of Lacells is well known, and of easy reference, it would be unjust to 
him to print Parsons's misrepresentation without at least one extract : *' Furthermore, I doe 
stedfastly beleeve that where the bread is broken according to the ordinance of Christ, the 
blessed and immaculate Lambe is present to the eyes of our fayth, and so we eate his flesh 
and drinke hys bloude, which is to dwell with God, and God with us.^* This seems to 
comprehend the full meaning of the sacrament of the Lord^s Supper, as established in the 
Articles of the Church of England. 


e aignilied, and mayntB^ncd oflerwurd by Anne Askae and thin man ; ac- 
cordinge to nhoBe interprctatioD the sense is, that when Christ is said by the 
Evangcliets to have taken bread in his hand, blesaeil und broken ibc snme, and 
given it to his disciples, saying, ' This is my body," lie pointed not to the bread, 
but to bin body ; as yf he had said, this is bread, (holdinge jt out in liis right 
hanil,) and this is my body, poyntinge to his brcat with bis left hand ; which 
how well it bangeth togealher every man may sec. And yul vrns he so confident 
io this devise as be would needs dy for yt, assuringe himselfe that he should 
presently (ns a martyr) go to heaven, for so he concludeth his foraaid lettiir in 
ihese words, ' 1 doubt not but to enter into the holy tabernacle which is above, 
yea, and there to be with God for ever,' And thus much of Lacells. 

"But of the other two, Belenian and Addams, Foxe wryteth nothing at all, but 
noly in general I of all three he saith thus, 'It happened well for them that they 
died tftgeather with Anne Askue, for, albeit that of themselves they were strong 
and stout men, yet through the example and exhortation of her they were more 
baldened and etyrryed upp through her persuasions to sett apart all kind of 
fear,' &c. La, what the persuasion and example of a woman could do, to 
draw them to this vaync glory of djinge for defence of their own particular 
opinions !" 

Protealanl Ladies of Ihe Court of Ileiiry VIII. 

The ladies of rank who were suspected to be favourable to the Proteslant 
doctrines are named in the following passage of Anne Askew's narrative: — 
" Then came Rich and one of the council (from Foxe's account this appears 
to have been sir John Baker), charging me upon my obedience to show unto 
them if I knew man or woman of my sect. My answer was, that I knew 
none. Then they asked me of my lady of Sulfolk, my lady of Sussex, iny 
lady of Hertford, my lady Denny, and my lady Fitzwilliams. I said if I 
should pronounce anything against them I should not be able to prove it. 
Then said they unto me, chat the King was informed that I could name if I 
would a great number of my sect. I answered that the King was as well 
deceived in that behalf as dissembled with in other matters." Being further 
pressed to state from whom she had received relief whilst in prison, on their 
saying that there were divers ladies who had sent her money, she admitted 
" thai there wa.i a man in a blue coat which delivered me ten gbillings, and 
said that my lady of Hertford sent it me; and another in a violet coat gave 
me eight shillings, and said my lady Denny sent it me. Whether it were true 
or no I cannot tell ; for I am not sure who sent it me, but as the men did say." 

The five ladies, whose names are thus disclosed as persons of high rank that 
favoured the Protestant doctrines, were — 


1. Katharine (baroness WiUoughhy dEreshy) duchess of Suffolk^ the last wife 
of Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk. She is well known from the history of 
her subsequent exile with her husband Mr. Bertie, related by Ilolinshed and 
Foxe, and in a ballad version, which is reprinted in Evans's collection, vol. iii. 
and as a broadside, 1806. See also Lady Georgina Bertie's "Five Generations 
of a Loyal House, 1845," pp. 21 et seq., and references to various incidents 
connected with her religious sentiments in the Index to the Parker Society's 
Works, voce Brandon. 

2. The countess of Sussex was Anne, daughter of Sir Philip Calthrop, and 
second wife of Henry Ratcliffe, second earl of Sussex, K.G. Like Anne Askew, 
she was unfortunate in her marriage ; for, whilst the earl of Southampton was 
chancellor, i.e. between May 1547 and June 1549, she bad separated from 
her husband, and was charged with wishing to marry sir Edmond Knyvett (see a 
long letter of her writing in Miss AVood's Letters of Koyal and Illustrious 
Ladies, iii. 236). In 1552 she was imprisoned in the Tower, on a charge of 
sorcery (some particulars of which are appended in p. 314). After the 
triumph of the Roman faith she was barred from jointure and dower by act 
of parliament 2 and 3 Phil, and Mar. (Journal of the House of Lords, i. 499.) 

3. Anne (Stanhope) countess of Hertford^ afterwards duchess of Somerset: 
a lady whose history is well known. It was said of her in 1550 that her 
chiefest study was the holy Bible : see Ames's History of Printing (edit. 
Herbert), p. 754. (The author of the Index to the Parker Society's Works, 
p. 699, has questioned whether the lady who relieved Anne Askew was not 
Katharine Fillol, the earl of Hertford's first wife : but she was dead before sir 
Edward Seymour became a peer, for in 1536 he was created viscount Beau- 
champ, with remainder to the children of his then wife, Anne Stanhope.) 

4. Joan lady Denny yftL% the daughter of sir Philip Champernoun, ofModbury, 
CO. Devon, and wife of sir Anthony Denny, a privy councillor, and groom of 
the stole to Henry VIII. He died on the 10th Sept. 1549; and she on the 
15th May, 1553. (Topographer and Genealogist, vol. iii. p. 210.) 

5. Lady FitzunUiam. The Rev. Christopher Anderson (Annals of the 
English Bible, ii. 195) has altered the designation of this lady to countess of 
Southampton," evidently on the mistaken presumption that she was the wife of 
sir William Fitz William, who was created earl of Southampton in 1537, and 
died in 1543. This is clearly wrong, as that lady was always called the countess 
of Hampton or Southampton. On the other hand, the compiler of tlie Index 
to the Parker Society's Works identifies the Protestant " lady Fitzwilliams " 
with Anne, sister to sir Henry Sidney, K.G. and wife of sir William Fitz- 

• The error previously appeant in the General Index to Strype's Worka. 


Willi&tD, of Milton, CO. Nortlmmpton, of the King's bench," It 
appears more probable that she was the widow of that air William's grand- 
father, sir William FitzWiiliam, t.bu Erst of Milton, and an aldennaa of 
London, who died in 1534. This was his third wife Jane, daughter aad 
coheir of John Ormond or Urtnond ; and Jt mast have been to the name person 
that Anae Coobe, ntYerwards loiljr Bacon, dedicated ber tranaiation of the 
Sermooa of Bamardine Ochjne (printed about 16S0), — " To the right wor- 
shipful and worthilj beloved mother the Lady F. — for that I have well known 
Tour chief delight to rest in the destroying of man's glory and exalting wholly 
the glory of God." Anne Cooke the translator, who is doBcribed in the editor's 
preface as "a well ocenpied gentlewoman and virtuous maiden, that never 
gadded furtlier than her father's house to learn the (Italian) language," was 
one of tlie atieompUahed daughters of the learned sir Anthony Cooke by his 
wife Anne FitzWiiliam ; who was a daughter of sir William FitzWiiliam, the 
alderman, by bin first wife: thus "the Lady F." addressed as "mother," was 
really (he widow of the grandfather of the young authoress.'' Sir William 
FituWilliam left as his exeeutors John Baker eequire, recorder of London 
(afterwards sir John Baker, and a privy councillor), Anthony Cooke the 
younger esquire (his son-in-law), and his cousins Richard Waddington and 
Richard Ogle the yonnger. (Collins's Peerage.) 

Anne Ilarlipole and the CoiaUeM of Sussex (leep. 312). 

The name of Anne Harlipole has been hitherto known from a letter -written 
to her by John Philpot, which is printed among " The Letters of the Martyrs," 
expostulating with her on having " fallen from the sincerity of the Gospel, 
which she hud before long known and professed." Philpot nrknowtcdgcs that 
he hod himself received strength fVom her good and godly exaiiiple, " at sucli 
lime as that blessed rnonmn Ann Askew (now n glorious martyr in the fight of 
Jesus Christ) was harboured in your house," 

It appears from the following entries in the register of the privy council that 
she was subsequently involved in the trouble! of the countess of Sussex. 

• It is true that this gentlsman tad his wife are in the lul whlrli Strype liaa j^ven 
(EopIcs. Hflmorialt, iii. H2) of tlioae wlia verv ebarilBLIc tuwarda tlio religious >uff«ren 
in the reign of Mai7; a list formed from [be Letten of the Hurtjn. 

* Bnch a fonn at rclaUonship was aomelhing bcfonrl the spprehoiuion or Mr. Gonrgu 
DbIIojiI, who, ID his ■' Learned Ladiei," 8vd. 1752, inuginct] that Anne Cooke wm thus 
addrotlng her own "mollier" b; her maiden name, — a very untenable sappoiltlon, u 
in her roaldenhaod Anae Piti William could have baJ no claim to the title of " lailf." 
Tlie Uraia of relationahip, it will ba rememliennl, were in tboac dajii much more wiitelj 
applied than nowi and, besides their natural mother, penons might hate uveroi otiicn in 
the degrees of ttepmoUier, mother- in -law, and grandmother, or wife's grandoiothar, &•■. 

CAMD, 30C. 2 3 


"17. April, 1552. A letter to the lord thainberlaine to gjve ordre to sucbe «a 
hb lordshipp aLutl tliiok good to goo to the bowse of U&rtlepoole, and there to 
make serche of wiytiogs, and auchc other tbinga Bb hta lordeship shall thinke 
good to gyre them inatructions fur. 

"5 April, 1552. This dn; one Gierke, sometimes serraunt and secretarie to 
the duke of Norfoike, being accused to be a rejiorter ubroade of certeia lewde 
prophecies, and other skuDderous mattiera conccniing the King's Mao°, and 
djvers nobtemea of bis counsel), was brought before the lordes, and burdened 
with the same, and alleo with certaine carrncts (characters ?) and books of ni- 
gromancie and conjuracion fuuad in his lodging, which were brought before 
them, whereunto being unable to make any other aunswer but styff denyall of 
tbe hole, he was by their lordahippa committed to the Tower tyll the mattier 
might be better examyned, and ordre taken for the woorthy punisbment thereof 

" One Hartlepoolc was allso this day committed to the Fleete for being privie 
and a doer with the sayd Clerk in hia lewd demeanour. 

"A letter to the lieutenaunt of the Tower to reccyve the bodyof Gierke, and 
to se hym salfly and severally kept, go as none be Buffered to have conference 
wyth hym but by ordre from hence. 

" 13 April, 1552. A letter to the lieutenauot of the Tower to reoeyve the 
bodyes of tlie countea of Sussex and mistrca Uartlcpoole, and to se them salfly 
and severally kept, so as neither they have coulerence together nor any other 
witi them. 

"A letter to mr. Hobby and the lieutenant of the Tower, that they with Armi- 
gill Waade shall examync the countesse of Sussex uppon articles delyvered 
unto them by the saydc Armigill Wade. 

" To the aayd lientenaunt to lodge the sayd lady in bis lodging, and to suQer 
ber wooman t'attend uppon her. 

" 10 July, 1552, A letter to the lieutenftnl of the Tower to suiTer Richard 
Hartlepole to have accesse to his wyef, prisoner in the Tuwcr, ut convenyent 

"27 Sept, 1S32. To the master of the rolls, and the lieuetenaot of the Tower, 
to set the lady of Sussex and nartlepoole's wyfe at lybertje, gyving them a 
lesBon to beware of sorceries, &c." (MS. Addit, Brit. Mus. 14,026.) 

Extract from a letter of the duke of Northumberland to the lord chamber- 
lain (Darcy), from Oxford, Jlay 30, 1352 :— 

"Ajid as touching the settinge at lybertyc of the counlesse of Sussex and 
Uartypooles wyffe, me thinkcth by your lordsliip's better odvyae that matter 
wolde be some whate better tryed and scarchyd, the rather for that she j» 
cliardged to have apoken and snyde that oone of kinge Edwardcs sonnea [i.e. 


A BOH of Edward IV.] eholJe be yet Ijviiige." (State-paper Office, Domestii: 
EJw. VI. ¥0l. iiT. art. 33.) 


Page 63, note, Richard Dahitoie. — "There b yet one of the Abetots, a man 
of 201i, land in Worcester toune." Leland'a Itinerary, vol. vili. f. 112 b. 

Page 67, Henry Joliffe, B.D. — See a memoir of liini in Athento Cantabri- 
gienses, i. 320. 

Ibid. Hichard Ever, B.D. — Instead of M. (i.e. mr.) Yewer, Foxe printed 
N. Yewer, and bo it appearfl in tLe last edition by Townsend and Cuttley, viii, 
fi54, and its index, wberebj' tlie real name of Ritbard Ewer, or Eure, is cjuite 
concealed. Foxe, in tbe same article of John Davis, misprinted the name of 
Yowle as " Yowld," and that of Howbrough aa " Hawborougb." 


Page 71- Hancock's description of the obatinate resistance made by the 
inhabitants of Hampshire, in the dioceae of bishop Gardyner, to the progreaa 
of the Reformation, is confirmed by one of the rarest productions of bishop 
Bale, entitled "An Expostulacion or compiaynle agajnste the blasphemyea of 
a franticke papyat of Humshyre- Copiled by Joban Bale." It is without date, 
bnt was certainly published in 1352,' beinj" dedicated to "JohanDuke of 
North umberl an dc, Lordc grcatc Maiater of the Kingcs moat honourable 
houaholde, and Lorde presydent of hia Maiestyes most honourable prevye 

Early in the book Bale asserts that '■ the rage at thys present is horryble and 
fearce, whyeh the stought aturdj aatelljtes of Antichrist in dyverse partes of 
tbe realme, chefely trithin Hamshire, do bluster abroade iii their mad furyea to 
blemjghe the Evangclyeal Teryte of the Lorde now revelated." 

The report of the speeches made by the Ilanipsbire papist against the King's 
proceedings in religious matters is as follows : — 

"And Dowe, last of all, by unlearned loytcrera and desperate ruffynnes, as Qmb 

• Tho inpidetit which ooeMioned it occurred " on die ixix dsje of Dceembro last past " 
(see p. 31U). Botoro that dau, in the ycu- 1352, Bale bad already left HaiDpsHia U> tike 
pa«e»iDn of tbe biifaopric of Ouory ; and, u Dudley wu not advimced to tbo dukedom 
of North umberUnd before October, 1551, it U cleir the offoDCO given by tbe " franticke 
papytt" vat daring the ChrUtuuu of that jcar, aud the publication no doubt veiy shortly 



Actes xiiL 
i. Timo. i. 
ii. Tirao. ii. 
ii. Tim. iii. 


he of whom I have written this treatise followynge is one.* Of thys latter 
sort are some become farmers of benefyces, some blynde brokers in the lawe, 
some scribes, some pharysees, some flatterers for faver, some lyngerers for 
lucre, some cloynars for advauntage, menpleasers, and make-shyfles. These 
gyve the preachers most uncomly reportes to deface their godly preachynges, 
and most odyble names, to brynge them in contempte of the people. Their 
croked counsels, persuasyons, illusyons, provocacyons, and promyses of ayde in 
wythstandynge the mynysters, are such, for a welthie lyvynge in ydelnesse, 
that the truth of the Lord can take no place. These are, as were Elymas the 
sorcerer, Hymeneus, Philetus, and Alexander the copper smythe, enemyes of 
all truthe, withstanders of all ryghtousnesse, and chyldren of the devyl. Men 
of corrupt myndes, resysters of the veryte, and lewde as concernynge faythe 
(2 Tim. iii.) ; and all these are set a wurke by the pope's late masmongers, by 
olde pylgrymage goers, by crafty cathedralystes, mynster men, and collygeners,** 
lokinge yet for a daye of mayntenaunce in theire olde sorceryes." 

Bale prays the duke of Northumberland — 

" Lete them be restrayned from doynge suche vyolence, ravyne, and excesse, 
as they have done now of late to Christes mynysters in Hamshire. Lete them 
be inhybyted of dagger- drawynge and of fyste-lyftynge in the open strete, 
when no man hath ones offended them. Lete them leave their pullynges by 
the bearde and bosom in the presence of people, starynge like wylde oxen, 
whan no evyl at all is meant to them. Lete them no longer bragge afore the 
justyces in the open sessyons of castynge their glove and of wagynge battayle 
uncorrected, whan no thynge is eyther done, sayde, or yet thought agaynst 
them. Lete them be well stayed from ragynge and raylynge, oblocutynge and 
slaunderynge, withoute cause reasonable, for upholdyng the wicked tradycyons 
of Antichrist. Permyt them no longer to counsell in comers, to have wycked 
persuasyons, and to drawe people after them. Lete them from hensfourth be 
charged, under payne of sore punyshment, not lycencyously to do all their 
lewde lykynges, as they have done hertofore, lyke men that are lawles. We 
desyre not the evyll of thys frowarde sort, but their good. We covete not 
their losse, but their winning ; not their utter destruccion, as they do ours, 
but their spedye amendement, if such angels of reprobacyon as they are 
may amende, which I scarsely bcleve. Chiefly our request is to Ijrve in 
peace," &c. 

** Now to thys frantyck papyst than, whych on the xxix. daye of Decembre 

* In the margin ia the word Draban. Whether this was the name of " the desperate 
papist ** is not apparent. 

^ The term *' Styngers/* added in the margin, is one I am unable to explain. 



luBt past [1551] in Ihc house' of a gentjlraan of hjt nffyajte nitltin Hamahirc Canvantidc 
beynge in the full beate of hjn frenesye, brast out into thjs unrevcront, bias- 
phecuouse, nnd coDlemptnouBe tulke of the Kingea Maiestic, and of bys moostc Otaspbemf. 
godlj proceiijnges. Alas poore chyld ! (aayd he) unknowne is it to hyin -wbat 
airtes ere made now a dajus. But wban he cometh ones of age, he nyll se an 
oilier rule, and haDge up a bondred of sueh heretjke knaves, meanjnge the 
preaehera of our tyine, and their iiiayntcynerB, bj Ijke. For at the same season 
he had most spygbtfullj rayled of one of them, bejuge absent [hers Bale 
probably means himself], whych never in hys lyfe did hym dyspleasure, aether ■* taj'". 
iu dede nor in wurvl, that he was able to burden hym wyth. The fyrst part of 
this blaaphemouse clause touoheth the Kynges hyghnes, tlie seeond hya honour- 
able counsel], and the thyrd the true ministers of God's wurde." 

Bale then proceeds to discuss each of these divisions at length ; and in the 
course of his arguments, in reply to the papist's speech concerning the King, 
be thus speaks of the esceilencc of Edward's education : — 

" Uys wurthie educncion in liberall letters and godly vertues, and hys naturoll 
aptenessc in retayoyng the same, plenteously declarelh him to be no pore child, 
but a manifest Salomon in princely wisdum. Hys sober admonicioiis and open 
examples of godlincs at this day shewctb him mindfully to prefer the weltbe of 
hia commcDB, as well gostly as bodyly, above all forea matters. Marke what 
his miyestie hath done already in religion, in abolishing the most shameful RelygjoD. 
idolatries of Antichrist, besides his other actea for publyque aSkyres, and yc 
shnl find at this day no christen prynce Ijke to hym." 

Returning to the papist, Bale declares — 

" The propyrtie which he hath of that father ond mother [the Pope and 
Babylon] is to blaspbeme God, and in that he hath shewed bymselie plcnteouae. 
First, by a chaplayne, whych popyshly mynystred in hys hyrcd benefyce ; 
secondly, by convcyaunce of certeo ymsges in hope of a change ; and thirdly^ Thre fcna^eijes. I 
in judgyng it a fowle heresye to write any thyngc in reproche of the Byshopp 
of Rome. 

" Concemynge the first. Upon the .sx. day of September lust past I was (as 
he well knowetli) at service there,* to behohle the workcmanly conveyuunce of A prieals. 
hym and that popyshe chaplayne of his, and to know what wholesome frutes I 
shulde Ij-nde after that tyme of their .ii. plantinges. Such an other ape of 
Antichriste as that prest was never sawe I afore in my lyfe, for he coulde 
not reade a psalmc, nether yet speake Englyshe, beynge on allyen, an 

doubtleu in tbe rioinil; of Bale'g 

Stoke, five ipil« from Haatliunpto 

* The pLuiG ii Dot mentioned. 

t identic tl 




Wyl Sommer. 

ConvaiauDcer. Armoricall or Frenche Britayne*; and to excuse his beastly ignoraunce, 
his own selfe was compelled, I being there present, to slaver out the .11. lessons 
of the Byble with no small stutting and stamberyng, turnyng his arse 
to the people after the old popysh maner, to helpe forward the Kynges 
most godly procedynges. More apysh toyes and gawdysh feates could never a 
dysard in England have plaied (I think) then that apysh prest showed there 
at the communyon. He turned and tossed, lurked and lowted, snored and 
snurted, gaped and gasped, knelcd and knocked, loked and lycked, with both 
hys thombes at hys eares, and other tryckes more, that he made me .xx. tymes 
to remember Wylle Somer.** Yet of them both that prest semed the more 
foole a great deale ; and, to amende the matter, he had than a new shaven 
crowne, which I rebuked him for. By thys I prove hys mustre a mocker of God, 
a deceyver of the people, and a contempner of the Kynges just procedynges." 

The third offence of the papist was that — 

** In the weke afore Christmas last past, as he chaunced to be in the house 
of the forseyd gentylman of his owne affinyte, where he might alwayes be bolde 
to do hys Icwde feates, hys accustomed frenesie came sodenly upon him. In 
the heat wherof he most shamefuly revyled a servant of that house, calling 
hy ra heretyke and knave, because he had begonne to studie a parte ' in suche a 
comedie as myghtely rebuked the abomynacyons and fowle fylthie occupienges 
of the bishopp of Rome. Moreover, he requyred hym in hys own stought 
maner to do a lewd massage, whych was to call the compiler of that comedie 
[Bale himself] both heretike and knave, concludynge that it was a boke of 
most perniciouse heresie. That boke was imprynted about .vj. years ago, and 
hath bene abroad ever sens, to be both seane and judged of men what it 
contayneth. And thys is the name therof, * A Comedie concerning iii. lawes, 
of Nature, Moyses, and Christ, etc' " 

Page 73. The Proclamation concerning irreverent talkers of the Sacrament, 
dated 27th Dec. 1 Edw. VI. is inserted by Strype in the Repository of original 
documents at the end of vol. ii. of his Ecclesiastical Memorials, under letter M. 
It declared that whosoever should *^ revile, contempne, or despise the said 
sacrament by calling it an Idol, (as Hancock did,) or other vile names, shal incur 
the Kyng*s high indignation, and suffre imprisonment, or be otherwise 
grievously punished at his Majesties wil and pleasure." 

* It Beems not improbable that this was the very ** sir Brysse,*' mentioned by Thomas 
Hancock (p. 81). 

*> The favourite fool of the King*8 court. 

* This passage is remarkable, as showing that Bale's comedies (as he chose to term 
them) were really enacted, as well in Hampshire, as he states in his " Vooacyon ** they 
were at Kilkenny. 


Tub De7ence or Tbomab TaiCKKASi. 

Page OS. Clemen/ Burdet.— In a list of recusant clergy in I5G1 wc read : 
" Clement Burdct, late of Bath : to remain at CrontJal in Iltunpsbire, ur else at 
SonniDg in Barkahire. C Contemporary niIe-note,J An unlearned priest." 
Strjpe, Annals of the Reformation, i. S77, from a document in the State-paper 

Page 129. The following were the lettere patent for the mastership of 
Reading School, granted in 1341 to Leonard Coxe and bis deputies or assigns 
daring his life, and which were suecessivelj transferred to Thackhani, Palmer, 
and other parties, aa stated in p. lOS. With this copy I have been favoured 
\>y the Rer. Robert T. Appleton, M. A., tbe present master of Reading School, 
through the kind assistance of William Hobbs, esq. F.S.A. 

J>e etmceuioue ad vilam pro Coxe. — Rex omnibus ad quos, etc. salutem, 
Seiatis quod nos de gratia nostra special! oc ex certa icieutia ct mero motu 
nostris, et ob spccialcm amorcm et zelum quos pro erudicione ct educacione 
puerorum hujua regni nostri Angliu: in arte et sciencla grammaticali et honestis 
Uteris dia ante ha:c tcmpora liabuimus et adhuc gerimus, volentea pro 
hujusmodi educacione et erudicione puerorum aliquatiter providere ct aug- 
mentari; et pro eo quod dilectus subditua noster Leonardus Coxe, qui in trte 
et sciencia grammaticiUi satis peritus ct eruditus existit, ut certam habemus 
noticiam, nullum officium neque stlpcndiuio a nobis pro bujusmodi educaeione 
puerorum adhuc babet nequo perci^pit, ut certam habemus scienciam, dedimus 
et conceaaimua ac per prescntes domus et conccdimus cldem Leonardo officium 
Uagistri sive Pricceptoris Scholic Grammaticatis sive Ludi Literarii villie 
Dostnu de Reading, in comitatu nostro Berkshire, ac ipeunt Leonaj^uu Ma- 
gistrum et prtecoptorem acholai sive ludi prredlcli fatimus constituinius et 
ordinamus per prLcscntes; et ulterius de uberiori gratia nostra et pro considera- 
cionibua pratdictis dcdimus et concesaimus ac per prtesentcs dumua et cooccdi- 
muB prvfato Leonardo totum illud mesuogium in Reading pnedicta cum suis 
pertinenciis in quo pncdictus Leonardus modo inbabitat, ana cum quodam parra 
Tenella uve pecia terrce jaccnle ex parte sustrali ejiudem mesuagii, ac etitun 
quoddam aliud mesuagium sive domum in Reading prsdicta modo in tenura 
et occupacione prcedicti Leonard! vocatum a Schole Hotue in quo pueri modo 
erudiuntur et docentur in arte et aciencia prtedictis; habendum et tenendum 
gaudeadum ct exorccnduni torn offlcium prazdietum prsfato Leonardo per ac 
tbI per sulHcientem deputatum luum sire sulTicienles dcpututos suos, quikm 
prtedictum mesuagium domum venellam et cetera pntmisaa cum eorum perti- 
nentits eidem Leonardo et assignatis suis durante vita ejuadem Leonardi 



absque compote seu nliquo alio proindc nobis heredibus i 
nostris reddendo eolvendo sen facicndo. £t utteriuc sciatie qnod do8 de am- 
pliori gratia nostra ac ex certa scienoia et mere motu nostrig pncdictia et pro 
coiuidcracionibus pnedictls deilimus el concessimiu ac per pnuenles damus et 
concedimus pratfato Leonardo Coxe de et pro cxercicio el occupoclone officii 
pncdicli ac pro diligencia Isboribus et cxpensis tat» circa idem officiura habendia 
et sustinendis quandam annuitatcm sive anoualem redditum diKom librnruin, 
tiabendiiro gaudendum ct recipieDdum prsdictam aDnuitatem give annuatem 
redditum deccm librarum sterlingorum prccfato Leonardo Coxe durante vila 
sua dc cxitibus proficuiB firmis ct revencionibus mancrii nostri de ChoUe^ in 
dicto comitutu Dostro BerVsblric, tonj per manus rcccptoria et ballivorum 
cjiudem manerii qubm per maous gcneralis receptoris terrarum nnper inonasterii 
pertinentium pro tempore exifltentium ad featn FascluB et Sancti Micbaelis 
nrcb angel i equ IB pore ioni bus sol vend is. Et insuperde uberiori gratia nostra prK- 
dicta dcdimus et concessimus ac per pnesentes domuB et coDcedimus pnrfatu 
Leonardo Coxe tot et tuntas denariorum gummas ad ijuot et quanUs pnedicta 
annuitas sive annualis rcdditus decent librurum a feelo Suicti Michaeiis arch- 
Bngeli quod erat in anno regnt nostri triccsimo primo se attingit, habendum 
percipiendum et gaudendum eidem Leonardo Coxe ex dono et regarrto nostril 
de exitibus firmis revencionibus ct prolicuis priedii'ti manerii nostri de Cholse; 
per manus gencralis receptoris terrarum dicti nuper monastcrii pertinentium 
absque compoto seu aliquo alio prolnde nobis beredibus et succesaoribus nostril 
reddendo solvendo aeu faciendo. Eo quod expressa mcncio, &o, In cujus rci, 
etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium decimo die Februarij. 

Per breve de Privato Sigillo, etc. 
(Rot. Pat. 32 Hen. VIIL pars 5.) 

Thb AuTOnlOGBiPH' 


Page 132. The band of OeBdemeit Peniitmera. — Althougb sir Flumphrej 
ItatelitTe (in page 168) roundly asserted tbat Underbill had servod I'rom the 
beginntog of tbe band, it is probable that tucb was not literdlj the vtiac, but 
that he received his appointment on relumiog from the FreneU campaign 
in 1044, where he had buen one of the King's body-guard, us deacribed in 
page 148. Tlie baud of Gentlemen Pensioners was formed in Deccmlicr, IS39, 
aa is distinctly recorded by the chronicler Hall. He states that Henry VTIL 
bad first instituted this force at the commencement of his reign; bul, being 
formed on too sumptuous a scale, it fell into disuse, until revived thirty years 
after, shortly before the reception of the lady Anna of Clcvea. Mr. Pcgge, »pho 
read a memoir upon this honourable Hand before the Society of Antiquaries in 
1 782, and afterwarda published it a* the tjecoiid Part of his C'urlalia, 4tu. 1 794, 




igined Uiat be hnd diacovercil that tlte haiiA was existing ]ji 1S2G, anU that 
cousequtintlj Halt's account was fallacious; but Mr. Fegge was misled bj the 
circumstaiice that the documeats upon which he relieil, being themselvei un- 
dated, followed la the saine MS. the hoiuehold statutes made at Elthatn in 
1526 (as they do in the volume of ttouaehold Ordinances, printed for the 
Society of AntiquaricB, 4to. 1790). But the Daues which occur in those docu- 
ments prove tbem to be of the latter years of Henry's roign, whilst Katharine 
Parr was ijueen and Wriothesley wus chancellor; and consequently &Ir. Pegge 
waa led into a material errnr, which aSects several paisages of his memoir. 

The date mentioned by Hall would derive conGrmation, were it requisite, 
fromn letter of archbishop Cranmer, who on the28ch Dec. 1S39, thus nddresseil 
the lord privy seal (Cmmwell) on behalf of one of his servants, a brother of 
the martyr Aone Askew: 

" Whercns I am informed that this hearer Edward Askew my servant, son 
nnto sir William Askew knight, is by some nobleman preferred unto the room 
of one of these neio iperet m Ihe court, which because it is done without my 
knowledge and his, 1 shall beseech you, my Lord, iunsmuch as I have no friend 
to sue unto for me and mine but only unto your lordship, that you will at this 
my request bear unto liim your lawful favour and furtherance in the same ; 
assuring your lordship that be, the young man, is of a very gentil nature, right 
forward, and of good activity, so that I think he shall be meet to furtiiah such 
B room, and to do to the King's majestie diligent and faithful service. At 
Forde, 28th Dec^embre, 1339." Works of Cranmer (Parker Boc.) ii. 399. 

In the original ordinances for the constitution of the banil (whith Mr. Pegge 
has introduced into his memoir) the members are not termed Pensioners, but 
" Speres, called Men of Arroes," and they were to be uhosen from gentlemen of 
noble blood. They were, in fact, upon the same footing as the force which 
composed the garrisou of Calais, who were also called iudiffcreutly Spears, or 
Men of Arms, and were usually of good families: see the list of those who held 
office in 1539 (not 1333) in the Chronicle of Colius, p. 136. At the coronation 
of Edward the Sixth they are called " the pencioneri," and king Edward men- 
tions them as "the gentlemen pensioners" in his Journal, Oct. 31, 1331. The 
aonual pensicin received by each man was seventy marks (iHI. 13s. 4f^.), — in 
1S09, according to Hall, it had been fixed at fifty pounds. The captain received 
two hundred marks, the lieutenant and standard-bearer each one hundred. 
These officers were also reckoned of "the ordinary of the King's chamber, 
which have bcjucbe of tourt, and also theire dictts within the court," (House- 
hold Ordinances, p. 1G3.) 

In the list printed in Mr. Pegge's memoir sir Anthony Browne is caphuii, 
sir Ralph Fane lieutenant, and Edward lieilinghau standard-bearer. After 

CAMD. 80C. 2 T 


sir Anthoi)}' liroirnG'B deulh in 154B the marquesa of Northampton 
ctptAint and iu king Ednrord'a reign sir Humphrey RttdcliOe was lieutenant 
and sir William Stafford Btandord-bpjirar. 

It la evl'lent that tbia band of Spears was suggested by the French Oard« da 
Corpt, which was instituted by Louii XI. In H74: and whleb wos a band of 
one hundred Lances, each attended by a man of arms and two archers. The 
Knglisb Spears, in like manner, were to be attended eaob by a page, and n 
coiistrell* or servant armed with a javelin or derai-lance, and by twu archers 
well horsed and harnessed. When on foot the Speara adopted the bnttlc-asi^ 
aa their weapun, which was also in imitation of the French band, who were 
sometimes called the Gentilhomma dx Bee d« C'orbin: "lis avoient, outre In 
lance, la hncbe d'armes, dont ite se sert'oieat loraqu'ils etoient de guet ou de 
garde aupres de la personne du roy." (Pfire Daniel ) 

When Edward VI. proceeded through London to his coronation "the pen- 
siooers and men at ariucs, with tbeir pole-axes, went on either side the way on 
foote;" and on the King's landing on the day of the coronation at the privy 
stairs, they awaited bim there, " apparelled all in red damaake, with their pole- 
axes in their hands."'' 

The band of Peaaioaere niaiotained its credit and estimation through the 
reign of Elizabeth, and at her death their Captain, lord Ilunsdnn, recom- 
mended thein to the notice uf her successor in the following terms ; " Tbey an.- 
in all Gfly gentlemen, — besides myself, the Lieutenant, Standard -bearer. Clerk 
of the Cbeijue, and Gentleman Harbinger, — chosen out o[ the bust and an- 
ticntcst families of England, and some of tbem sons to earls, bamns, knights, 
and csijnires, men thereunto specially recomtncmled for their worlhyness and 
sufficiency, without any slain or taint of dishonour, or disparage m en t iu bloo<l. 
Her Majesty ami other princes her predecessors have found great use of their 
service, as well in the guoi-d and defence of their royall persons, as alto in 

* Mr. P«Kge (p. G) oiake* a ngle that this word is "niilfannlj niiawrillen llirDnghoul 
thoMi ordinance* ; for II slimild ovlilently tie eowliU, ta abbreviate of tbs PreoEh wrin] 
eouMUIitr." He quoli* lord Herbert and Llojil (the siiEliorof (be WoRhi«) in bvoor of 
thii vipw; lad uji tbal Pirv Daniel derived the tmn trum eaililU, a i-ullua, in Laiin 
tutUttat- 1 am rather iiielined to derive the tuna hum roiCj.and to anJanlund it tor ona 
who kepi eloeo bj the *i<le of his maatcr. In which kiiso it waald auwer Iu the Rugllib 
htMhiaan at haunrhtRati. The term In uwin Ungliih waicenalDlynuhrrlf. (SeoMachjo'e 
Dlarj, p. IS.) The name of OocKrell b prabably dRiicd fram this aonrcn. 

' So. Uaderhill Sayi (p. ISl), " we cuno up into Ibe ohamhre of prawnce with our 
poll-sJiiia ia our handst" It was only wlien Iho jfuntlaman peoiiaQoi wa* on >pecial dolf 
that be oarritd lib pola.B»t in penon. Al odjerlimae U was " boma after him witb a luf- 
flflitnt man, the axe tnlng cltane and brighl," u required in tho ordinaooe*. 



■unilrj other employments, us well civil as milititry, at liotne and abronil, jasu- 
mocb as it liath served them alna}'* ns a nursery to breed up deputies of 
Ireland, ambassadors into foreign parts, counsellors of state, captains of the 
guard, governors of places, and conimandera in the wars, both bj land and seu." 
This was high boasting ; but the captain mi^ht hnve added that, in the person 
of sir Christopher Hatton, the bund had brL'd not only a captain of the guard, 
bnt a lord chancellor. 

E'er fuller and subsequent particulars in the historj of the Band the reader will 
turn to Mr. Pegye's memoir. In the Colleclauea Topiigr. et Geneal. vol, vi. p, 
192, will be found a roll of the band in the year 1618 (erroneously headed 

Page 134. The anecdote of king Edward the Sixth's inquiries respecting 
Saint George, communicated by Underbill to Fo.te, is as fpUows,— " being 
notified to me by one mr. Edward Underbill, who, nailing the same time with 
the rest of his fullowes, pensioners and men at arms, as sir Henry Gates, mr. 
Robert Hall, ur. Henry Harston, and mr. StatTorton, beard these wordes 
betwene the Kinge and his couosaile. The 4. yeare of his rLii^e, being tben 
but 13 yearea old and upward, at Greenwich upon S. George's day, when he 
was come from the sermon into the presence-chamber, there being hia uncio 
the duke of Someraet, the duke of Northumberland, with other lords and 
knights of that order, called the order of the Gart«r, he said unto ihem, ' My 
Lords, I pray you what saint is S. George that we heere so honour him ? ' At 
which question the other lords being all astonied, the lord treasurer that then 
was (the marques of Winchester), perceiviug this, gave answer and said, ■ If it 
please your Majestic, I did never reade in any historie of S. George' but 

• In tho King's tebtme for remodelling the order of the Oerter, roado nhortlj aftar, 
(and printed iu hia Literarj Bemnin*. Ito. 18G9,) the lery nnme of Siiiiii Qcorge wu to 
be mppreuied. and the order called merelj' " The Order of the Garter, or Defence of the 
Truth as oontiined in holj «oriplurH." The anuual feast was lobo removBd from St. Gwrge's 
da;, and kept eul; in December. Id 1630 the tDir tune of uur uations,! winl viu viniii- 
cnCed I7 Dr. Peter Hcjl^a in hii " Uistorr of the fomoug Sniat sad Soldier of Christ 
JotDt, SI. George of Cappadwia." a book resp«ting which tome curioiu parlieulata will 
be found in Dr. Ilejifn'e Life, prtfiied to tho edition of hia Hisloi? of the Refonnatiort, 
Lj J. C. Rohertun, M.A. 1813, pp. lai — lixlv. Hejijn remarks Chat " the memorr of 
this uint shines in onr calendar prefixed before Clie public liturgy of tha church of Eng- 
land, where he i) xpeciallj honoured with the ntuoe of Saint, u is no other not being an 
apostle or eiangelisl but Saint Martin only." (History of St. George, edit. 2, p. 3i}S.} 
But at the last reriew of the Prayer-book that deaignaliou wu prefixed la tome other 
name*. In the Archeologia, toI. *. the history of Saint George vat intotigatod at soiue 
leoglli hy the Rer. Samuei Pegge, LL.D., PSA. 



oncly ill Legtala Aurai, wLcre it is thus set ilownc, that 8. ( 
hii awurd, and ran tbc dragon through with his spmu'e.' The King, when be 
could not a great while speake for laughing, at longth Bud, * I praj you, 1117 
lord, and what did he with hi» sword the while P ' ' That I cannot tell jvuT 
Mojeatic,' aaid be. And so an end of that question of good S. George. 

Page 150, High jiriet of wood in £ofuJan.— In William Bnldwin'i poem, enti- 
tled, " The Funeralles of King Edward the ayit," (reprinted for the Rosbui^hc 
club in 1817, and also as an appendix to Troll upe's Bistory of Christ's Hm- 
pital,) is the followiDg passage, — the person i fie utiou being " cros; Cold:" 

He passed Yorke, and came to London etraj-l. 
And there alight to geve bis horse a bajit, 
Where, ere he bad three daj» jn stable stood. 
He cat so much, the poore could get no wood. 
Except they would pay aAer double price 
For billet treble under common cise. 
I'age 15^. UnderhiS't commiUal to Newgate is not noticed in ibe register of 
the privy council ; but bis dischai^u ia thus recorded : — 

"At Richiuount, the 21st August, 1553. A letter to the keeper of Newgate 
for the deltverie of Edworde Underbill, in conslderaeion of his extruniuc 
sickenes, out of prison, to mr. Thomas White and John Throg morion eBifuires, 
maisters of the quenes bighnes' requests, whome the lords have ordn^ to 
take bands of the aaid Underhill for his ^pearaunce herafter before them, 
bcinge called therunto." (Couneit Register, at printed in the Cecill Papers, 
by Haines, p. 172.) Underhill in wrong in stating that b:s release passed the 
conneil when his encraieB were absent; the board was Tery fully altendud uii 
tbis day, by no less than twenty-seven members. 

Page 158 note. Sir Thomas Palmer would probably be called luiig palmer, 
in distinction to anotlier of the name, whom we find mentioned as tiltie Pahufr 
in a list of the defenders at the Justes held on the morrow of tbc Coronation 
of Edward the Sixth. 

Page 15i). Hot gm/irSerii — this appears lobave been a cant term !n common 
use. Attached to one of Latimer's sermons we find tbis side-notu, " Uot 
gospellers arc no sulferera of persecution." It is placed against tbis fullowlog 
]iassage : " Olliers, that began so hoi at first, are ijuitc gone. And truely.I fear 
mo that a great many of those arc as the seed sown upon stones, which speak 
now fair, and make a goodly shew of the goijwl ; but if there couic persecution 
or aftliction, then they itre gone." Latimer's Works, (Parker Soc.) li. 218, 

Page ItiS. Whm m rmu to LwUgale. tkt gate uHu/ait Joektd, and a gretUe 
ixaehe witkin the gate off" Loniliinurs, hvt noont withowlr. I'agv I<i5. So to New- 



gatt uw teentt, where imi a greate leache uji/Aoiufe the gate. — This was tlie eourae 
taken on oocobjous of eattaordinary nlarui. In the previous year, upon the 
scceBsion of queen Mary, vre read : " Item the xxij day of the same monyth 
(July, 1553) began the wache at every gatte in London in hamei, viij be ayde 
the viij comonerfl." Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 81. 

Page 172. The doctor Luke of UnderhiU's narrative, author of John Bon 
and malt Perion, is certainly to be identified with an author mentioned by 
Uolinshed, among the le&rned men who Qourlshed in the reign of Mary, aa 
"Lucas Shepherd, born in Colchester in Essex, an English poet;" and of whom 
the fuller account given by Bale is as follows ;— 

" Lucas Opilio, Colceatrite ut ferunt iu Esseiia natus, poeta valde facetus 
erat, qui in poematibua ac rhythmis Skcllono non inferior, in patrio aermone 
eleganter ediditihoneslis jocis ac salibu* pleiiOB, 

Adeertus eeritatu uioret libelloM aliqaot. — Quosdam etiam Psalmos in rhytlimos 
Anglicos vertit, tractatulosque feuit plures. Claruit anno Christ! 1554." 

Warton, in hia History of English Poetry, remarks — 

" Luke Shepherd, mentioned by Ilolinshed, it). 1 168, appears to have hsea 
nothing more thnii a petty pamphleteer in the cause of Calvinism, and to have 
acquired the character of a poet from a metrical translation of some of David's 
Psalms about the year \554. I believe one or two of Shepherd's pieces in 
prose are among bishop Tanner':} books at Ox!ford." 

Strype, in his notice of doctor Luke (Ecclesiastical MerooriaU, ii. 116), 
states that he had been imprisoned in the Fleet for former pamphlets written 
in king Uenry'e time: but Underbill (see p. 172) does not say that bts impri- 
sonment was in Henry's reign, and from the context it may rather be concluded 
that it occurred in the reign of Mary. 

Doctor Luke Shepherd's productions having been all published anony- 
mously, they have still to be ascertained, with the exception of John Bon and 
Mast Person, to which Underhill'a story has helped us. This was a quarto 
pamphlet of four leaves, imprinted at London by John Daye and William 
Seres. It nos reprinted (250 copies) in 1S07, by G. Smeaton, accompanied 
only by a few L'nea of not very accurate remarks, which had been written iu it 
by Richard Forster, esq. to whom the original had belonged — no second copy 
being known. It is reviewed in Censura Lltenu-ia, v. 277-280, by Mr. Joseph 
lloslewood, who ridicules the name of " Interlude," given to it by Mr. Forater. 
It is, however, a conversation (in 164 rhyming lines) more resembling the 
religious playR of John Bale than the poetry of Skelton. John Bon, a plough- 
man, and Mast Person, a parson or priest, meet upon the eve of the feast of 
Corpus Christi, and discuaa the observances then celebrated, and the doctrine 
of transubstantistion, upon which maoy coarse jerts arc passed. Thi> term 


Meul, ae an atibrcviation of Master, occura again in some dc^grel «i 
Stephen Staple to Mast Camell, mcntioced in Amcs'i Ilistorj of rrioting, 
(edit, Dibdin,} vol. iii. p. SB2. In 1832 "John Boa and Maat PeraoD" was 
re-edited for the Percy Society, by Mr. W. H, Blaek, wiio remarks : " John 
Don is the Piera Ploughman of the sixteenth century. 80 characteristic and 
spirited ia his part of the dialogue, — so popular and fori-ible is his argument, — 
so justly severe are the rebukes administered to the Parson, that John Bon 
may be read more than once without disrelish." 

Page 174. AUen the prophriyer. — In the records of the Tower prisoners the 
name of this person twice occurs. In a return made on the 11th Feb. 1531-2, 
is mentioned "Robert AUeo, who hath been there xij monethes and more, 
for matters of astronomic and suspicion of calculation." (MS. Ilarl. 410.) 
Again (also in 1351-2), "Robert Alen, rated by the weke, Ibr all chargus, 
viij s. vj d," (Bayley, Hist, of the Tower, Appx. xlvi.) 

ITie following are the papers which were found upon Allen's person, and 
preserved by mr. Underbill. 

[MS. Harl. *21,f. IJ 

No. 1. Ou parchment. 

lu a man haue stolen any thjiig of thjne. 

Take & wryte in pcheraent. tj< Agios 4* Agios »J< Agios >J< 
Crux Crux Crux Spiritus scus Spii'itus stus sjiiritua be w' the 
^u"'nt of God. & putt yt ouer thy hed, & iii the aamo nyght thow 
ahalt knowe who yt ys. 

No. 2. On another piece of parchment. 

If any man of woman haue don the thefte. 

Take & wryte thes names in vyrgen waxe. >^ Agios ffi Agios 
►Jt Agios *i*. & holde yt in thy Icfte hand vnder thy ryght eyro, 
& lay tho to slepe, and thow shalt haue a vysyou & knowJege who 
hathe thy thyng, 

Nn. 3. On paper folded and soiled from carriage in tho pocket. 
When thowe wylte goo fourtha to playe att the Canlf &. Dyse 
lett the Ascendent be in a »ygne moveable as flvzj^jvs I- And 
lett the lord of the Ascendent be welt dysposed in a. good place. 



And lett the 7 house be feble and impedyte. AnJ yl ytt nriaye 
be lett the lord of llie 8 bouse be in the second or In the 
fyrstG house recevyd of the lord of the second or the fyrste house, 
nor lett nott hyfh receve the lord of tlie Becond. And lett the & be 
fre scpate from a fortnne & joj-nj-ng to an other fortune for- 
tunate & strong, & lett nott her be upon the Eartho. And tho 
breste of the player toward tlie D & hys face. And yf aft these 
thyngp cannott be done, Att the leaste see ytt ho a moveable 
gygne. Whan thow guest owt for to playe, and the B uppon thy 
breste when thoiv playest, or att the leste see that thy breste and thy 
face be toward tlie 5 . 

No. 4. On paper. 

And yff thow weylt wette whether a man totl y" a false talle or a 
trewe, take the letters of lies name & of hes stimame & of that 
daye, & putto all the nowmbere xxs* & than tleimrt atto that holte 
nowmbere be xxv", & yf ther leve euen nowmbere at the laste 
ende, yt ys faiss that he tellett, and yff yt be oode yt ys trwo. 

And yf thow welt wette a gowynge a pelgremage, whethe[r] they 
shall well go & coin harmelles or nott, take the nowmbere of the 
letters of her names, & of the daye & of tlie age of the mowne, 
& the name of the place that they goo to, and putto att thes xxx 
& than depart all the hotte nowmbere be xxv'i as long as ye maye, 
& yf tlier leve even nowmber they shall goo and come withoute 
hort or harme, & yff the nowmbere be oode they shatt nott spede 

And of theB manere ye maye wette att manere of thyngf that ye 

Also yf yc well wette of a man that pnrpowsyth heffi to have a 
benefyce, or to go to Relyg^-oii, take tho letters of hes name and of 
the honeffece, & of the daye, and depart ihem bo xxx. and yf ther 
loue even nownbcr he shaft spede, & yf ther Icue oode ho shaft nott 
Bpede, & jf tlicr leve is he shaft be Uelygyous. 



No. 5. On paper. 

Whythir it is better to remove or to contynew wher the qwerat 
do dwell styll, and whether they be past dawngar of bumyng of ther 
hows or godws, or nat. 

No. 6. On paper. 

Yf thow wylt take yei iomay to do any thyng. 

The D being in <y^ go in the ow' of o* 

The D in y go in y* ow"^ of ? 

The D be in n go in y^ ow"; g 

The D in 25 go in the ow' ]> 


Tlie B ill SI go in y' ow' of y' 
The B in m go in die owr of g 
The B in ^ go in y" ow' of g 
The B in "l go in y^ oW of t^ 
The B in / go in the oW of V 
The B in Vf go In the ow"" of b 
The B in ^ go in the ow' of ^ 
The B in K go in the oW of VJ 
Nol<i. — When the li is in ii go nat in y* oW 
When the S is in x go not in y' ow' g 
When the a is in njl go not in the ow' of g 
When the B is in bb go nat in j' ow' <f 
and so ferthe of all other. 

Ezaminatioii of Allen. 

<MS. Darl. 421, An. 7.) 

Memanuiduii). — That Allejo requiretb to talkc willi one of llie touimtUe, 

eayinge jf he were unburtluned uf that he void then say?, he car<^d Dot whut 

Also he soithe atore the coiamiaaionQCt thai be can lunke the grett alyxor. 

Algo he stode eotnustlj' before the saide commlBsi oners that he cowld snju 
more concerii'ing asirologie and astrooomy than alt the lernud mua within tlie 
uuiverEitics of Oxford or Caiabridgc, and jet underatandeth no parte of the 

Item, sir John Godsalve* required the coniniiasioners to deniaund whether 
that Allejn did not eaye unto ij men yet Ijvinge, that x daies before the ap- 
preheosioD of the lord Cromwell, that the aaid lord Croainell should be in the 
lowre within xilij daica foUowinge. 

• Sir John GwIhIvo wu of t Narfotk hmilj. He waa cUrk of Ihc tigmt in th« r«ign 
of Heniy VIII. ; wm kni^jhled at Rdward'i coroiutlan, Feb. 22. 1G17-S, and Hwu alter 
uppoiDtotl > camrouiianer of vlaitatioD (fee the Return, 1 £dw. VI. printeil in Appeniljx 
W Dugdale^ St. Paul'*. (ediL Ellii,} No. 4). Be held the oSoi! of coDiptrollw of diu 
minli and died Not. 30, 1BB7. There ii a portrait of bini bj Holbein engraved In 
ChanibBTlain'a aeriea ; where aJH will be tuund ftirthur noticee of tir John and hi* 
taniilj, b; Mr. Lodge. Another partiut and memoir will l» found in Harding's Biu. 
I^raphical BJirrour, p. 37. See alto a note to the Pri'j-pune Expenws of the Princeu 
Mary, p. 231. 

CAHD. 80C. U V 


Item, the qiieglion bcinge demaunded of biin, he denied not HiiA he isid stt, 

but sail! thot he spake it not of liis owne knonelcgo, but ofotherei. 

Item, air John Godsdve saylhc tbat heiTQs borne in North efuike, and thftt h« 
liathc ben a gret doer in judgenientes ordjvcrs matters there. 

Note in V«derhi^i ftonrf.—This Alen was called the god of Xotl/if/olkr 
bcflbre they reaceaTed the lisbt of the goapelle. 

The statute against conjurations, upon the repeal of which Alkn is saiil 
to have relied (p. 173). is as followg:— 

(MS. Uiudimmc 2, ut. IG.} 
" The bill Against coujuraclons, and niebecratles, und gorcery, and cnchunt^ 

" Whereas djvcrs and sunrlrie persons unlawfully have devised and pmctiseil 
intocacions and conjuradons of sprites, pretending by anchc meanes to undef- 
■tande and get knowlege, for their own lucre, in what place treasure of golde 
and silver sboulde or mought be founde or had in the earthe or other secrete 
places, and also have used und occupied wiehecralVes, inchantmcnts, and 
sorceries, to the diitruccion of their neigbboures personnes and goodes. And 
for execucion of their saide folce devises and practises have made or caused to 
be made diverse images and pictures of men, women, children, angellei, and 
dcvclles, heastes, or fowlles; and also have made crowncs, septures, swordes, 
Tynges, glasses, and other things, and, gjFrng faithe and credit to suche fan* 
tasticuJl practises, have dygged up and pulled down an infinite noinbre of 
croBscB within thii realme, and taken upon them to declare and IcU where 
tbinget lost or stollen should become; wych things cannot be used and exer- 
eisod but to the greate oflTence of God's lawe, hurte and dami^e of the Kinges 
subjectes, and tosseofthesowtesof such oflenders, to the greate dishonor of God, 
infntny and disquietncs of the realme. For refonuocion whereof be it enacted 
by the Kynge nurc Sovereigne Lord, with ih'assent of the lordea ejiiHtuall and 
temporall, and the commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by auc- 
toritic of the same, that if any personeor personcs, after the fxrslc doy of Maye 
next comyng, use, devise, practise, or eiarcise any invocncions or coDJuracioni 
ofejiriles, wicbecraftes, enchantments, or sorceries, to th'intent to get or fyndc 
money or treasure, or to waste, consume, or destroy any person in hi* bodie, 
menibrea, or goodes, to provoke any pcrsone to unlawfidl love, or for any other 
nnlawfull intcnte or purpose, nr by occasion or colour of such thinges or any 
(if them, or for dispite of Cbriste, orfor lucre of money, dyggeupor pull downe 
any crosse, or crosses, or by snche invocncions, orcoiyuraelons of sprilus, wiub- 
erallni, encbantmeniE, or sorcerie, or any of them, take upon theiu Ui tell or 
declare where goodes stolen or lost shall become, that then all and every 
suche ofleneu and oirencen, from the saide Rrsl day of Mayo neat comvngi', shall 



be tlcmyd acvepteU and adjuged felonj ; aud tlial all and erery pursotic and per- 
sonea offending as is aliove Biiid, their couucellors, abettors and procuror*. and 
every of theiu, from the saide first day of Muye shall be dcmyde, accepted, and 
adjuged a feloD and feloncs, and the ofTender or oSenders contrnrie to this 
Acte, being thei'euf luwfullie convictt^d belbre sucbe aa shall Lave puwer and 
auctorilie to here and determjrne felonyes, eIisII hnve and suGTer euuhe paynes ol' 
dcaihe, losse and forfaytures of llieir lHndLt,teneu)euts,goodes, and calalles, a* 
in cues iif telonye, by the course of the common laweB of this realnie, aai also 
shall lose privilege of ciergie and sayntuarie." 

Indoried, Bill tvgainst conjurncion, wiehecrnftes, &c. an" 33 U. 8, No. 8. 
Repealed I" Edw. 6. 

From the number of prophcsyers, conjurers, and pretenders lo aiipernatural 
powers, whose names occur about the same time as that of Robert Allen, we 
may conclude that the profession iras not unprofitable, though great efforts 
were made to check it by severe puuishmonta. One is thus noticed by Slowe: 
" Also in the mouth of September (ISfiO) Grig, a poulter of Surrey, taken 
among the people for a prophet, in curing of divers diseases by words and 
prayers, aud saying he would take no tnoncy. Sic. was, by comuiaudement of 
the carle of Warwick and other of the couiicill, set on a scaffold in the towiic 
of Croydon, in Surrey, with a paper on his breast, wherein was written his 
deceiptfull and hypocritieoU dealings. And afler that, on the 8 of Septembre, 
set on the pillorie in Southwarko, being then our Ladies faire tliere kept, and, 
the maior of London with his brethren the aldermen riding thorow the faire, 
tlie said Grig asked thein and all the citizens forgivenesae. Thus much for 
Grig." (Slowe's Chronicle ) 

The following particulars respecting some other conjurers, in the reign of 
Edward the Sixth, are very curious, and hitherto unpublished. Among other 
extraordinary assertions here made ore these, that the conjurer's art bad been 
employed lo recover the protector Somerset's stolen plate, as well as the money 
of a servaut of secretary Paget, with the consent of both those statesmen ; aud 
another, that there were supposed to be five hundred conjurers prnctisiog in 
England. The confessions of Wjchcrley's ill-auccess are so ludicrous and 
absurd that it is diflicult to realise the fact that tbey were gravely extracted 
by a privy councillor. Every page is signed by the hand of the deponent : — 

(US. LunxlowDG 2, ul. 2^.) 

IModarn title, An examination token by Sir Tbomas Smith of Wm. Wicbcrly, 

conjurer, and bis complice, a* 154^.] 

William Wicherley, of ^aint Sepulchre's parishe, in Charturhouse-lane, 
tnylor, where he hath dwelt for the t-pace of twoo yeres aud more, being 
oxainyneil ujion cci'tnin articles, he saitb as followeth : — 


To the first tii: saith that he hatli been thcis tlirco monelfaes 1 
with John Clevke, of Westminster, 

To the seconde he saith that about Easter last one of the gronie* of the 
King's slaughter- home wife, whose name lie knoweth not, liaJ her pur»e puked 
of tenne shillinges, and the foraaid Clerck brought the said slaughtermon'a 
wife to this deponent, to lerne who had picked her pnrae. At which tjme she 
delivered to this deponent the mtmes in writing of auchc persona ai she had in 
suspicion. Which names he put severally into the pipe of a kny, nnd Injiiig 
the kaj apon the verse * of the spalter (psalter) in the spatter book, vir. Sit 
mdebis /xtrein, gr. did say. Si uidebia farem, atrrebai cam bo, e( aaa adtdUrem 
partionem taam ponthai. And whan ihis verse was said over one of the nantes, 
which was a woman, the book and kej tourned rounde, and therapon this 
deponent said to the abovesaid Gierke, and tlie slaughterman's wife, that tlie 
same woman had the money whose name was on the kay, as farr as this depo- 
nent could judge, because the kay and boke did tourne at her name and at 
none others. And he saith that he hath used this practise* so often that he 
(dothe not remembre altered to) cannot exprease how many the tymes; for 
]>eoj)le ar so importune upon hym dayly for this purpose, that he is not able to 
avoyde them, but kepeth hyroself within his doores. 

Per me, Wtij.** WTCBBU-m. 

Item, to the third and iiiji" irticlei he snith that John Clerkc was with hym 
apon. Saturday last in this deponent's house, and moved hym to use his for^atd 
practise for a*kcrcher, a placard, and a double rayle' which n woman of West- 
minster, as the sud Clarke said, was stolne (Ji'c), and then named to this depo> 
ncnt vj wymmen and a man which was then in the house when it was stolne ; 
and this deponent aunswered and said that he wolde not meddle withall, except 
he hod the eounsail's lettre or cummaundement. And he saith that mr. Paget 
servant about hallantide last came to this respondent with his majster's letlre, 
desiring and willing hym to help hla man the best he could to mony that hi; 
had lost; yet notwithstanding he sailh that he wolde not, nor did not luedlc 
anything in the mater. And otherwise he denyeth the articles. 

Per me, Wn-LA"* WTcanmuK. 
iisiij° Augnsti. 

Item, he saith that about ten years past he used a circule called draim 
Salamanis, at a plitce called Fembsam' in Sussex, to callc up Bora, whom 

• Pmlm I, .. 18. II U prinwd above as writton in ih= MS. 

' The same mads of divination li dMorihed in the AthrniAii Onciv about ITOl; tea 
Unnil> Populu Antiquitio, [edit. Elli>.) ii. 811. 

' •.(. a hercbier, ■ pluket or undir-ptlUcoal, aad a rail or ovor-|juiUi».iii. 

' Pniliap* Puiiplesham, betWMn llasIlD)^ and l)«iliill. 


he toketh an orleDtalle or BeptentriaUe spirit. Where waa also oae Bobert 
Bnylj' the scryer of the cristalle stone,' sjt John Andtirson the magiater 
oprrulor, ejt John Hicklej, and ThomBa Goslyng, in the which their practise 
the)! had sworde, ring, Bnd hallywaler. Where they were fruairated, for Baro 
did not appere, nor other -vinion of spirit, but there was a terrible wynde and 
tempest for the tyuie of the circulation. And sitfaens that tyme he used uo 
consecrat cyrcule, but hsth used the cristdle to invocate the spirit called 
Seariot, which be called dyvers tjmes into the eriatall, to have knowledge of 
thynga stolnc, which spirit hath geven hym knowledge an C. Ijraes, and thereby 
nicn have been restored to their goodes. 

And this practise by the cristalle he hath at the commaundement of my 
lord protector e:tecuted id the presence of mr. Tbynne, nu-. Whatley, mr. 
George Blage, and mr. Challoner, and one Weldon. And by ihis meane niy lord 
protector's plate was founde, where thla deponent told bis grace that it waahidd. 

And about amoneth past, at the chaunge of the mone, he did uhc this prac- with the criatalle, and invocation of the apirile, to know whither he could 
fynde things that were lost i and about twoo moneths, likewise at Ualeoke, for 
treasure hid, but hehatb founde none by his art. 

Per me, Wruj'- Wtchbbley. 

Item, he eaith that he can invocate the spirite into the cristalle gtasse 
Bssone aa any man, but he cannot hynde the spirit so snre as other from 
their lyinge lyea. 

Item, as coDcernyng the sword nnd the use therof he saith that he hath not 
used the same, save only about twoo monellis past be used hallywuter, a 
sworde unconsecruted, and therefore was uoefTectuouse, at Hale oke beside 
Fullam, where they digged for treasure and found none. But aa they were 
working in the feat, tber came by them olongst the highway a black blynde 
horse, and made this deponent and other with hyiu to ronne their trayes, for it 
was In the nighte. 

Otherwise he bath not wrought with sworde, sceptre, crowne, ring, or any 
other thing. 

Item, he saith that within this sevenight one Humfray Loeke, about Wynd- 
sore forest, and one Potter, of St. Clcuient's pariah without Temple barre, 
came to this deponent for a sworde and a sceptre going apon joynctes, which 
hath been consecrated and now are polluted; and a ring with the great name 
of God written thriae, Telragraminatim, which this deponent delivered them; 

■ Divination b; ■ magip cTjatnl va.t fruilaitA hj Williiim B}g klliu Leche about tha 
year 1465. See the Archn.'ologicftl Journkl, vol. liii. p. 372. and in Iho ume place a 
note on Lhe (muous eiTstal of itr. Dm. See (Ih > [uper oa ciTstats of augury, by H. 
Syer Cuming, in tha Jourool of tlio Arclivulugical AMOciatJon, vol. >. p. CI ; auil Bnad's 
Papular AntiquiliM, [pdiE, Ellia, 1B13) ii. 113. 

334 .U'PKSiJix. 

and the; twoo irith a preest entenJ at {Uig or the neit lunation to conjure for 

treasure hid betwtne Newbury anil Reading. 

Item, be sailh that about Ix jerea jinst he did conjure at Turmoulh in the 
great circule, with the aworde and ring tonsecrnted ; but noUiing appeared uulo 
hym, becauae that an old preeet being there was so sore afraide that he ran awaj' 
before the apirit called Ambroae Walerduke L-ould appere, 

Seryert. — Item, he knoweth that one Lowth, In Flcte-strete, a broderer, 
usetb the criatall stone, and gocth about daily to dygge for treasure. 

Thouuu Matfrey of Goldatone besides Yarmoutb, [and] a woman besides 
Stotce Clare, wboae name [be] knowctb not, are skryers of the glaaae. 

Conjurors. — Maier, a preeat, and now say-maater of the mynt ut Durham 
bouse, hath conjured for treasure and their stolne goods. 

Sir John Lloyd, a prceat, that aomtyme dwelt at Godetoue beajdea Croydon, 
hatb uaed it likewyse. 

Thomas Owldring, of Yarmouth, is a conjurer, and hath very good bookes of 
conjuring, and that a great nomber. 

Sir Robert Brian, of Hiegh'gate, prceat, eoiuc tyme an array!,* conjureth 
with a ayve and a pair of gheorea,^ iuvocating aaint Faule and Saint I'eter. 
And be also useth the paalter and the key with a paiduic, Deia kumam geserit, 
or Dtut dtorum.' 

One ThumaK Shakilton occupietb the syrc and aheeree, and lie dwellith in 
Alderagate-strete, a laborer, but he saitb by aaint SuTiour that the man bath 
deonc therwitb many praty feates, and many troutliea trycd out. 

One Christopher Morgan, a pliusterer, and bis wife, dwelling [q Ueche-laoei 
betides the Barbieane, oecupietb the syye and aheerea also. 

Item, one Croxtou't) wife, in Golding-laue in Saint Giiea pariahe, occuinetb 
the syve and sheeres, and she only apeaketh with the liiyrayeB. 

Johu Davye, a Welshman, late dwelling with my lord proteelor'a grave, is a 
prophesier, and a great teller of tbingea lost. 

■ Near tli« biihop of London'n toll-house U HighgiU, in the purlih of HomH;, ww a 
berniilagB, with ■ chopol, — ths nUFliui >rouii<l which the priiint tunn of Higbgate wu 
tunned. Sec Newcourt's Repertorium EdoIcb. LondiDBUe, i. 654. 

' A mode of divliuliOD deacrlbed b; Theocritui : see (etoral |iuugei collaoled abont 

it in Brandt FopuluLT Antiquitln, (edit. Elba,) il. 639. The polnU at the ilieui wan 

fined in tht wood of (be tien, which wu Imlanced upright bj Iwo iicrwni, on s flngur of 

e^tli -, on Llie rol thief being Dunod. the ■leio suddcnlf turned nuiiil. 

The orade of aloe and alieata, 

TbM lunu u eerlain ai the ipbetea. 

Hudibnu, Part II. Cante lil. I. SOIf. 
' DtHi dtoran is the GOtb Pulm, of wbkh the ISth reno, aiiudiug tu " a tliief," I 
hmui ajreadf eited in p. 3)2. I do nul iwugniw iHui Aumaii i/tiitrii. 

On the 7th June, 1532, there w 
one Rogers to be set in the pillori 
phe?ies. acrordjng to the minute." 

It would be easj to extend this no 
reign of Edward the Sixth into thoa 


John Turnour, dwelling at a place within twoo miles of Lynne, and his ton, 
conjureth a spirile. 

One Durant, a pajnter in Norwich, doth use invocation ofeplriteB. 
And this deponent saith that there be within England above v hundred con- 
jurers as he lliioketb, but he knowetli not their names ; and specially in Nor- 
folk, Hartford shire, and Wourceslershire and Gloucestershire a great nomber. 
Will A" Wtchehlkt. 
On the 24th of May, \65l, we Gnd "William Tassell committed to the cub- 
todieof the master of th'orses for catting of figures and prophesleng." On the 
next day, " William Tassell, of Balsani, neare Cambridge, bounde by recpgni- 
saunce of xl li. t'appeare from dale to dale before the couosaJU." (Register of 
the Privy Council, MS. Addit. 14,023, f 199.) 

IS "a letter to sir Anthony Auchier to canse 
i for his sedicioua reporting of Icwde pro- 

(MS. Addit. 14,026, f, 130.) 
note into a volume, if wc went on from the 
e of his succeasor^ for the same struggle 
with credulity and imposture was continued during the sixteenth century, and 
with little abatement during the seventeenth. 

Page ITS. Qailaae the lawyer. — The nuthora of the Athenie Cantabrigienses, 
vol. i. p. 874, are inclined to '^ fear" that thja was George Gaseoigne,afterwardg 
distinguished as a poet. Still there is rnora to hope to the contrary, not only 
because Gascoigne'a flowers of poesy did not begin to bud until 1562, whereoa 
poets generally show themselves at an early age ; but further, because 
" Gastone the lawyer " had " an old wife " as early as the date of Undcrhill's 
anecdotes, that is, about 1 531. 

Ths AtiToniooBAPUi at Thomas Mowntainb. 

Page 1T7. Whiltington College. ~Su>yie relates, respecting the monument of 
the founder of this college, and great city benefactor, sir Richard Whittingtnu, 
that his remains had been three times buried in the church of St. Michael in 
the Rynl; "first, by his executors, under a faire monument; then in the reigne 
of Edward the Sixth, the parson of that church, thinking some great riches (na 
he said) to be buried with him, caused his monument to be broken, his body 
to be spoiled of his leaden sheet, and aguine the second time to be buried; 
and, in the reigne of queneMury, the parishioners were forced to take him up, 
to lap him in lead as afore, to bury bini the third time, and to place his monu- 
ment, or the like, over Liiii againc " The spoliating parson was, of course, our 
over-xealnus friend Thomas Mowntnyne. 

Page 180. T/ie living Qed. — Mowntaync represents bishop Gardyncr to say, 
"1'lie^ have nnlliin^ in their months, ihesc heretics, bill ITu ImtiI livtlli, the 


lioiag Gal," kc. and that beretks might be reuagnlsed by tbeir oonaUnt use oT 
such expressions. TherQ is a corresponding statement in I'oxe'a account of 
the examination of Richard Woodman in 1S96. One of his answers woa, 
" No, I praise the living God." On irhich doctor Story remarked, " This is a 
heretic indeed ! Ue bath the right terms of all heretics, the living God. I 
pray you, be there dead Gods? that you say Ike living Ood." Woodman quoted 
Barak, chapter vj., to prove both that there is a living God, and that there bo 
dead godsi ajid atlcrnanls the 84th Psolni. After nhich, doctor Story, 
addressing bishop Christopheraon, said, " My lord, I will tell yon bow you 
shall know a, heretic by his words, because I have been more used to them 
than you have been ; that is, they will say /Aa Lord, and ire /imiie Oud, and 
the liaiag God. By these words you shall know a heretick." (See the convcr- 
aation at length in Fokb's story of Richard Woodman.) 

Page 194. Funeral of Sir Oliver Leader. — On Thursday mornynge, beingo 
the xviijtb of Februarye, A" I3fl6, betweene iij and iiij in the mornynge, dyeil 
sir Glyvcr Leader knight, at his howsse at Create Stolton, in the eountye of 
Huntyngton, wheras he was buryed the t'xV (2fltb ?) of the same nioneth, 
Slorners, Mr. Wylsone, one of the clerkes of the cbauncerye. 
Gerarde Harvye. 
George Symper. 
Edward Butler. 
Roberte Tonfyeld. 

Standerd, Rycbard Mylsent. 
Pennon, Edmond Ogle. 
Hii woorde. Now tAi», Oiankyd be Jhs'. (MS. Coll. Arm. I. IS, f. 272 b.) 
Page 211. Tnidgt'OFer-Ihe- world was the soubriquet given to one G 
Eagles, a tailor, whose martyrdom is related at some length by Foie, und 
title of " The story and death of George Eagles, otherwise Trvdgeoeer, i 
painfull travailer in Christ's Gospel," — " for he, wandering abroad into divers 
and far countreys, where he could findc any of his brethren, did there moat 
earnestly encourage and comfort tbem, now tarrying in this town, and some 
time abiding io that, certain moneths together, as occasion served, linlging 
Bomi!time in the countrey, and sometime for fear living in fields and woo<l)>, 
who, for his immoderate and unreasonable going abroad, was called Trudge' 
oeer. OHen times he did lie abroad in the night without cov<u't, spending 
the most part in devout and earnest prayer. ... In the queen's name a grievous 
edict was proclaimed thofowout fuure shires, Essex, Sufiblke. Kent, and 
Northfolke, promising the partie that took him twentie pounds for his pains," 
Ai last he was seen at Colchester, at the fair time on Mary Magdalen's d«y, 
and soon after caught hiding in a cum-6eld. His indictment "did runne 
luuch after thi.s bshion: George Eagles, thim art indicted by the nnmo of 



George Eagles, otherwise Trudgtoeer the world, for tliat thou ilidst such a 
A»J iQikke ifaj prayer, that God should turiie queen Maries heart, or else 
take her away." He aulfered at Chtfliusford the barbaroua death of n traitor, 
being hung, cut down alive, beheaded, and quartered. His head wus placed 
on the market cross at Chelmsford, and his quarters exposed at Colehester, 
Uitrwich, Chelmsford, and S. Rouses (i.i-. St. Osjthe's). 

The following passage occurs in the register of the privy council under the 
3rd August, 1356 ; " Where sondrie letters had been before directed ta divers 
justices for the apprehension of otie TrmlgeoDer, be being taken and exei:uted 
by mr. Anthony llrowne, sergeant-at-law, in Essex, a letter as this dny was 
directed to the said sergeant Browne, geving hym thanks lor his diligent 
proceding against the anid 3Viu^e, villing hym lo distribute hia head and 
quarters according \o his and his colleagues* former deteruiinatioiis, iind to 
procede with his uoaplices according to the qualities of tbeir ofTeiu'es." 

In Foxe's story of ttalfe Allerton, who wus apprehended by the lord Durey 
of Chichc, and burnt at Colchester Sept. 17, 15^7, we read that the biiibop 
of Rochester (Maurice Griffin), in his examination on the 19lb May. 1337, 
asked him, "Were you a companion of George Eagles, otherwise called 
Tradgeo-nerf My lord of London telU me that you were his fellow com- 
panion." Ralfe answered, "I knew him very well, my lord." The bishop 
remarked, " By mj faitb, I had bim once, and then be was as drunke m an 
ape. for he stanke so of drinke that 1 could not abide him, and so sent him 
away." Ralfe boldly replied, " My lord, I dare say jou tooke your mnrke 
ainisse. It wus either yourselfe, or some of your company ; for he did neither 
drinke wine, ale, nor beerc, in a quarter of a yeere before that time ; and 
tfaerefure it was not be, forsooth." Foxe afBrms of Eagles, " His diets was so 
above measure spare aiid slender, that for the fpace of three yeers he used for 
the must part to drink nothing but very water; whereunto he was compelled 
through necessilie of the time of persecution ; and after, when be perceived 
that his bodie by God's providence proved well enough with this diet, he 
thought best to inure himself therewithall agtunst all necessities." 

Page 212. Mr. Tyrell. — See in Foxe a letter of Edmund Tyrel esquire, 
dated from Raimesdon park, the tStli of June. I2S3. reporting bis capture of 
John Denley and John Newman, who were afterwards burned ^ also, a letter 
of sir John Mordaunt and Edmund Tyrcl eaqulre, justices of the peace for 
Essex, sending up to London certain heretics from Great Rurstede, 2 March, 
ldS6. His name occurs frequently in Foxe as a cruel persecutor rn Essex : 
•ee the Index to Cattley's edition. One of Foxe's larger cuts represents this 
Edmund Tyrell, of Saynt Osythe'B, burning the hand of Rose Allin, of Much 
Bentlvy. (On such tentative burnini; sec a former note in p. 65.) 


Tub Ln-E a 

) Dmath or Abcbbibhop Ckakici 

Page 220. Cranmer'a book, 2>e noH dwenda Fratria, nippoced by Jenkyirf 
to be logt, is by W. II, C, iu Notes und Queries, Sicood Series, to), vi. p. 92, 
iUenliiied with the article in Ames's History of Frinting, p. 1133, entitled 
Oiwinima, §■€. ctnntra. 

Pa^e 222, note. The literary history of Cranmer'i CoBeelinta/rom tte HiJy 
Scriptures and the FaOim. now the Roynl MSS. 7 B. XI snd XII.' is preserve"! 
in the following very remarkable correspondence of archbishop Pnrkcr : — 
To the right honorable Sir William Cecyl, Knight, 

Principal Secretary to the Q. Miyestie. At the court. 

(Sxtraet.) — Now, Sir, with spying and scrching, I have found oat bi very 
credible en formation, nmong other things. In whose hanilea the grute notftbl* 
wryten bokes of my predcPt-aaour, dr. Cranmer, shuld remayne : the pnrtyea 
yet denying the same ; and thcrupon despnyre to discover them, except I ntaye 
be ayded bi the councell'a letters to obtayne them. I proy your honor lo 
procure thcr letters to authorise me to enquire and serch for such monumi-ats 
by al wnyeB, as bi mi pore discretion shal be thought good : whether it b« 
bi ileferryng on othe to the partjea, or vcwcng iher studies, &c. This opportu- 
iiytie of cBformHtion being suche, I wold wyshe I coud recover these bokes, lo 
be afterward at the Q[uecn's] commandment. I wold as mochc rcjoyce whyle 
I am In the countreye to wynnc Lhem, as I wold la restore an old chancel to 
rcpnrutJuD. liecause X am not acqueynted with the slile of the councel'a 
letters in this case, I send you no minute, trusting that your goodoes will 
think the lauber wel bestowed to cause the clorkc of the oounccl to devi»e 
the forme. 

At my bouse, from Bekesborne, this 22 of August [1363]. 

Your honor's assured, Mattbue Cakt. 

(Strype*s filemorials of Cranmer, Appendix, p. 217.] 

Sir William Cecill's reply, written from Windsor, Aug. 25 : — 

"May it please your grace, I thank the same for your lettres. I am gladd 
that you have herd of such hidd treasures, as I take the bookes of the holly 
archbishop Cranmer to be. I have of late recovered of his wrytten bookes 
». or vj., which I had of one mr. Herd Irom Lyiicoln. Your grace wrytclh to 
have letlres trom the counsell : but to whom they shuld be wrytten. or who 
the persons be of whom the wrytinges shuld be dcmandeil, your grace's lettre 
uiokcth DO mention. And tfaerfor, knowing ao such ernestnes here or care uf 
such matteri, I forbeare to press the counsel! thorwitb, specially being not babte* 

• Frinlld ftjr Slryj^ liibl^. 



to render them aa nccoinjit wbo hatli tbe wrjtingea. Iliit upon 
_lherof, I will not Biyle but proeure such lettres. From Wyndsor, where 
we ar yet in hetth, thnnkud be Almighty Go'l. On tewsdaye the Spa; ebuscs- 
ilor dyed with in ij myles ofa burning ngew. 23 Aug. 1363. Tour gmcega st 
command W. CRCitL." (Autograph in MS. Reg. 7 B. XI.) 
Artbbiflhop Parker, in reply (from the original draft, MS. Reg. 7 B. XI.) ; 
" Where I dyd wright to your honor to procure tht councell'B letters for tha 
obtcjning of certen auncyent wrjten bokes of the late lord Crnnmer, and 
belike dyd not express particularly eythcr to whom these letters shuld be 
directed, nor the persons of whom thei shuld be demanded, your honor sbal 
understand that the pnrtye to whom helongcth these bokes, suyd to me to 
recover them out of D. Nevyson's handei,' in whoie studye the owner playnlj 
avoucheth that he sawe them with bis owne eyes (here: who after that dyd 
require them of hym, beyng conveyd away from bym tbe sajd owner; but the 
said Neviaon denyeth to have them ; and I am persuaded he wold do the same 
to myself yf I shuld dc[mand] ihem ; and thereupon desired to have the coun- 
cell's letters which he might better regard, eyther directed to me to require 
them of hym, or cilis to hym to delyver them to me, bcyng none of his own but 
usurped in secrecye, for tbe which I have made moch long eni^uirye, tyl nowe 
the partye who ownclh them detected so iiioi.'he to me. I refer tbe cooNdeni- 
tioo of this my desire eyther to be astyifyed by the meBnes of such lettert 
aforaaid, or vllys by yours privately, as yo'' gentle prudence shiil thinke best- 
Indeed the mater is of erneat importance, and uedeth your helfie. Yf gratitude 
the aayd Nevjson to me ware not to aeke.' Fynnlly I praye your honour onys 
again hulpe forward mr. Manwood's good enteni,' as conacyence with the rea- 
son '' your office may couvenyently beare yt. 7 Sept." 

■ Stephen Nsr^UMjD, LL.U. coinm iiiiuj-ganeral of lbs dioceu uf Caotarbui; I£61, 

and aciDon of Cnutirbur} alwut 1670. Bca ■ memoir of him in Athcan Oaotab. 1. 420. 

>• So Hi vs. I'robably tkt anltbiikBp inlendtd to vrite, " In gratitude lo me the uid 

wiihn without much Hlicitaljon. 

• Mr. Manwood wiu apporeatlj the pemin whom Parki 
■cripu, and who wu prepand to tnngfer them lo him up«i 

^Lits ot Parkur, p. ISO] (wnjecluni that the rJghtrul owner coold onlj bo archbiahi 
Cranmer'a aoo Thomaa, n hii fulher'a heir ; but olher amngvmenli might biia ti 
fenod Uio books to mr. Manwood. Thji wai no dnubt Roger Muiwood, Hijauit-al 
ISdTijuUice of tho queen's bani^b 1572, Bail chief liarua of the eioliequsr 1S7B, 
founder of Sandwich arUDmar Klioot : wo Uujn's Hittorji of Sandwich, 1702, 4to. 
200, 21S, and Fo«~iLivFi of llie Judg». 

1 So arMS. 

illi Iba owner ot Ibe mana- 
ig pouearion. 8ti7pe 



The council's letter (from the original in 7 B. XL) : — 

After our vorle hartie comtuendntions to your good lordsbippe. Being giTco. 

t'undcrstnnd that ccrtaine vrrittcn bokes aotitalneng maltera of divinytie, loiite- 

tinie belonging to arcbebigsbop CrAnnier, your L.'s prcdecesaour, are come to 

tb'nnde* of Docto'. Neveeon, being verie necessary to be sene at tbia lynie; we 

have aomwhat earnestlye writ to the said M'. Neveaon to deliver those bookea 

unto your L. And like as we doubt not but be will furthwilh deliver the 

same unto you, eonaidi^rLng tbej are for ao good a purpose require<I of bim ; 

So, ifhe sball deny the delivery ihereot^ we thinke mete that your L. liy your 

owne aathoritye, do cause hia atudye, and suche other places where you thinke 

the said bakes do remayne, to be sought : and if the aame bokea may be founde, 

to take them into your L. custody. And thus we bid your good L. moste 

hwlely farewelle. From Windeaorc Castle, the xxiij"" of September, 1563. 

Your good L, moat assured lovlnge freudeai 

N. Bacon, C.S. W. Nob.tht. Penqbokb. 

R. Dui>DKt.Mr. E. Ci.r«T0iT. F. Knollts. 

Wii,i,M. Petbe, S. W. Cbcili- 

Wbeu archbishop Parker obtained the MSS. he caused transcripts to be 
mnile of them, which Strypo saw in the library of dr. Complon bishop of I.^n- 
Oon 167S-1713 ; aud he hue printed the contents of (he chapters in Appendix 
XXIU. to his Life of Parker. Another table of contents ia given by Casley 
in his Catalogue of the Royal Munnscripts. 

The original volumes, now the Royal MSS. 7 B. XT. XII., passed again into 
private hands. " I find (says Cosley), in a Catalogue of MSS. formerly mr. 
Thcycr's of Cooper's Hill,* but which were bought for the Ring's library of mr. 
Scott, that these two volumes were valued at \00l. ; but bishop Beveridge and 
dr. June, appraisers for the King, brought down the price to SOl," (Caalej, 
CatHlogua of the Royal MSS. p. 12^.} They muat therefore have been acquired 
' for the Royal Collection in ihe reign of queen Anne, dr. Beveridge being bishop 
of St. Asaph from 1704 to 170H. 

Page 2iT. Ried. TfiomdeH, mffragon hUknp of Doner. — Fose has piibliidiei) ■ 
letter to Thornden biahop of Dover, from Thomas Gotdwell, prior of Christ- 
church (noticed in p. 283), which was wntten from Brussels on the 16th of 
June, 1554, by direction of cardinal Pole, then in that city. It severely censurea 
the lulFragan for his conduct nnd doctrine in the days of King Edward, and 
again for having recently prcduiueil to aing mass in pontijlcahbui before he had 

oit ihn a,.]Mt ot 7 n.xi. h. ■ 

unan-pliufl book,— JoHIi TuETEl 

"Thin intlipfintYolm 

1 of Bp. Ciaiimw'* 


received absolution; but at the Bame time conveys to him faculties for the con- 
tJuuance of his functinna as suffragan. (Edition by Cattlej, rii. 297.) 

Fage SS8. On the poating of Craumev's Dedaration in Loniion and in 
Canterbury, aee the Zurich Letters, i. 371. 

Ibiil. Sir Thnnuu Bn/dgea.—la 1548 Thomas Brydges, next brother to 
John first lord Chanilos, was stewnrd of the Kiog's hundred of Cha<)litlgton, 
and of his manors of Burford and Minster Lovell, nnd keeper of his forest of 
Whichvood, and of his pnrka of Langley and Cornbury, at irhicl) Inst be 
resided, and was buried in tlie church of Chadlinglon. Through tlie reign of 
Rdnord VI. he had large grants of abbey lands. (Topographical Miscellanies, 
1792. 4ta) 

Sir Richard a Brydges (another brother ?) was, when sherifT n( Berkshire, one 
of the comniissionen for the trial of .Tulitis Palmer at Newbury, July 16, \55%; 
and, in order to induce Palmer to renounce his opinion!!, made what Foxe terms 
ft "gentle offer" to liim of meat and drink, and book^ and ten pounds yearly, 
SO long as he would live with him. 

Mobice's Asbcdotkh, &c. or Cbahmes. 

Page 233. The Family of Ralph Moriee.—'ln one of his supplications to 
queen Elizabeth, Ralph itloriee represents that he hnil four daughters all mar- 
riageable, and not wherewithal to bestow ihem according to their quality ; and 
he prays to be relieved with the pension that had been allowed in the tiioe of 
the late prior Wildbore of St. Augustine's abbey in Canterbury, from his 
estate at Qeakesboume, as it would be a good furtherance to bis said daughters' 

I have been favoured by the Rev. James Craigie Robertson, M.A. the present 
Vicar of Bcakabourne, with the following extracts from his parish register, 
which appear to show that when the means arrived three out of Morice's four 
daughters went off at double quick time. Let us hope that the fourth remained 
to close her father's eyes in peace. 

1570-1. Edward Vanwyhler and Margaret Morjee, Jan. 25. 
James Cryppyn and Mary Morice, Jan. 29. 
Jiihn llart and Anne Morrice, Feb. 8. 

Under 1361-2 occurs the burial of Alyce Morrys, Feb. 23. 

Page 236. Commiiiion to iruil Ihe diacttet of Rochetter, ift. in 1547. — In 
Fo»e, edit. 13 , p. , is another communication of Morice, relating the con- 
versation which took place between the arehbishop and "the said register his 
man," i.e. Aforice, at Hampton Court, '' touching the guod effect and success of 



L hiB MemorinJa of 

the Mine visitation." Mr. JenkjDS has extrnctEiI i 
Cianincr, vol. i. p. 320. 

Mr. Briggii, flip "preacher" to the TisItorB, wbb Simon Brigga, fellow of 
Pcinbrolte hall, CambriJge, 1538, and of Trinity college, by the foundation 
charter, 154G; D.D. 1347. See Athcnse CaDtubrigienges, i. 93. 

Page 237. Salpk Mortar further contributed to Foxe " A discourie touch- 
ing a certaia policy used by Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, in 
staying King Henry the Eighth from redressing of certain abuses of cercmo- 
nies in the Church ; being ambassador beyond the seas. Also the communica- 
tion of King Henry the Eighth had with the ambaasadnr of France at Hampton 
court concerning the reformation of lleligion as well in France as in England, 
A.v. Ifi46, in the month of August." (Edit. 1570, p. 1425; Cat tley's edition, v. 
661 — 564.) I should in p. 334 and p. 237 have spoken of the lecond edition 
of Foxe as dated 1570, not 1576. 

Morice aliw ivrotc the recantation of one master Barber, M.A. of Oxford. 
— Cattley'a edit. v. 4fi4. 

Page 247. Mr. Igaac. — " Edward Isaac of the pariahe of Wei! in the counlie 
of Kent," aa he is described in Morice's paper respecting I^atymer and Bayne- 
ham (mentioned in p. 237), but which should be corrected to " Well court in 
the parish of Icltham, near Littlebourn." When doctor Sandys (afterwards 
archbishop of York) went into exile, mr. Isaac met him at Milton-shore in 
Kent, and sent his eldest son with him to Antwerp. Isaac was afterwards 
himself a refugee, resident some time at Strasburif, and afterwords at Frank- 
fort, where his eldest son died. When Dr, Sanilys was at Slrasburg, "hia 
iustentation there was cbiedy from one master Isaac, who loved Idm most 
dearly, and was ever more ready to j|;ive than he to take." (Foxe, not im- 
probably from Morice's information.) Mr. Isaac appears to have lived chilifljr 
at Frankfort during bis exile, and bis name occurs among those who were 
strongly opposed to John Knox. (See the Troubles of Frankfort ; Hasted, 
History of Kent, iii. 66G, 722 ; Strypc, Memorials, III. i. 231, 406 ; Annals, I. 
i. 163; Latimer's Works, Parker Soc. ii. 221.) 

Page 250. The Pelican. — Over the figure in brass-plate of John Prcstwick, 
dean of Hastings, in Warbleton church, Sussex, is a canopy terminating in a 
linial, vLtch is composed of the pelican feeding her young with her blood, 
and this tnotto £ic Xpue Dllrxtt KM. The date of this design is 1436. It la 
engraved in Boutcll's Monumental Brasses, and in the Sussex Archsological 
Collections, vol. ii. p, 307. There was an old distich which thus declared the 
meaning of this emblem — 



Fi^e 251. Sir John Ooitwyek. — How Gostnjck was capable of acting is 
■hown hy a mcmorandutn under his own hand addreiscd Co the King oflvr 
Crumwell'g disgrace : " Maj it please jour most excellent mnjestie to be adver- 
tised that I, jour most humlili.' ecrvaunl, John GoBlwyck, liave in raj hands, 
whiche I treasaured from tjme to tjine unknowne unlo th'er! of Esbcji, 
whiche if I bad declared unto bjm he would have caused me to disburse bj 

cooimaunilement, without narraunt, as heretofore I have done x M li." 

(EIHb's Original Letters, II. ii. 162, from MS. Cotton. Append, xxviii. fol. 12S.) 
Sir Henrj Ellia considert that this statement maj have done Crumwell CMential 
harm, as counteracting his asseveration tbat he had never deceived the King 
in anj of his treasure. 

Page 252. Certain prebettdarUi audjwticet of the thire. — In Moricc's paper, 
which woa inserted by Foxe in his Actes and Monuments, concerning "the 
trouble of Kichard Turner, preacher, at Chatham," he has given some other 
particulars of the doings of the popish justices of Kent ; and thus mentions 
their names — " the justices, such na then favoured their cause and faetion, and 
such as are no small fiKiIs, as sir John Baker, sir Christopher Hales, sir Thomas 
Moile [of Weatweli], knights, with other juBticea." In Jenkyns'a Remiuns of 
Craonier, the archbishop's letters cxcvt. and cicviii. ore addressed to a justice 
who had publiclj impugned his doctrines, and letters cxcvii. and cicis, are 
the justice's replies, written in October 1537. The last letter is dated from 
Rajnham, but it is not clear from Uasted's Historj ofEent who was the justice 
then there resident. Possiblj it was sir Autbooj St. Leger, whose fluctuating 
religious sentiments hove lieen elsewhere discussed (p. 179). 

Page 256. — but ttoile tcillioule the doirre emangrs lervyjigmen and laeluit aboie 
thre ^vartert of aa hoirer. — This anecdote of Cranmer is the original of a passage 
in Shokspere's flirni-y (fte £^pArt. in which Dr, Butts tells the King: — 
Dr. BulU. I'll Bhov your Onwe the stnuigest aiglit 

I think jDUr HighocB uw Ihia uunj ■ daj. 
There, mj Lord,— 

ThH high protDDlioQ of bin Qnce uf Cmnlerljuij, 
Who holdi his aliite at rloof, 'moiigul jiunuivauUi, 
PogEB, and laoVnij*. 



PagB 2. Murs of Haunodt and qaern Philippa. — In the pedigree of Mojno 

wc read tb&t sir John Iklnync, nlio died about 140S, mBrried. JiHtn duiighter 
and heir of John Belvale, by KBthii,riiie, nurie to Philippa queen ofEdward 
JTl. (Ilulchins, Hist, of Dorsetaliire, first edit. iii. 407.) Tliis sir John Mojne 
had two coheiresses, — Eliinbeth, married to William Stourlon esquire, ftither 
of the first lord Stourton ; ond Hester, married to sir William Itonville of 
Somersetshire. Sir William Mojne, lord of Sawtrej in Huntingdonshire, living 
20 Ric. II. was a brother to Bir John ; and, dying in 1404, was the subjeut of 
the epitaph in Sawtrey church {p- 3). To this sir William Moyue was mode 
the remarkHble surrender of the arms ofBeaumeys, (Argent, on a cross azure 
five gurbs or,) which is printed in the Visitation of Huntingdonshire, at p. 16. 
It was made bj Thomas Grendale of Featoo in the snme county, the cousin 
and heir of John (or Nicholas) Ifeaumeys, and was dated at Sawtrey on the 
22d Nov. IS Rie. IT. This was \ery shortly alter tiic snme Thomna nttc 
llethe, otherwise called Thomaa Grendalc of Fenton, had been founil the 
nearest heir of Nicholas Beauraeys, who had died without heirs of his body on 
the 24th Jan. 14 Ric. 11. Thomas Grcndsle wu the son of Cecilia, daughter 
of Margaret, daughter of Robert Beaumeys, father of William, father of John, 
father of Robert, father of Nicholas.* The estates in question were onevirgate 
and a half in Copmanford, and ten shillings rent of asaixe in Upton, held of the 
King as of the honour of Huntingdon as one twentieth jmrt of a knight's fee, 
and then in the King's band on account of the minority ufNicholas Beaumeys. 
(Inq. p. mort. held nt Huntingdon on Saturday afW the feast of the Circum- 
cision IS Hie. II.) 

Whether Moyne inherited any blood of Bcaumeys docs not appear ; but, na 
we find the family of Louthe quartering both lloyue and Beaumeya — on the 
monument at Cretingham, p. G, it mi^ht be presumed that they had formed a 
marriage with an heiress of Moyne, particularly ag they also assumed the Moynu 
crest. And yet no such marriage is represented by the impalements in pp. 2, 3, 
though it would seem that sir William Hoyne and a Louthe married sisters 
(Somayne ?) 

One is also led to suspect some connection between "Mary of Henawde," 
the wife of Roger Louthe, and Katharine, wife of John Belrole before-men- 
tioned, " nurse to queen Philippa." Could the consanguinity (as it was termed) 
with Lionel duke of Clarence, be that supposed to exist between the child of a . 
nurse and her foster-child? If Louthe hud married a coheir of Betrale, the 
family would probably have quartered the Belvale coat, which was Argent, a, 
chevron between ten billets sable. 

* Id the Visitation of Hunlingdonihire, p. 16, these nama will be 
tabular pedigree, but Horgaret is made the daughter of Niclialao, who reollj <li 



The two funilici of BeauniejB and Le Moyne bad been co-existent on tlie 
two manors of Sswtrey from Tery early times. In an anaient Teodary they 
were thus described : — 

"Dominus Robertus de Beaumes tenet opi tale man crinm de Beanmei in 
villa de Salterin de domino comite GloTcrniir, et est de feodo de Lovetot,* ^. 

" Dominus Willielmus le Moyne tenet manerium de Salteria le Moyne de 
abbate de Ramesey, et domiiius abbas de Rege." 

The two manors continued in subseqnent times to be named nfler their 
former owner) ; tbc former being also called Sawtrey Jnett, from the countess 
Judith widow of WaltUoof earl of Huntingdon, temp. Will. Conq. 

In Pbilipot's Stemmata, Coll. Arm, 75, is n pedigree of Moyne drawn for 
William lord Stourton in 1515, upon which is tricked a very remarkable seal, 
copied with the following memorandum ; " Willielmng Moigne de com' Hun- 
tingdon' miles, per chartam suam datam anno qninto Ricardi secundi, dedit 
Ricardo Revensherc clerico, Simoni Burle militi et aliis seiainam de manerila 
luia de Sautre, Ravele, Gjddyng, Luddington, et Reweye, &c. et djctte charts 
apposuit sigillnm suum ad arms tatcm qualem hie depinxi." The arms of 
Moigne on this seal are the two bars and three mullets on chief: by the aide 
of which is the ercst, placed on a helmet, which covers the head of a lion 
sejant \ the crest is in this instance a tall monk at whole length, holding his 
whip of penance over the shield: behind him is a long-legged bird. The 
legend: biqillvu willielmi moire. It will be remembered that the Stourtona 
(like the Louths) adopted this crest of a monk, and still continue to use ft 
device which now appears peculiarly appropriate to that eminent Roman 
CatboHc family. 

Page 26. It waa from Lyon key that Katharine dnchesa of Suffolk, having 
left her house called the Barbican, between four and five of the clock in the 
morning, embarked on her flight to the continent on the first of January, 
1654-5. See the narrative in Foxe's Actea and Monuments. 

Pages 43, 302. John Lateelka.—^he first arrest of this gentleman is thus 
mentioned in a letter of the council to secretary Petre, dated May 11, 1546 : 
" Ye shall perceive that Mr. Cromenotith in his aunswer, to be comeforled by 
oon Lasielles, whome we have in examination, — nat called apon Crome's de- 
tection, but because himself boosted abrode that he was desirous to be called 
to the counseill, and he would answer to the priche." (State Papers, 1830, 
i, 644.) A few days after, according to the same reporter, his confidence bad 

pp, 354, 3SG b. 
CAHD. 80C. 

or Lovctoft in Skwtrey chnroli (p. 2), Set rIm the T«ta d 




lelt him : for, under the c!aU? of the 14tb of Maj, it ia stftled^ 
wil not answere to that parte of bis conference with Cromc that toucheth 
Scripture iDUtler, witboute he have the Kinges majeBti.'g expretse coiiimande- 
mcnt, with hiii protection ; fur lie sayetli it is neither witilom nor e(]uitie that 
hi; shulil kyll himself. Thus you see his tUghoea must pardou, before fae 
kuowe if Mr. Ltwselles may have his will ) and in dede his answeres be tbcr- 
after." (p. SSO.) It is one of many iDatnnnce that occur of persons haviDg been 
intrapped by an incautious expression of their sentiments, from the perils of 
which the majority escaped by retractation or denial ; but the honest and con- 
scientious were mnde to suffer the penalty of their "obstinacy." 

Page 94. " The Ladi/ Elizabeth Fane's 21 Ptalmt and 103 Proxierbs" were 
prinleil by Robert Crowley in ISflO, 8vo. (Ames, Typographical Anlii^uitics, 
p. 7G0}. 1 have not traced any remaining copy of this book. — Ames, p. 1103, 
stiites that in 1563 John Charlwood had-liceace to print "a book of scrten 
Goiliy Prayers of Lady Fane's;" but on examining the entry Mr. Payne Col- 
lier found that the " lady Fane" was there a misreading for the lady June 
(Grey). Kegisters of the Stationers' Company, (Shakespeare Sou.) i. 85. 

Page 107. Banbury Olou. — This phrase is used by bishop Latimer in his 
letter to king Ueorj, printed by Foxe (edit. 1B96, p. 1590) ; when speaking 
of the Pharisaical prelates, he declares, " they have lure blinded your liege 
people and subjccle with their la wes, customs, ceremanjeR,and£anAirry^iuwsf, 
and furnished them with cursings, excommunications, and other corruptions — 
corrections I would say." See. 

Page 127, note. Deaperatr i?ie*.— This term occurs in doctor ThomtiB Wil- 
son's Art of Rhetorique, 15fi3, "niough men kept their goodes never so iJose, 
and loeke them up never so fust, yet ot\en times, either by guine niischaunce 
of fyre or other thinge, they arc lost, or «\eiit»pera(e Dit-kes burowi> now and 
tlien, against the owner's wille, all that ever he bathe." (f. 101.) Thomu 
Nosh, in his contest with Gabriel Uervey, calls Uicbard Hcrvey detperute Diet ; 
and in 1566-9 Robert Ealie had license " to prjnte a ballad intituled Deyttralt 
Dgdu." (Collier's Registers of the Stationers* Company, ii. 195.) 

Page 151. The Seven Si-ieacea Liberalt were personifed in one of the 
pageants presented to King Edward VI. in bis passage through London the 
day before his Coronation. See the description, with their poetical speeches, in 
The Literary Remains of King Edward Vi., pp. cclxxxiv. et ttq. Their natnea 
agree with the list cited in p. Ul from the title-page of James iluwell's 
Familiar Letters, and with tliosc represented in the annexed lacrsimile, which 
is cojiicd from a woodcut used by Richard Grallon, printer to King Edwaril 
Mie }Si.\th, in several of his wurkB, pni'tli'iihirly iu Mn rl luck's C'oucorduiice of 


Ibe Bible 1530, Wilson's Arte ofLogique 1351 and 1553, and probablj otliers 
(acB Dibdin'i editiun of Ames's Tjpogmphical Antiquities, vol. iii. pp. 471, 
474, 480.) 

Page 328. Prophecia on going ojotimej). — " Tbc people were grown unto 
sucU B folly tliat Bcant would tbey ride or go nny journL-y uiilesse tlit-y con- 
niilteil citlier with tlicir blind prnphela, or at tlie l»ast with tlioir propliexic^, 
whith yearly to no little burt, both to the fnith of Christ and wealth oftlii.' 
rimlm, were without ^I sbftme ditutged." A short trentiso, deelaring the dc- 
tostubln wickedneue of magicull sciences, lu necrotnancie, conjuration of 
■pirites, curinuse astrolo^ne, and sach lyke : by Franols Coxe ; supjioKcil lo 
have been Rrat published in I5HI. (Herbcrt't Ames, ii. 8M9.> 


Among the supplementary matter nt the end of Foxe's work, under ibe head 
of "God's punishment upon Persecutors nudContomnerB of the Gospel," are wme 
anecdotes communicated by William MaldoD, then of Newington, which arc thus 
introduced : " Mention was made, not long before, of one William Maldon, who 
in kinv Henry's time sulTcrcd stripes and Bcourgings for confessing the veritjr 
of God's true religion." But no previous luentiou of William Maldon is to be 
found. This shows that it had been Pose's intention to insert the following 
piper, written by Maldon, but that it was accidentally omitted. Had that 
course been taken designedly, it might have been deemed more to the credit 
of Fose'i discrimination, for as a record of personal suffering or of persecution 
this narrative will by many be considered us trilling and inslgiuficaDt. It ii 
the ordinary case of an arbitrary and passionate parent, exceeding the bounds 
of parental discipline, and defeating his own object, by undue violence. The 
lapse of three ceoturies, however, hu given it a different value: for many 
circumstances are incidentally noticed that are highly characteristic of the 
manners of the times, and particularly of the buiublcr ranks of the curly 
Protestants. The description of their flocking to hear the reading of the holy 
scriptures, when first promulgated in the vulgar tongue, is especially remark- 

This document has hitherto appeared only in an abridged form in Strype'i 
Memorials of Cranmer, p. 64. The original is in a detached portion of Foxe*i 
papers (see the Preface). The handwriting is above mediocrity, showing Wil- 
liam Ualilon to have been a person of some education. 

(MS. Harl. eaO, (ol. 77.) 
Grace, peace, and mercy from God our Father and from our lord Jesus 
Christ be with all them that love the gos[)cll of Jesus Christ unfeignedly (so be 
it) 1 Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, but unto tby name be all honour and 
glory I Jentyll rcdcr, understand that I do not take in hande to wryt« this 
lyCyll tratye as fotloweth of myoe owne provoking, hut 1 with another chanced 
to goe in the company of rar. Foxe, the gatherer together of this prete boke, and 
he desired us to tell hjm if wee knewe of any man that hod suflerod persecu- 
tion for the gospell of Jesus Christ, to that end he myght odd it unto the boka 



of marten.* Then said 1 that I kncwe one that vu whipped in king Heni'jcs 
time for it, of his fulher. Then he enquired of me his name. Then I bewrayed 
ftDd said it itas I myself, and tould him a pece of it. Then was bo desirous to 
have the whoie aurconiataiiec of it. Then I promyied hiro to wryght it, and aa 
I said to him, "Not for any vayne glory I will apeke, but unto the prayae and 
honour of our God, that worketh all in all men of all good gyfles that comeUi 
from above, unto whom be all honour and glory for erer in this lyfe and for 
ever in tha lyfe to eome {so bo it) ! " As I find by the brefe crownakill " that 
the bibiil of the sacred schrypteures waa sot forth < to be rede in all churches 
ID Ingelande by the lute worthy king Henry the viij"', (then was I about a nx 
jeares of i^e,) and iinedyntely after dyveres poore men in the towne of Chel- 
mysford Jn the county of Essex, where my father dwelled and I borne, and 
with him brought up, the sayd poorc men bought the Newe Testament of Jesus 
Christ,'' and on Sundays dyd sot redinge in lower endc of the church, and many 
wolde Hoke about them to heare thcyr redinge. Then I came amonge the sayd 
reders, to here their redyng of that glad and sweet tydyngs of the gospell. 
Then my father seying this, that I lystcned unto them everie sundaye, then 
cam he and sought me amonge them, and brought me awaye from the hering 
of them, and wolde have uie to say the Lattin maCtyna with hym, the which 
greved me very mych, and thus dyd fete me awaye divers times. Then I ace 
I could not be in reste. Then thought I, I will learoe to rede Englyshe, and 
then will I have tht; Newe Testament and rede ther on myself; and then had I 
learned of an English ' prymmor aa far as Patris aapyentia, and then on Sundays 
I plyed my Engelyah prymmer. 

The Maye tide following, I and my father's prontys Thomas Jeffrey layed 
our mony together and bought the Newe Testament in Engelish, and hydde 
it in our bed strawe, and so exersised it at convenient times. Then shortly 
after my father set me to the kepyng of n shop of haberdashery and grosary 

• Thi* ia one of Kvenl prooft Ihat ■' The Book of Martjn" 
an euly period of iu existence, of whioh olhen are noticed in 
» Pirhajw " A BnviaM Chroniele," printed by John Mychell; 

ailiu tills 


Sidf n. 

a hjin of mj Psther. John ij." 

" Sa IJ.4 MS. gu, Latin ? In a primer printed at Rouun in 1565, onlitlwl " Hcrenflor 

(olowotb the Prjtaer in Engljnfae and in LUin nitto oat along ; after the tk of Sarii. 

In edibns HoheRi Valtmliiij. M.O.Iv." the piece nf vrhicli Maldun epeitki will be found 

under the head of MUyni of the Crone, Patrit tapinlia, urUat diviiui, Dau iamo, 

I mjiCm at Kora mntutiHu, Etc. 


waTCB, bejng a bowe shott from Uis bowse, nnti there I plyed my boke. 
shortly nflcT I wolde begyn to speke of the schripturcB, undon ■ nyghtc about 
eight Hcloke my father sate sleopyng in it cbsyr, and my mother and I fell on 
resoRjng of the crncifjx, and oC the knclyng downe to it, and knokcynge od 
the breate, and holding ap our hnndea to it when it cam by on procession. Then 
sayd I, it was plain Idolatry, and plojuely agiuimte the commiuideraent nf Uud 
(when he sayeth) Thow ehalt not uinke to thyielf anye graven image, thou shalt 
not bow downe to it, nor worshyppu it. Then sayed she, " Thou thefts I if 
thj father knewe this, he would hange the. Wilte not thou vrorehippe 
the crosse ? and it was about the when thou neare cristened, a.nA niimt 
be laycd on the when thou art dcndc," with other talke. Tbco I went and 
hidde Frythes bolce on thc.Siicramunt,' and then I went to bede. And 
then my father nwakyd, and my mother toulde bim of our communycatyon. 
Then came he np to our chamber, with a grente rodde, and as I liarde 
hym eoming up I blessed me saying, " In the name of the Father, and of 
the Sonne, and of the Holy Ghoste, so be it." Then aayd my father to 
me, " Serra, who is your scholmaster f tell me." " Forsouthe, father, (said 1,) 
1 have no scholmaster but God, vher he saytb in bis commandment. Thou 
ahalt not make to thyself any graven image, thou sbalC not bow downe to it, 
nor worshyppe it." Then he took me by the heare of my beodc, with botlie 
his hundes, pullyd me out of the bede, behynJ Thomas Jeffrey's bake, he 
sytlyng up in his bedde. Then he hciitowed bis rodde on my body, and style 
wolde knowe my scholmaster ; and other then I sayd before he bad none of 
nie. And he sayd I spake againstc the King's injuntyons, and oa trewely a» 
the Lord liveth I rejoiced that I was betten for Christ's sake, and wcpte not 
one taare out of mine eyes, and I thynko 1 felto not the strypes, my rejoyjyng 
wa« BO much. And then uiy father sawe that wen be had betlen me inofc, he 
let mc goo, and I went to bedde agayne and shed not one tare out of myne 
eyes. " Surely (sayde my father,) be is past grace, for he wcpelh not for nil 
ihis." Then was he In twyse so much rage, and said, " Fcttc mt an haulier, I 
will surely hange him up, for as good I hange him up as another sliouMe." 
And when he sawe that nobody wolde goe, he went downe into his sfaopp, and 
brought up an baultcr, and the whyles he went, " A thou tbefc ! (sayd iny 
mother,) howe baato thou angeryd thy father I I never wwc hym so angary." 
" Mother, (said I,) I nm the more aorreyer he shoulde he so angary for this 
• Prolnhly "A bnke ma<l« by John Krilh, iiri»n«r in Iho Tower of Lonilon, 
■n>v«ringa unlo H. Moro'n leltor wlikli he wrote afcost tho Hnt liUo trnMjiK Ibal John 
frith niide eiinp«rniii^ Ihu Sacraniviil and Uin bwljr uiil bluuile of CtiriMn," &n Hnt 
printed tn 1233, ami rttH.-uif.1l} uniu yi-^n iJi-t, 


matter,** and then began I to weepe for the grefe of the lake of knowledge in 
them.* Then sajd my mother, ** Thomas Jefifary, aryse, and make the reddy, 
for I cannot tell what he will doe in his anger ;** and he sat up in his bede 
puttynge on of his clothys, and my father cometh up with the haulter, and my 
mother entretyd him to lett me alone, but in no wyse he wolde be intretyd» 
but putte the haulter aboute my neke, I lying in my bede: he putte the 
haulter about my neke, and pulled me with the haulter behynd the sayd 
Thomas Jefifaryes* bake, almoste clene oute of the bede.** Then my mother 
cryed out, and puUyed hym by the armes awaye ; and my brother Bycherd 
cryed out that laye on the other syde of me, and then my father let go his 
houlde, and let me alone and wente to bede. 

Henr. 8. 
(^Indorsed,) Receaved of W. Maldon, of Newyngton. 

■ " Wepyng tares I wrete this, to thynk the lake of knowledge in my father and mother ; 
they had thought they had done God good servise at that tyme. I troste he hath forgeven 
them.** — Side note. 

^ " I thynke yj. dayes after my neke greyed me with the puUyng of the haulter.** — 
Side note. 


Page 5, line ll,/<>r here read there. 

Page 149, line 22, for ther read then (tlian). 




t. Words. 
advoutrey, 50 
ale-bench, 271 
along (together), 349 note 
altogethers, 248 
armyt (hermit), 334 
assoile, 40 note 
axe (ask), 34, 45, 48, 56 
bards (of horses), 148 
beleve (by your leave), 184 
belyke (by like), 156 
a bowed (bent) groat, 121 
brast (burst), 155,317 
bridge (a landing place), 252 
brigandine, 167 
brokers in the law, 316 
calculation, 326 
to calke (calculate), 172 
calker, 159 
catchpole, 104 
chanlyng (changeling), 205 
chevance, 263 
€uet 324 
doynars, 316 

coUygeners (members of colleges), 316 
comoditie (advantage), 267 
constable, 38, 104 
conveyaunce, 109 
costerell or coustrell 322 
cow-cusen or cow-turd, 37 
creably, 18 
daiUy, 102 

I. Words— con/inued. 
defalcate, 49 
deny (refuse), 340 
desperate debts, 298 
detected, 32, 129 
detection, 345 
disple (or disciple), 289 
double-hearted, 137 
dubbed (my beard), 154 
dysard (professional fool), 318 
fasteme or vastem, 121 
father-name, 309 
favel, 160 
fawn upon, 49 
fawtor, 26 

fayrayes (fairies), 3i34 
fett (fetched), 80, 115, 1 16, 350 
forest-bill, 38, 211 
geare, 178 
glosynge, 231 
God a mercy, 15, 165 
good-fellow, 290 
good- wife, 197 
Gospeller, 155, 160, 324 
gossips (sponsors at baptism), 152 
gra mercy, 15 

hable (sble), 117 note, 338 
hand-gun, 82 

henchman or haunchman, 322 
heyho Rombelo, 29 
hoUock, 150 
horly burly, 78 ; hurle burle, 167 





I. Words — continued. 
horse-litter, 153 
hosteler, 100, 269 
howgh hoo, 67 
howse-end, 23 
impeach, 137 note 
indifferent (impartial), 274 
indurance (imprisonment), 255 
infamy (an), 269 
jugelar (juggler), 168 
kercher, 332 

knowen (carnally), 219, 220 
laches, 38 
lancequenets, 137 
lattin (metal called), 299 
legerdemayn, 109 note 
lord lieutenant, 1 68 note 
lovetyckes (love-tricks), 62 
loMtfryng (loitering), 182 
lubberdc, 36 
luske, 16, 59 
magistrall, 19 

marshal of the field, or, of the camp, 168 
mass-mongers, 316 
mast (for master), 325 
miser (a wretch), 32 
modirwife, 24 note 
molspade, 87 

mother (applied to a grandmother), 313 
murian or morion, 168 
necname (nick name), 73 
nigromancie, 314 
nosseled, 218 
ostler of an inn, 100 
pelting, 36 
philopony, 16 
placard, 332 
place (text), 73, 77 
poU-aze, 161,322 

poore-blind (purblind), or short-sighted f 240 
poulter, 331 
progeny (ancestry), 238 
promoter, 161 

I. Words — continued. 
quidites, 219 

rail (a double), 332 

reback, 148 

refricate, 117 

room (place or office), 321 

royster, 158 

rumbylowe, 29 

schoolyon, 60 

scryer, 333, 334 

seke (seek), to persecute, 169 

Serjeants, 44, 104 

shifter, 158 

speres, *' called men at arms," 321 

sort (a great), 195 ; such a sort (numbtr), 

209, 271' 
speke (speech), 183 
standeth me upon, 200 
stand with (withstand), 256 
stove, or sweating bath, 58 
styngers, 316 
supportacion, 30 

surray (sirrah), 140 ; syrra, 79 ; serra, 360 
swepestake, 265 
system (sisters), 229 
tall (gentleman), 36 
token, 56 
trade, 238 
triple-comet, 57 
Trojan, 250 
upholster, 85 
vastem or fastem, 121 
wahahowe, 67 
warden (pear), 34 
wench (a female child) ,171 
wheras (mMnmg whereat), 336 
zowche, 54 

II. Phrases. 

answer to the prick, 345 
Banbury glose, 106, 346 
bear in hand, 255 
black dog of Bungay, 51 

^^^^^^^^^^HP OLOSSABI 


make thee ready (drcBs), 351 ^H 

black guatil. .'■'0 

BomierpBUnch, SI 

a show to mock an ape withall, 120 ^^| 

bom In > faappf hour, MS 

walk naked in a net, 109 ^^| 

A bow Bhot (diatwice), 35U 

for the nonst (nonce T) 175 . ^H 

M it the cMt had lycked you cleine, 89 

chaDgingrour tippet uidturoiDg TOUT Co«t,l 18 

out of hand, 179, St5B ^H 

he out with his sword, 324 ^^M 

con you thanki, 1ST 

past gricc. 345 ^H 

corryfavell, 159 

as Peter followed Christ, tSB, 145 ^H 

cnfty convcyaunce, 108 

pilde priests. 62 ^^^^M 

ft cnftie crowntr, 109 

played the devil. 212 . ^^^^^^^M 


curry ftrour, 159 


* draperste Dick detirous to die, 137, S4fi 

228 ^^^^^H 

the king's prisoner, ^^^^^^^| 

ft dog-B m. 30 

gave a good report, SIS ^^^^^^^^^| 

drank u in npe, 337 

89 ^^^^^H 

turned bit face to the wall, 35 

round in the cii, 181, 184, 191 ^ 

two faces in one hood, 89, 100, 130 

ruffelynge roysters, 174 

bwn friendship. 62 

tlie BBchell of oblivion behind the bickc 

u he bad Bshed so be ihould fowl, lOli 

parte, 245 

no imaJl foole, 343 

Keale his doctrine with his blood, 131 

genUe reader, 86, 89, 120, kc. 348 

not to seek, 339 

too good (loo mueb} for him, 133, 13? 

shaven crown, 37, 63 ; shaven pate, 31 

hot gospeller, 159, 324 

a ing another song, 178 

grown out of knowledge, 213 

sing a new song, 181 

out of band, 179 

it standeth us (or me) upon, UT. 200 

atncU hi* itinking heart, 87 

sleep sweetly in ibc Lord, 36 

heavy friend. 207 

.tcrkc nowght (or su^/i naught) , 23 

you hide yourtelF among the buihei, 130 

the stoney ground, 33 

hucker mucker, lea 

alop.gallant, or, stoup knave and kuow thy 

hunt and hawk (a eouotry gwUeman't owu- 

master, B3 

palion) 36 

>Und to your tackle, 251 

the living God. 173.336 

mftke all things stmighl the world, 38 

the Lord llTeth. 335, 350 

to.lo{loodup(.). 154 

whether be knew. 6-1 

thick and three fold, 185 

Hftrian persecution, 57 

took your mark amiu, 337 

JKoriano lempora. Title-page 

tuting in the ear, 144 

to help up your market, 109 

twine or untwine, 61 

muklng mass, 81 

too old a trewant (Trojan t), 350 

mauing mmer, 193 

watethis plants, S13 

to make up your own mouth, IBS 

white son, 149 



J I. Phrases — c(mtinued. 
white witches, 174 
as a raYening wolf greedy of his prey» 104 ; 

looking as the wolf doth for a lamb, 188 
world without end, 149 
it is a world to see, 109 
worth as many pence as there be shillings in 

a groat, 90 
not worth a fly, 267 

III. Proverbs. 
Of all treasure 
Cunning is the flower, 63 
He that wylle in courte dwell 
must corye favelle, 159 

He thatt wylle in courte abyde 
must cory favelle bake and syde, 159 
Scarborough warning, 199 
Such a master, such a servant, 201 
The blind doth eat many a fly, 202 
Fast bind, fast flnd, 205 

IV. Oaths. 

by my faith, 337 

forsooth, 183, 188, 206, 270, 337, 350 

Godamercy, 15, 165 

by God's blood, 141,178 

by God*s body, 163 

God's passion, 179 

in the name of God 1 (a form of assent) 135,194 

by the Lord's foot, 1«7 

Mary, 140, 163, 165, 257, 266, 272 

by mass, 141 

by the holy mass, 185 

by saint Saviour, 334 

V. RsLiQious Names of Reproach. 
abbey lubberde, 36 

ape of Antichrist, 317 

Antichrist, 15, 233, 294, 315, 316, 317 bit 

Baal, 149 

Babylon (applied to Rome), 25 

Babylonian bondage, 56 

Balaamites, 28 

Egypt (applied to Rome), 25 

Egyptian darkness, 56 

the god of Northefoike, 330 

heretick, 141, 318, 336 

hot gospellers, 159, 324 

Jack in the box, 73 

massmonger, 316 

mumpsimus, 141 

Pharisee, 111, 141,316 

Round Robin, 73. 

sumpsimus, 141 

VI. Sobriquets. 

busking Palmer, 158 

great Guilliam, 143 

great Morgan and little Morgan, 174 

litUe Palmer, 824 

long Palmer, 158, 324 

lusty Younge, 158 

Dick of Dover, 227 

Mar-elm, 267 

Algrind, 267 

FiU-sack, 267 

the god of Northefoike, 330 

Trudgeover the world, 336 




A , J, lettw on Coinmer'. 

Austhorpe. 300 

Baro, a spirit, 332 

lul hour*. 225 

Austy, or Comwell, Thomas, 295 

Bartelot, Richard, 28S bii 

Abetol, lee Dabitole 

AvBlCi, KBaVales 

Barton. Elizabeth. 380, 281 

Ahingdon abbey, lurrender of, 

Ay Imer, bishop, nicknamed War- 

Balh, 9. 319 


elm, 267 ; letter attributed lo, 

John earl of, 139, 141 

Adami, orAldam, Jobn, 43, 307, 

Bayfield, Richard or Robert, 294 


Aytcough, Anne, ife Askew 

Bayly, Robert, 333 

BitEdvrard, 39, 300 

Alexander, keeper of Newgate, 

EliMbeth, 299 

Baynton, sir Edward. 264, 295 

and James hi) son, 147 

sir Francis, 39 

Faith, 299 


na, 173,326 

Jane. 40 

Bearing a fagot, 30, 294 

Allerton. Rajphe, 337 

Manha. 300 

Beaumys, arms, 6, 334; pedigree, 

Alley, William, 22 

sir William. 39, B49 


Allin. Rose, 65, 337 

Becon. Thomas, 31, 145, 218, 

Allyngton, mr. 46 

Babington, Krancia, Mary. Tho- 


Arobroie Waterduke, a apirit. 

masine, Zachary. 9— 13 

Bedford, John earl of, 42, I3S, 


Bacon, arms, 7 

140. 153. £57 

Amport, 71 

Lady Anne, 313 

Fnuicia carl of, tec Russell 

Andenon, air John. 333 

BndinBham. 5 

Anthony, Anthony. 305 ; journal 

Bixgenal, sit John, 391 ; Sir Ni- 

of, uvii 

choiu. 291; lir Ralph, ISS, 


Antwerp, 212, 31-1; the English 

290; sir Samuel, 290 

Bellaalt, dr. Anthony. 253 

Bdlinghara.Edi.ard, 331 

AptMtlea' maaa at St. Paul's, 288 

Baker, sir John. 187, 188. 296, 

Belvsle. Joan, John, 344 ; arms 

Article* of religion, im Sii Ar- 


of, ib. 


Baldwin, Francis, 195 

Arundel. Henry Earl of, 136,139, 

WUIlwn, his '■ Funerallw 

pressed, 382 

140, 142. 143, 170 

of Edward VI." 324 

Benefield, 67, 58 

archbi-hop, 294 

Bale, bishop, ivi, 6 1 . 387; extracts 

Benet. dr. William, 230, 243 

Aske's rebellion, 265 

Aikew, Anne, her family hiilory, 

a frantic PapssC in Ham|)sbire, 

Berkeley church, 10 

31S ] his playsaeted in Hamp- 

air Maurice, IG7 

racking of. 303: entertained 

shire and Kilkenny. 31 H 

Rowland, 66 

by Anne Harti pole, 313 

flalBham, 33.^ 

air William. 79, 80 

AilBClon, 218. 23B. 263 

Banbury. 297 

Berahere, Aagusline, 58 

family of, 2S0 

Banbury, of Stepney, 158, 160 

BeCtes, master, 293 

Aaple hall, 9 

Banbury glose, 105,346 

Aattology, 327 

Barber. 303 

Astronomy, science of, 173. 326, 

Bards of horses. 148 

Bible, painted out of the band of 


Barker, aliai Taylcr, John, 19 

king Henry. 288: eagerly read 

AUenborough, 31 

William. 13 

In churches, 349 

Auchier. sir Anthony, 335 

Barlow, bisliop William, 223, 236 

Bilncy, Thomas, 2S. 27, 66, 298 

Aongell, William, 3S 

Barnes, dr. Robert, 391, 298 

Bilaon, Leonard, dr. Thos. 108 




Bishops- book, tlie. 224, 24rt 

rrookt, sir Robert, 205 

Bishop's Sloke, 317 

Brooks, Jamea, D.D. 185 

2B4 ; subsetiuont history, 2GS ; 

Blackdogofnuns>y, ai 

Brown, Rlcbard, LL.B. 20 

BlBgge, sir George. 41,303.306, 

Browne, sir Anthony. 139, 212, 



Canterbury school, 273 

Bleui forest, 2GG 

air John, 228 

Capon, hiahop, 72, 74 

Anthony , 337 

Careles, EliOTbclh,68; John, 58, 

4,302; BirThomu. 4; John. 

Brussels, 339 



Brydges. sir John, 144, 228 

Cirew, Anne, 152 

Bluntc, mr. 20S 

sirRichnrd. 341 

sir I'rsncis, 152 

Bocking, dr. Etlward. 260, -dUl 

sir Thomas, 144, 117. 228, 

sir George, 147, US 

Bolcyne, queen Anne, 52, 291, 

sir Nicholas, 152 

305 J coronation of, 250 1 eie- 

BryascCTsilor), air. 81.318 

sir Peter, 148 

cution. 2H3 

flrysto. one or the guard. 148 

mr. 171 

Bolles, Agnei, Lucy, 3y9 ; Wil- 

Brytlyne, porter of the Marshal- 

Came, dr. Edward. 220 

liam, Sa, 299 

sea, 184 

Bolton, John, 87, 90, 3C 

Buckingham, Henry duke of, 292 

Bonner, bi.hop. 65, 138. 147, 

Bullinghsm, bp. John, bp. Nicho- 

295 : hii personal apiiearancc. 

las, Richard, Thomas, 65 

Castle Hedingham, 1,3 


Bungay, black dog of, 51 

Catchpole, 104 

Bonner's eool-house at tiic Mar- 

Burdett, Clement, 95, 126. 319 

Cave, dr. 236 

Burghley. lord, we Cecill 

Cnvendiih, William, 2M 

Bon»Ule, lle«tcr, air William, 

Hurgoync, Christopher, 206 


Burning the hand, 65, 337 

Cecill, sir William. 58. 76, 78, 

Oooki, built uii in a w»U, 171 

Burton, mr, 24 

BoBloek. Lancelot, 291 

Butcher, John, 310 

Parker, 33g 

Boulogne, 137, 14a, 279 

BuUer, Edward, 123,330 

Chadsey, WiUiun, D.D. 166 

Bourn, >ir John, 68, 134, 138, 

Butts, dr. William. 253, 256,343 

139, 140, 142, 143 

Buxton, 5 

Challoner, mr. 333 

lady, 68 

Champenes, 295 

Bourne, Anthony, 68, 142 

ChandoB. set Brydgei 

bishop Gilbert, 14a, 287 

Cage nt Reading, 114 

Charcoal, al, 150 

Bourne, John, mayor of Reading, 

Calais, 136,239,283; the garri- 

Charing crosl, 2BB 


son of, 321 

Chsriys. keeper of CmbridKC 

Bowes, sir Martin, 40 

Calculation, 3S6 

castle, 199 

sir Robert, I -18 

Calton. mr. 197 

Charms, 326 

Bowls, playing al, 3->7 

Calvelcy, sir George, 169; air 

Bowyer, Robert, 90 

Hugh, 42, 169; John, 169 

Cheke,air John, 146 

BoKley, roodof, 286 

Cambridge; Benet college, 8, 47 ; 

Chcltnaford, 337. 348 

Bnban, 315, 316 

Chereey, grocer, 270 

Bradford, John, !i3. 145 

GuUe, 36, I'JO; Dolphin inn. 

Chester, air William, 298 

Bray. Edmund lord, Elizabeth, 

240; the Grif&n inn, 197; 

Cheyne, air John. 21 

162, John lord. 170 

Jesus college ift. 

Chidley, Robert. 153 

Brentwood, 212 

Cambridge university. sU learned 

Chipping Norton, 21 

BreretoQ, Ran die, 283 

men consulted on the divorce, 

Chipping Ongal', 45, 46, 235 

Brewster, William, 2y5 

216;piague there. 240 

Chlslct parte 265, 266 

Brian, lir Robert, 334 

Campegius, cardinal. 340 

Cholmtey, 147 

Brigandine, 166 

Candle, test uf burning with a, 65, 

Cholaey. 320 

Briggs, Simon. 236. 341 


Christchurch Twinham, 72 

Briglit. dr. Timolby, 18 

Caiitcrhury, 279 ; St. Augustme's 

Bristol, 31 

monastery, 283 i visitation of. 

Brooke, aiwu Organ makor, Alice, 

384; Christ Church. 264; re- 

Cirencester, 89 

Micholai, OUver. 62 

Clarence, Uonel duke o^ 1, 35, 

— — Hargaret, sir Kicliard, I4S 

prior's bouse burnt, 282 ; pri- 




CHiAe. mutet Joba, 293, 394 

his -ColleclionB of Law, 2B1 ; 

Danlell, John, 163 

Gierke, John, a ptopheiier, 314, 

circumstance, of his signing 



king Edward'- will, 226 ; hii 

Dapres the dicer, 168 

Clinli, the, 49 

last speech, 229; his wife, 2«: 

Darcy of Chiche. Thomas lord. 

Clinton, lord, 1C8 

his arms, 23)4. 2S0; Horicc's 


Clopton, Eiis»beth, Frances, 4 

anecilbles. 234—272; his con- 

Darcy of the North, Thomw lord. 

Cabhsm, George lord, 166 

duct as to Canteitury school, 



273: forbids prcMhlng, 380; 

Dauuce, Henry. 171 

.irWilliani, 166 

inthronintlon. ib.; his Hrst 

Davis, John, imprisonment of, 

Codnor raitlc, 57 

60— E8, 315 

Colcbeeter, 210, 295, 32&. 336 i 

on gaint Thoiau' eve, 2ti5 ; 

Dnvye, John, 334 

read at Canterbury St. Paul's 

Day, John, printer, 69, B8, 147, 

Cole, dr. Htnry, 229 

epistle to the Hebrews, 286 ; 

172, 236 

Common Prayer, Book of, 2M. 

letter to Crumw»ll. aai ; his 

bp. George, 249 


book De non docenda Fratrla, 

Dawtrey, Jane, air Joho, 7^ 

338 : hia Collections from 

Debts, Speiate and Desperate, 298 

turbed at the ocecision ol 

the Holy Scriplurfs and the 

Dedham heath, 211 

queen Mary. ITS 

Fnthcrs, ib. 

Deighton, John. 69, 76 

Compter, ill Wood-atreet, t4(i 

mrs. 243 

Delves, George, 291 

Coropton, iiearWinchraler, 47 

Thomaa (son of the arch- 

Denley, John, 337 

bishop), 263 

Denny, sir Anthony, 237, 253, 


Cranmer hati. Line. 238 

a.M, 312; Joan lady, 312 

Crespin, Jean, his ActJones et 

Derby, earl of. 284 

Cooke, Anne, 313 

Dcrham, Francis, 259 

sir Anthony, 146, 313 

Creasly, mr. 240 

Dering, Richard, 2S0. 381 

John, register of Winches- 

Cretingham, 1, 4. ft, 7. 35 

Dicing, 174 

ter, 49 

Croft, sir Herbert, 142 

Dieulacrcs abbey, 290 

chsplain at Lincoln's inn.BB 

Crofcer, Thomaa, 19 

Diiney, lane, Richard, 40 ; his 

Cope,AlBU, 16 

Crnme, dr. 42, 298, 345 

children, 301 

■ sir Antliony, 236 

Ctondal. 319 

Dodding, Thomas William, fil 

Comellui Agrippa, 2H1 

Cross, or Cniciax, knechng to, 

209. 350 

Dover pier, 283 

ings.e; Edinrd,S: Pnine>*.n, 

CroKlon's wife, 334 

priory, 265 

TiBirJotin, S; John, T: Mot- 

Croydon, 157 

Downer, 101, 109,110 

gutrt,4,7 i epitaph, 6; Mary, 

pslace, 860, 267 

Drinking to atrangen, 19S 

7 ! Philip, 7 ; Richard, a. 7 ; 

Croydon completion, 51 

Drowrie, Tliomaa, 19 

sir ThomsB, 5; Thomas, J 

Crumwell, lord privy sesl, 5y, 

Droiford, 49 

Comwell, or Ansty, ThomiE.295 

147,248,271, 283,284, 327; 

Dryver, mr. 157 

Conlcy, as 

his ruin, 343 -. Morlce-a anec- 

Dudley, aliai Sutton, arma. Si 

Cossyncmr. 212 

dotes of, 236 ; letter of Cran- 

Katharine. 1,35; Edward Sut- 

Cotton, Thomas, ISU 

mtr to, 321 

ton, lord, K.G. his arms, 2 

Courtenay, Mary, sir William. 62 

sir Richard, 132 

Henry, 164, 171 

Coventry, 85, 163, 171 

Cryppyn, James, Marj-, 341 

air John, 147 

Coverdale, Miles, 295 

Crystal, magic, 333 

MB Northumberland 

Coie, dr. S&3 

Culpepper, maater, 147 

Duke. Anne, John, 3DS 

Leonard, 107, 108, 109, 

Cunnine. couplet on, 63 

129 1 letters patent granted 

Dunkirk, 215 

to, 319 

Dunataple, 222 

bp. Richard, 138,236 

Dabitote. Humphrey,Richard,61, 

Duraut, .135 

WUliam, 101, 109, 110 


Durham place, 242; mint at, 334 

CraddDck, John, 81 

Dade, arms, 7 

Dusgatc, master, 237 

Cranmer, archbishop, 72 ; his le- 

Dalaber, Anthony. 22, 293 

Dyblye, William, 96, 126 

nity towards papists, 157, 246 ; 

Dale the promoter, 161 

Dyer, sit James, 206 

the life and death of, 21 8—233 ; 

Dancing at court. ITO 

Dymoke, Henry, 15 

Etgte*. George, 211, 33C 

£uter, houaeUlDB U, 149 

EdmondM, Williun, 90, 97, 99, 
123,1!4| hl« wife, lie 

Edon, muter, 293 

Idwud VI. duke of SomerHt'a 
tpp«l to, 80 ; fftltc report of 
his death, 1 73 ; circumltincea 
of Cltiimer's lignature to hit 
will. 326; cilted "b poor 
child," 317 ; hia worthy edu- 
cation, 317; hit inquiry re- 
spectins St< George, 323 ; 

Elizabeth, princcea, 53, 136 ; Bent 
a prisoner to Woodstock, 288; 
her praiae u queen, H2 

Elmsted, 211 

Ely, of Broienose, 229 

Emeroda, of silver or gold, 25 

Englefleld, let Ingfefleld 

Erumus, 219, 227,283 

Erith bolt, 23 

Eutx, Thomna Cmmwell, earl 
of, ire Ciumwell 

Eton aehool, 239 

Euer, Richard, 67, 315 

E*erby Thorpe, 300 

Ejebright, tlie herb, 62 

F»got, carrying «, 20. 234 
Fane, Henrj, 94, »m Vane 
Farron, Laurence. 2 
Faslerne pnrt, HI 
Fiyre, muBtcr, 30G 
Feaala. certain, prohibited, 28.") 
FeereElde, mr. 6B 
Feirar, bp. Robert, 293 
Ferrera, George, 163. 1G4, 166 


Walter lord, 138 

Finch, Katharine, air Willlaai. b2 
Fisher, blihop, execution of, 2B2 
FitzwilJiam, Anne (lady), 312; 

Jane (lady), 313 
PilxWilUuD, sir William, 298 
Fltiwilliamt, lord, 56 
Fluidera locli. tOl 
Fleet priMin, 143, 144, 173 
Fleming, Abrahkoi, SI 


Ford palace, 267 

Ford, William, 29 

Foitescue. sir Adrian, 31, 299 

FbrtunG'teliing, 174 

Foster, Williun, 46 

Foule, Thomaa, 58 

Foxe, bishop Edward 24i. 294 

FoxE, John, an inattenTire editor, 
li, ixi ; life by bis son, xil i 
descent ot hU MSS. it ; his 
veracity and the general cha- 
racter of hit Book of Martyrs, 
xxil ; mentioned. 14, 15. 16, 
17. 19, 141; his Oxford career. 
59, xii; his "Acteaand Mo- 
numents," called the Book of 
Martyrs, 69. 349; his treatment 
of Thomaa Thackham, 86. 92 ; 
omitted much in second edi- 
tion that by oversight escaped 
him in the first, 92; a godly 
preacher and his so famous a 
work, 119; a moat excellent 
Jewel of our e^ic, and principl] 
pillarof religion, 120; Morice's 
contributions to, 33S: hia mo- 
dlficaliona thereof, 262, 255 

bishop Richard, 250 

Frances, Henry, 48 

Freer, master. 293, 294 

Friars, expelled throughout Eng- 
land. 281 

Frisk ney, 390 

Frith, John, 18,27.56,276,293, 
298; bis Diaputaclon of Purga- 
tory, 58; book on the Sacra- 

Fulham|2t;; the Holy oak be- 
side, 333 
Futter, arms, 7 

Gage, air John, 139. 140, 143, 

144, 166, 167 
Gainsfotd, Anne, S2 el Mf. ; air 

John, 52; Katharine, 52; 

Mary, 52 
Galant. John, 95 
Gardyner, biahop. 4 1 , 48. 49. 71, 

72. 76. S3. 152. 16B, I7B et 
itq., 201 ; conduct in riiling 
through London. SOS ; 220, 
222. 223, 241, S4«, 250, 290, 
294, 303, SD9, 335, 342 j hit 

translation of Luke and Jot 

277; bis personal hablu. 1 M 

Garrard, sir William, 134, I" 

Garret, Thomas. 293, 294 
Gascoigne, George, 33& ; 

Guton, the lawyer, 174, 33S^ 

Gatefurd, 43' 

Gateley, 100. 109. 110, I) l>, 117 

Gates, sir Henry, 323 ; air Oegf- 

frey, 28 
Geffery, see Jeffrey 
Geneva, 84, H6 
Genevian party, 155 
Gentlemen Pensioners. 

of the band of, 320 
Gilby, Anthony, 84 
Gloucester, 18, 31 1 

Godsalve, air John, 327 
Godatone, 334 
Goffe, Peter, Gi 
Gold, Henry. 280 
Goldstone, 334 
Goldwell, Thomas, 283, 339 
Goodrich, bishop Thoma*, 223 
Good works, 181 
Goalyng. Thomaa, 333 
Goatwyck,ai[Joha,25l, !53,>AI 
Gotham . 9 

Grafton, Richard, 244,346 
Graveaend, 212,214 
Grendali, Thomas, 344 
Greaham, air John, 171 1 

Thomai, 151 
Greenwich, 323 
GreviUc, sir Giles, 299 
Grey. Lady Jane, ire Jane 
Griffin, bishop Maurice, 33T 
Griffith, mr. 7'! 
Grig, a prophet, 331 
Grindal, trebblshup, 228 ; aOti 

Al-grind. 2C7 
Groom-porter, ofiBce of. 6 
Gryffyn, Edward, 4G, 306, 226 
Gwent, dr. Riehanl, 29R 




H«le». lir John, 336 

Herd, mr. 338 

Jaoe, dr. 339 

Hall, mr. Robert, 333 

Hereford, Waller Tiacount, 138 

(Grey or Dudley) queen, 

HkIi, i» H>wu 

Heretics known by their phmae- 

het marriage. 136; her elc*a. 

ology. 336 

lion to be queen. so, 23.^226: 

t.»t doctrine.. 3 15 

Hering, JuUnt, 85 

Humpion. 100, 101 

Her«ey, Edmund, IiabelU, 162; 

Guilfonl Underhill, IS2 

Himptoncourt. IJ3, 341 

John, 333 

(Seymour) queen, m.r- 

Hincock, Thom«». «uto-blopii- 

atte-Hethe, Thomas, 344 

riage, 283: at Canterbury, ifc.; 

phical nwmtive of, 71—8*; 

Hicfcley, iir John. 333 

death or, IS5 

nolM, 315 J Gedeon, Sinh, 84 

Hlcka. Henry, 20 

Jeffrey, Thomas, 349, 360; dr. 

Handfun, 61 

HiRbgste, hermitage at, 334 

WilUam,74. 118. 136 

H.rdlng, Thom«t, 5i5. S6 

Hilsey. bishop John. 386 

Jennings, WillUm, 21 

Hsrley, biihop of Herelord, 85 


Jennjngea, mrs. 35 

_ HarpsB«ld. John, 47 

Hiochinbroke, 1*8 

Jewel.dr.John. 21, 22,55 

1 Nicholu. 16 

Hoby, 8irPtuiip,3l4 

loanes, Frances, Thomaa, 1 23 

■ Hirronr-on-theHiU, 2G4 

Holcroft, BIT John, 302 

Jodocu.. 227 

■ Hkraton, mr. Hcnn-, 323 

sirThomaa, 187, 196,210 

John Boone and Mast Parson, 

r Halt. Anne, John, 341 

HoUoek, 150 


HarlgUli, murder of, nvi 

Honne, mMter. 297 

Johnson, Alice, 62 

HBrtipole. Anne. 313 ; Richard, 

Hooper, bishop. 19, 31, 158, ZM, 

John. Otliwell, 305 



Robert, 61,67 

Hlfjey, Henry. LL.D. 177 

Home, Christopher. 70 

Thomas, 60, 63 

Harvye. Gervrde, 33C 

Edward, mirtyrdom of, 19 

Joliffe, Henry, 67. 316 

■ Harwich, 337 

bishop Rober^ 50 

Jonas, dr. Richard. 25 

■ Huting>,tir Edward, 134.1 43,144 

HorK-litter, 153 

Jones, dr. John. 9 

■ Henry liird, 134 

Horaenden, 99. 110, 133 

Julins. christian name of, as 

■ Hatfield, Agnea, Laurence. 216 

Horwode, William. 292 

Hoiller.meanlneor, 100, 369 

Katharine of Arragon, queen. 

■ •lrWillUni.57 

Hot gospeller., 159.324 

219; death of, 285 

■ Ha*;Und. WilUim, 7§ 

Howard, queen Katharine, 259 

KemjK, Bartholomew, Eli»betli, 

■ Hawes. or Hal>, Juhn, :i98 

lord William. 163 


^f Hiwkes, ThomaB, 1C3 

Howbrough, Rlchatd, 63 

Hawton, 9 

Hullier, John. 203. 206 

Kent, popish justices of, 351 ^m 

Hayes, 264 

Hungerford, mr. 181,184 

Hcadborough, I04 

Hunsdon, lord, 333 

Kettleby. 58 ^H 

Hearinf, armi, 7 

Hunt, John, 74 

Kcywortb, 9, 10 ^H 

Heat!., arthhahop, 61, 1«8, 236, 

Huntingdon, 195,205 

King's Book, the, 324. 3*8 ^H 

345. 295 

Francis earl nf. 134 

Kingston, sir Anthony, 1*7 ^H 

Hutscy, Anthony, 316. 253 

Kirkstall abbey, 263 ^H 

HdBham, tit Clement. 206 

lord, 285 

KnCTet, lady Anne, 93 ^H 

Henawd. Mary of. 1, 35. 344, 

Hulchlnaon, Rt^r, 174 

sir Anthony, 303, 304; sir Ed- ^H 


mond 313 ; William, 166, 168 ^H 

Henri d'Albrrt 11. king of Ka- 

Incent, dr. dean of St. Paul's, 

varre. 279 


Knole, 366 ^M 

Henry VIII. Ill, 14S; anccdulM 

Inglefidd, sir Prandi, 90. 95, 

Knollys family, 134 : sir Francis, ^H 

of, 25, 36,42,44; ilyted " Ihe 


113 ^M 

Institution of a Christian Han, 

KTme, Anne, Thomas, 39, 300: ^H 

connected with Crannier, 953. 

234. 248 

John, 300 ^H 

2»3, 260 ; puriKned to send 1ii> 

Ipswich, only twfo pricsU left in. 

dtiightei Mary to (ho Tower, 


rMn-iK-um, 57 ^H 

ass i hit taking Oilord and 

Isaac, Edward, 347.343 

Umbeth, 33i4,£48, 249,'277 ^H 

Knole, 266 ; vi»it. DoTcr. 

Ivc, Thnmai. 135, 144, 145, 146, 

■ bridge, 353 ^H 

283 : hii picture painted with 

Unam.orUlham, 302 ^H 

the bible defaced. 288 

:* ^ 

Underci, 133. 148, 169 ^^M 



Lane, sir Robert, 1 14 
Langporte, a black monk, 2U3 
Lascelles, John, 41, 302, 306, 

Mary, 43 

Latham, or l>anam, 802 
Latimer, bp. Hugh, 141, 223, 

337, 298 
Latin service, revival of the, 131 
Lawney, Thomas, 276 
Lawrance, Edmond, 188 
Layton, dr. Richard, 283 bit, 284 
Leader, sir Oliver, 196, 200, 204, 

206 ; funeral of, 836 
Leche street, at Worcester, 64 
Lee, archbp. Edward, 220 

Edward Dunne, 123 

Ralph, 98, 110, 128 

Legh, dr. Thomas, 253, 282 
Leicester, Robert earl of, 5 1 
Levyns, Christopher, 283 
Limehousc, or Limehurst, 134, 

140. 153, 156, 157, 210 
Lincoln, 203 
Lincoln's inn, 46, 58 
Lincolnshire, rebellion in, 284, 

Litany, English, L>hh 
Little ease, 189 
Littleton, master, 42 
Lloyd, sir John, priest, 334 
Lodge, sir Thomas, 298 
London, dr. John, 34, 282 
London, mode of election of 
members to parliament, 295 ; 
the city watch, 825; high price 
of wood, 150,824 

AUhallows Barking, 298; 

St. Bartholomew's, 295 ; hos* 
pital, 44, 182: St. Botulph's 
Bishopsgate, 29 «; Christ's hos- 
pital, 182; Charter house, 45; 
Coleman st. 171 ; Lion's key, 
26, 345 ; Long lane by Smith- 
field, 96; Ludgate, watch at, 
164, 324 ; St. Magnus church, 
169; St. Margaret's Eastcheap, 
23; St. Martin's Orgar, 23; 
St. Michael in the Ryal, 177 ; 
Montjoy house, 59 ; Newgate, 
325 ; St. Pancraa Soper lane, 
177; St. Paul's church, ex- 
hibitions of agility from its 
steeple at the coronatioiu of 

Edward VL and Mary, 155; 
struck with lightning in 1561, 
ib. ; the nave a place of con- 
course, 172 ; the apostles' 
mass, 288: penance of mar- 
ried priests in, 289; rood of 
Northen, 294 ; Paul's cross, 23, 
51, 272, 2H6, 295; Saddlers' 
hall, 40 ; Smithfield, burning of 
heretics in, 43 ; Soper lane end, 
297 ; Stocks* market, 145 ; St. 
Thomas's Hospital. 182 ; St. 
Thomas of Acres, 296 ; Wliit- 
tington college, 177, 178,335 ; 
Wood street, 161 ; ate Fleet 
prison, Lincoln's inn, Newgate, 

Longe, Joan, 131 

Longland, bishop John, 219, 293 

Lorraine, cardinal of, 279 

lyough borough, 82 

Louthc, arms, 3 ; quarteringR, 
6; branches of the family, 9, 
Anne, 1 , 4, 35, 302 ; Edith, 4 ; 
Edmund, 4, 6, 35, 292, 302 ; 
Elizabeth, 4, 5; Hun)frey, 9; 
John, biography of, 7 ; Latin 
verses by, 9; will, 10; anec- 
dotes, 15 ; letter probably 
written by, xix ; John, junior, 
9. 11; Katharine, 1, 35. 37; 
Lionel, 1,4, 5, 6 ; inquisition 
post mortem, 292; Margaret, 
4, 5, 292 ; Mary, 1 ; Mary 
[alias Babington), 9, 10; Pe- 
ter, 10; Robert, 10; Roger, 
I; Simon, 293; Thomas, 1, 4, 
6, 35 ; inc}. pott mortem, 292 ; 
Thomaaine, 292 ; William, 9 

Lovanian lusk, 16, 59 

Lovelace, William, 21, 22 

lx>vetoft, arms, 2, 345 

Lowth, embroiderer, 334 ; bishop 
Robert, 292 

Luke, doctor, tee Shepherd 

Lute, 137, 149 

Luther, 295, 298 

Lynnc, 335 

Lyster, sir Michael, sir Richard, 
74 ; Jane, 75 

MacheU, John, 398 
Maidstone, 367 
Maier, 834 

Maldon, 12 

William, his cruel tFe«t- 

ment from his fkther, 848 

Man, John, S3, 84 

Man-midwifery, 24 

Manwood, Roger, 889 

Marb^k, John. 96, 846 

Marchc, mr. 167 

Markham, sir John, 173 

Marshalsea priiod, 184 

Marty n, dr. Thomas, 180, 187 

Mary, queen, king Henry tlunest- 
ened to tend her to the Tower, 
259; her iccetsion, 80; pro- 
claimed in London, 153 ; in 
Oxford, 80; her coming to the 
Tower, 134 ; first proclamatioii 
on religion, 81 ; her genenU 
pardon, 83 ; coronation pro- 
cession, 154; her marriage, 
168; her dancing, 170; riding 
through Cheapside, 209 1^ dis- 
inherited by Edward, 335 ; her 
treatment of Cranmer, 336; 
her belly laid out, 389 
queen of Scots, xx 

Maryan persecution, 57 

Marriage contracts, Bale's cen- 
sure of, 39 

Mason, sir John, 139, 140, 836 

Mervyn, sir Edward, 68 

Molineux. arms and qoirterings,? 

Monk, crost of a, 345 

Monmouth, Humphrey, 398 

Moore, clerk of the check of the 
gentlemen pensioners, 163 

Henry, abbot of Tower bill, 


Mordaunt, sir John, 887 

More, ISdward, 34 

John, 108, 121 

sir Thomas, 26, 28 1 execu- 
tion of, 382 

Morgan, Christopher, 334; Ri- 
chard, seijeant-at-law,189,140; 
of Salisbury court, 158, 174 ; 
Thomas his brother, 174 

Morice, James, 45, 335 ; sir John, 
235; Ralph, 46; memoirs of, 
and his writings, 386, 841, 
343; hisdaaghters,341; WU* 
Uam, 45, 361 

Morion, 168 

MorUake, 864 


Horweo, hU WKi on bliho|> 


Parry, sir Thomaa, 31 

Gviyatt, 85 

cation to,SlS,aifin« Dudley 

Anne, air Thomas, 299 

MoryiiB..irHichird, HO 

North well. John, 7H, 81 

Pnrton, Thomas, 61 

Mountjojr houie, 69 

Norwich, 33S 

Partridge, sir Milci, I5B 

Mouse, Mting the hMt, Hueitiiin 

Paul's cross, «» London 


l>eckham, Henry, 163 

MownUyne, Richard. 117 

Pelican in her piety, lAO, 349 

~— ThomM, the trouhlPi of, 

177—817, 3.15 

Ogle. Edmund, 3SGi Richard, 313 

Henry eirl of, 131 ; William 

Moyer, John, S7, 9C ; Itttec to 

Okyng, dr. Eubert, 72 

e«rlof. 21,1&2. 150 

ThomM Purye, sa. 95, no 

Opilio, j« Shepherd 

Moyle. .ir Thomw. 137.343 

Organmaker. aliiu Brook. Alice. 

Penance ot married priests at St. 

Moyne. wmi tnd crest, 3, li ; «ir 

Nicholas. Oliver. 61 

Paul's, isy 

John, iit Wlllitm, 344 

Ofleana. 84 

Pendleton, Henry, D-D. IBG 

UuIbo. iroii. 2, 6; An»t, 1. 4. 


Penshunt, 94 

3i ; Vent. 36 ; lir Edmund, 

OibertDii, saw 

Pentecost, Thomas, 286 

35 : Thomas. 1 ; WiUi«m. 4 

Diiander, 243 

Perlebenmc, 56 

Mummath, tte Montnoulh 

Otfort. 26fi 

Perrins, Johanna, Thomas, 133 1 

Otterden, ur Beienian, Nicholas, 

John, 153 

MrlKiK, Rkhird, aM 


Perry, •« Purye 

Owldring. Thoma., 334 

Peter. John, 147 

Oiford. Ifl.ftB; scarcity in IS55, 

Petit. John, IS, 396! wUl of. 

Nanurs, inst«nCB of two ynena- 

296; Lucy. 29, 28, 396; Au- 

mina, \33 

Mary at. S0( Magdalen collage. 

drey and Blanche. 28 ; Qcorge. 

NcthcTclief, Btviihen, 100 

85 i i;aidiliiil Woltey'i college. 


Petre, dr. William, 182,284 

Ihonj'. 361; «r EJwud, 152, 

nnivtrsity. lii learned men 

Philip, king, his dancing, tibrl 

IC3; Frwicei, 193 1 K»tli«. 

coniultwl on the divorce, S19 i 

tOin". IHI; ride through 

ritiF, 163: Richard. Thonrn*. 

the fcene of CraiitDer'* proae- 

Cheap, 109 -. lalmur made to 

SG3, 365 

cution.228; the flnt Protest. 

liave him crowned, 189 

NCTinion. dr. Stephen. 339 

ants of, 393 : Friswith'a col. 

Philippa, queen, 1, 344 

Nawbury. 19. 31, 96, 106, IIH, 

lege, ih. 

Philippes, gaoler in the Tower, 2T 

ISS, 334, 341 

eail of, 295 ; armi, W 

Philpol, archdeacon John, 7. 15. 

Nc*ent. 69, 70 

29, 47. 49 W sag., 93, 94, 313 

NewgUe iiriMii, 143 W f<i; 1I>3. 

l>.ce. ilr. Ridiard. 4f., 141 

sir Peter. 47 


Packinglon, Austen or Augu«- 

Pierrepont, Henry. 13 

Newman the irunmonioiri If-i; 

lin«, 347 : Robert, 296 

sir Willi«„. 30 

John, 3-67 

Paget, William lord, 139, 140 1 

Pilgrimages prohibited, 381 ; di- 

conoives at r coiyuror heing 

vination before going, 337 

NictnamM, tatirinl. 367, 350 

consul led, 33 1 . 331 

Pilkington, bishop. 156 

Nine worlhiei, pageant ot. UM 

Piinted cloths, 105 

Pinner. 264 

Non-reaidenc* of tha cIctrt, 191 

Palm borneon l-alm Sunday, 28J 

Placard, 333 

Norfolk, Thon>w duke of, 5, at.%. 

Palmer, Julins.B5 -■(«■,.. 341 

Plankney. Henry. 35 

276. UM, 314 

lirThomu. 147. 149, tSW; 

Pole, cardinal, 209, 289, 339 

Norm, Henrr, 1 Si. 283, 39:1 

called " busking " and " long 

Pole-aiea, 323 

John, IKK, \G9 

Palmer." ir.Ri little, 324 

Ponet, bishop John, 49 

North, Edward lord, 2G4 

Papitls and Proteitani), 141 

Poole. 77 rt wq. ; church, 81 

Northampton, 130, I2(j 

Paris, 84 

Pope, his authority and name 

marqueu o(, 146. 32-J 

Parker, aichbp. 134, 351, 365, 

269 1 letter* of, 33B 

Porcheslcr. i 

134, L44, IfiS, 323 ; unpa- 

John, It 

Porter, arm* of, 133 : Agnea 

pularitr ot, 226 ) Brchh|>. Cran- 

Parliament ot queen Mary, JBS 

Thomas, 131 

mei'a occupUiou with, 247 i 

Parr, (lueen Katharine, 305 

Portinan, air William, 68 

rtiident at O»ford, 1)66 j Irtttr 

Pury, Henry, 31, S2 

Potter, 333 



Poulet, lady Margaret, VJ 

Poynings, sir Thomas, 147 

Poynter, mr. 167 

Poyntz, sir Gabriel, Thomas, 235 

PriestSy required to put away 
their wives by the act of Six 
articles, 276; would have other 
men's wives, 36, 36, 276 ; 
" the old Mumpsimtui" 141 ; 
only two left in Ipswich, 289 ; 
penance t>f married priests at 
St. Paul's, ib. 

Proctor, James, 188 

Promoters, 161, 213 

Prophecies respecting Anne Bo- 
leyne, 62 ; on going a journey, 
328, 347 

Prophets, 331, 334 

Protestants, 141 ; the first in Dor- 
setshire, 77 ; the first at Ox- 
ford, 293 ; in the city of Lon- 
don, 296, 298 ; at the court 
of Henry VIII. 311; concealed 
in Mary's reign, 149 

Psalm, the 50th, used for divina- 
tion, 332, 334 

Purye, Thomas, 87, 88, 95, 110; 
letter to Foxe, 87 ; Katharine, 

Puttenham, George, Rose, 52 

Putto, of Colchester, 295 

Pyttyes, parson, 186 

Quynby, mr. 32 ; Anthony, ib. ; 
Robert, 33 


Rabetts, John, Mary, rev. Regi- 
nald, 7 

Rack, the, 188 

Racking of Anne Askew, 303 

Radclifife highway, 134 

Radcliffc, sir Humphrey, 161, 168, 

Radley, 293; John, 110 

Rainsford, William, 162 

. sir John, 148 

Ramsey abbey, 36, 148 

Raner, Adam, 216 

Raynold, dr. Thomas, 25 

Read, Anne, sir William, 229 

Reading, 334; the Bear, 104, 
126 ; the Cardinal's hat, 99, 
100; the cage, 114; the ab- 
bey, 96 ; royal palace and sta- 

bles at, 121, 124; frec-schoul, 
86; mastership of, 120—122, 

Rebeck, 148 

Record, Robert, 30, 150, 173 

Rede, Morgan, 78 

Repps, alias Rugge, bishop, 223 

Reynolds, dr. Robert, 7 1 

Rich, Hugh, 280 

Richard, 44, 273, 303, 304, 

307, 310,311 

Richmond and Derby, Margaret 
countess of, 235 

Ridges, John, 121 

Rigby, Richard, 280 

Ring, sent as a token of credit, 
66, 256, 270 

Robardes, mr. 287 

Robins, alias Morgan, Thomas, 

Rochester, sir Robert, 95, 152 

Rochford, lord, 283 

Rogers, John, 290, 335 

Rokeby, Ralph, 166 

Rolston, Lancelot, 12, 13 

Rood of Boxlcy, 286 ; rood of 
Northern, 294 

Rookwood, Nicholas, 1 66 

Roper, William, 46 

Rose, Thomas, 93 

Rouen, 84 

Rough, master, 58 

Rowdon, Frances, Richard, 168 

Roy, 298 

Royston, 193 

Rue, an antidote to poison, 22 

Rugge, alias Repps, bishop, 223 

Russell, Francis lord, 140 

John lord, 257, see Bed- 

Rutland, earl of, 145, 146 

Ryder, John, 96, 121 

Sackville, sir Richard, nick- 
named Pill-sick, 267 ; Rose, 
William, 52 

Sacrament of the altar, 68, 72, 
183 ; nicknames given to, 73 ; 
proclamation and act of par- 
liament in reference to such 
nicknames, 318 

Saints, *' blasphemed," 281 ; their 
feasts forbidden, 289; in the 

calendar of the Cburcb of 

England, 323, note 
Saint George, and King Edward 

the Sixth, anecdote of, 323; 

his ** History," ib. note 
St. Ive's, 292 

St. James's palace, 1G6, 2R7 
St. John, sir John, 148 
St. Leger, sir Anthony, 179, 273, 

St. Osythe's, 211, 337 bit. 
St. Paul, Jane, sir George, 40 
Salisbury, 72 et teq. 105, 113, 

124, 128 

John, 293 

Sampson, dr. Richard, 53, 55, 

Sandford, mr. 67 
Sandwich, 251 
Sandys, archbishop Edwin, 50, 

142, 342 
Saunderton, 123 
Sawtrey Beaumys, 1, 5, 6, 7, 

292, 344 ; Moygne, 35, 344 ; 

arms in the manor-house, 2 ;. 

abbey and rectories, 35, 148 
Scambler, bishop, 68 
Scarborough, 269 

warning, 199 

Scariot, a spirit, 332 
Scavenger's daughter, 189 
Schoolmasters, severity of, 239 
Scory, bishop John, 218, 227, 

228, 236 
Scott, Bartholomew, Marg;aret, 

Searchers of Gravesend, 212 
Segar, mr. 203, 209 
Sepulchre, the holy, on Good 

Friday, 287 
Serjeants, 104 
Seven sciences, 161, 346 
Seven Sleepers, feast of, 49 
Seymer, sir Thomas, 295 
Seymour, sir John, 283 
sir Thomas, 147, 148; his 

attack on Cranmer, 260 
Shakilton, Thomas, 334 
Shaxton, bishop Nicholas, 44, 

223, 248, 306 
Sheffield, Edmund lord, Marga- 
ret, sir Robert, 57 
Sheldon, William, 143 
Shelley, WUliam, 75 



Shepherd, Luke, 171,325 

Steward, dr. EdwanJ.7!, 72 

Thackhsm, Thomas, his defence 

Stierli!)', RJph, 7S 

SlUton, 392 

of his conduct towards Julius 

Shirler, s>i Ralph, 133 

Stokisley. bishop John, 220, 223, 

Palmer, 85 rl aeq. ; biogra- 

Shoreditch, 2a 

243, 298, 243 ; biog. note, and 

phical notices of, 131 ; a phy- 

5hoUe;, 5, 6 

anecdote reBpecline tranila- 

sician, 107, 129 

tiou of the Acts, 277 

-Thomas, of Dursley, 106, 

Shrill, on Shrove Tueiday, 287 

Stoke Clare, 334 


Sieve and »hMr». divination by. 

Stolen goods, divtnaUon for their 

Thames, a scene on the, 252 


recovery, 332 

Thcyer. John, 339 

Slugleton, S9T 

Stonynge, Thomas, l&B 

Thlkked, mr». 36 

•^— 'Hirry, 100 

Stop-gallant, 82 

Thirleby, bp.23C bJi,249 

Six Article*, the act of, ai4; 

Story, mr. 147.336 

Thomas, Wllliatn, 84 

other notices of. 61. 62.71. 

Stourton. Alice. William lord, 

Thornden, bp. Richard, 227, 33'J 

a7fl 1 Cranmer's oppoiilion 

47 ; Elizabeth, William. 344 ; 

Thorp. 300 

to, 237. 247 

Charles lord, xvi 

Thorpe. Thomas, 294 

Skelton. father and »n. 38 l Iht 

Stove, or ludorillc bath. 57 

Throckmorton, Anne lady, 152 i 

host, 325 

Siratford on the Bow. 160 

Clement, 163; Elizabelh, 9Si 

Skevineton. lir WiDUm, 1B9 

Slrypu. his intended life of Foxc, 

sir George, 143, 151, 163;Job, 

Skyppe, bishop Jahnu249 

Kiiii characlerofhis works. nvi 

163; sir John, 151,334; Ka- 

Smeaton, Mark, 2S3 

Stukeley.arms, 2, 6 ; Edith. John, 

Smith, Richard, S.T.P. 171; tlr 


163; Kenelm. 42, 302; Lio- 

Thomu, 331 

Suiraik. Charlc. Bruidon. duke 

nel. 40. 302 : Mary. 95 ; sir 

Smythe. vicar of Chri.lchurch 

of, hiji death. 82, 284 

Nicholas. 42, 152; lir Robert, 

Twinham, 72 

Henry Grey, duke of, 152 ; 

95; Simon. 302 

Somaynct armc, .t 

arrentof. 164 

Thynne, sir John, 3.13 

3om«. WyUe,318 

Katharine ducheas of, 312 

Token, of credit to a messenger. 

Somerset, duke of, 76, 78. 60, 

Suffolk-place. 173 

56, 256. 270 

173,333; counivet at a conju- 

Toll-shop of Worcester, 61 

ror being conaulted, 331, 333 

the king, 281 

Tomklns, Thomas, C5 

Sussex. Anne countess of, 3 12 

Tonfjeld. Robert, 396 

Sonnlng. 319 

Henry (nol Thomas) carl 

Tower of London, tixnsactiona 

Sorcery, 175, 333 

of, 139. 140, 143. 152, 161 

there at Mary's accession, 134 

Sutton in AshBeld, 12 

el uq. : Allen and Thomas 

counlesior, 312 

Sweating, tor health's sake. 57 

Morgan prisoners, 174; the 

Southo, 1. 292 

sickness. 82 

tack at, 188 

eoothwark, 210,212 

Symney. Richard. IS. 13 

Traheron, Bartholomew, 33, 93 

the Clink, 49 

Symper. George, 336 

Tregunwell, dr. John, 220 

Southwell, lir Richard, 9. 44, 

Sf msoD. Cuthbett, 189 

Troys. Agnes, Thomas, 47 


Syon. 76. 173 

Trudge-over-the-world,2ll. 336 

Richard, jun. 46 

Turner. Richard. 236, 343 

Speara, or ineD-at-arniE. 321 , 332 

Thomas. 123 

Speryne, lee Pernni 

Tttlhot, Robert, 33 

dr. William, 61 

Spilman. mr. 294 

Tanner, Malbias. 189 

Tumour. John, 333 

Tassell, William, 335 

Tusser, Thomas, 339 


Taunton deanery, 243 

Stafford, .ir Willieio, 322 

Tavemer, Richard, 293 1 his pro- 

Tyndale, William, 25, 55, 140. 

Staffoiton. mt. 323 

verbs, IGO 

141, 23S, 298: hii Obedience 

Stepheni, dr. 241 

T»yller,«irBry»e. Bl 

of a ChrislUn Man. .^3 

, Stepney, 45, 59, 134, 157. 158, 

Taylor, alii' Barker, John, 19, 

Tyrrell, Edmund. 65, 212, 337 


20 ; mr. 298 

Twychener, Thomas or Richard, 

Sternhold. Thomai, 48 

Taylour, William, 67 


Steward, of the church of Read- 

Tawt, justice John, 160 

inn, 124; of the church of 

Udall, mr. 186; Nicholas, 186, 

Worceater, 142 

TejTDtDn, Glouc. 70 

239, 293 






Uffculme, 82 

Ulster, Lionel earl of, 1, 35 
Underbill, Edward, biographical 
notice of, 132 ; his children, 
133 ; his autobiographical an- 
ecdotes, 134 — 176; intimate 
with the duke of Northuifiber- 
land, 144, 158; called the Hot- 
Gospeller, 160; his prayer, 175; 
verses, 176; his anecdote of 
King Edward and Saint George, 

Guilford, 133. 153 

Urmond, Jane, John, 303 

Vachell, Thomas, 06 
Vales, John, 16L, 171,214 
Vane, lady Elizabeth, 90, 93, 95; 

her Psalms and Proverbs, 346 ; 

sir Ralph, 94,321 
Vanwylder, Edw., Margaret, 341 
Vasternes, at Reading, 121 
Vaughan, Cuthbert, 166 
Verney, Edward, Francis, 171 

Waad, Armigill, 314 
Wackelyn, 186 
Waddington, Richard, 313 
Wadloe, 40, 47 
Wainaeet, 300 

Waidegrave, sir Edward, 95, 152 
Walker, or Fuller, ^^ 
Wallop, sir John. 148 
Walsingham, custom of kissing 

on returning from, 37 
Waltham abbey, 240 
Walthamstow, 28 
Warden pears, 34 

abbey, 34, 35 

Ware, and its inns, 192 
Warham, archbp. 56, 221, 244; 

arms of, 250 
Warren, W. 24 

Warter, curate of St Bride's, 1 88 
Watch, the city, 324 

Wattes, the king's grocer, 28; 

his daughter Lucy, \h. 
Webb, mr. priest, 46 
Welbeck, 30,263 
Welch, gaoler at Reading, 105, 

Weldon, 333 

Wentworth, Thomas lord, 139 
Westminster, Canon row, 57 
Weston, dean Hugh, 166, 228, 


mr. 283 

the luteplayer, 302 

Wfsynham, Thomas, 292 
Wever, Richard, 31 
Whalley, Richard, 30, 333 
Whitchurch, Edward, Margaret, 

White. Chiistopher, 301. 306; 

bp. John, 29, 30. 48 ; Richard, 

74; Thomas, 78,81,324 
Whitechapel, 171 
Whitehall, 254 
Whittington, 14 

Whocke. , 70 

Whorwood, Margaret, William, 

Whype, Thomas, 205 
Wicherley, Williani, a conjurer, 

examinations of, 331 
Wildbore, jirior, 341 
Williams, John lord, 80, 22k 

dr. John, 18, 20, 21 

Williamson, Robert, 299 

Willington, 251 

Wilson, clerk of the chancery , 336 

Wiltshire, earl of, 220, 242, 243 

Wimbourne, 79 

Winchester, marriage of queen 

Mary at, 169; college, 7, 15, 

29, 40. 55 

marquess of, 79,170 ; his 

jest respecting Saint George, 

Windsor forest, 333 
Wingham barton, 263 

Winter. Anne, 132, 136} Greorge, 

143 ; Gilbert, 136 ; Rob^ 

122, 136, 143 
Witchcraft, 173, 330 
Wolsey, cardinal, 52, 56, 240, 

293, 294; his college at Ox* 

ford, 240 
Wolvesey palace, 48 
Wood, high price of, 324 
Woodcock, official, 57 
Woodcocke's wife, a proph^teai, 

Woodhouse. 3 1 
Woodman. Richard, 336 
Woodmongers. 150,324 
Worcester, 60 et tf^. ; the toll* 

shop 65 ; clothing trade, 66 
Worksop, 299 
Wotton, 96 

Wotton-uftder-edge, 69 
Wotton, Brian, 32, 33 ; Edward, 

Wrangle, 300 
Wriothesley, lord, 34 
lord chancellor, 42, 43, 303, 

306, 307 
Wrottesley, Elizabeth, Thomat, 

Wyat, sir Thomas, 185, 267 ; in- 
cidents of his rebellion, \^i€i 

scq. ; his capture, 168 
Wythypolle, Paul, 296 
Wyne, Richard, 36 

Yarmouth, 334 

Yelverton. sir Christopher, 120 

Youle, Robert, 66 

Young, archbp. TbomM, 8 

Yownge, lusty, 158 

Zealand. 211 

Zouche, George, 52 — 58 | sir 

John, 52. 57 ; Margaret, 57 
Zuinglian faction, 155 


WesUniiuter : Printed by J. B. Nichols and Soot, 2&, Parliament Street. 

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